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DUTIES OF THE AMERICAN CITIZEN
.IN THE PRESENT CRISIS
These duties are many. But at present we
-hall mention only four, viz :
1. Sustain the Constitution and Caws, and the
Government that administers them.
Men who regard the war as a ruinous enor,
conceived in wrong on the part of the Ninth,
nid resulting necessarily in ddiiger it not dt
-truction to the best interests ot the country,—
tre nevertheless Ametican citizens, arid as such
iwe allegiance to the government undei which
they live. The bitterness ol party leelitig is
doubtless one of the causes oft he war. That same j
dtteiness leads to branding astiaitors men who
adhere to old and tried principles. L-t not the
same bitterness affect true men who differ from
the party in power. Let them seek by ail prop
er means to changp the war-spirit of the day.
and i! it may be, to induce a peace policy on the
part of the government but tailing in this,
let them be submissive to ifs decrees, and
vield loan" lawful dt rronds it irnv make
upon them, oi upon theii property. Such pa
triotism is nobler than the Iro'h of men who ■
tiave not corn age lo tesi.sl p -polar cries ; infi- i
nitely nobler than that ct men who .stand aloof j
Hi m the battle, shouting the war-cry from ni
afe distance,—at the same time firing treaeh- J
roiis shots at the President, the Lieutenant'
tieneral and the whole (iovernnieiit, and lining i
their own pockets with public plunder.
■J. Discountenance every literal una unco ash- j
t'dional act, whether committed by wn high
or tow in office, or by the private citizen. — i
Jealous/y guard against every attempt 'o
trample on the rights and immunities of in- i
dividuals. i
This principle Is the American's as it was tlie
Englishman's birthright. We can never yield
;t, until we yield ourliberlies forever. It is a
principle that was born in times ol war, and was
reproduced in our own country among the fires
it Revolution. It is a good principle in times
it peace ; it is infinitely more valuable in times
hke the present, when popular passions may at
.my moment ruin the liberties ol the citizen.—
I'lie principle is ol little vaiue nay, ol no val
ue at all —il it is only good in calm and quiet
tunes, and in its place the doctrine is adopted
lital in war times the Constitution, the rights
and immunities of citizens, may be overridden
■ \ the officers ol government for the occasion,
'-•u'lh a doctrine has been iaid down in these
■i v , and f lie fruits of it have already been seen
>:i the desecration of the Habeas Corpus, the
• izure and of pi*vale papers of
,'t .iceable citizens without warrant or process
' i.iw, the arrest of citizens lot circulating pe
nis to the government, the increase of the
rid.ir army without law (and without necess
y. -irice volunteer forces would supply the
' injorary want,) not to name other acts of iti
• i kills holding offices which are ol doubtful
\lity. These violations of right are conce
on all hands to be unconstitutional ami il
gai, but are t'Ki u.-.ed as gtowing out of the ue
if? of the times arid the popular assent to
■ not only indicates the danger of permk
-* !:.• n but lias ted to fhe open advocacy by
jijvrs, of the doctrine that Congress shall
no attention to the "technicalities of the
oi.'Mulion," but enact laws for the limeS,
'itiiout regard to their limited powers. One
P more in the .-ame fftrccl ion, would bring us
- .c absolute tyranny ola Revolutionary
' "'jinimttee. Ere we are aware, we may have
Congiess, r.o Executive of the iaws, no Oon
.. ;onal Government, but in its place a Corn
eu: • of Safety, a Convention of Democrats, —
'• publicans—ied or black, —and the rest, his
•ry has once or tw ice already recorded.
! i advocate the laying down of arm on
lr >tlt iKi'.-s, and Ihf ntaoiialion of peace, on
<ck tf.n.i at wise and Iruslo ortky represen
tatives of the not>mi shall advise and rou
■ludt upon.
i iete is no possibility of clo ing our eyes to
'art !h ;t this is now a war of section ag.iin-l
' i ; an f every day that i? continues, wi
■"i the gulf between the two. It is generat
• admitted that il the States now loniiing the
Jthern Confederacy had united in an express
uii o! tiieir uexire to separate lioin the Ameri
• nnn, and i s farm a government of their
n, tin. wish, properly expressed, would have
••""lan-b ' tii* .-penttnl conn h-rvstion of the o
n,fe i no liirone here' to < laim
"i" " i"ri.:ii;iM i ighf I In-government of
'• ritoiy. [a place of the r'lVine
■ ; "ig, Am- iicanism has set up '".he
l 'I the governed ' as the origin ol the
: mt;p power. The olten boasted principle
1 ' rule „t ti„- majority | docs not exist iu >ur
' nt, . v in that naked simplicity in which ma
'-fsons are accustomed to regaid it but on
i the contrary, tlm check' which are devised in
J the .shape of State and national Senates, Eb-c
--j tors for Presidents, and other anchors and drags
j to prevent the tempests ot popular majorities
from carry in? away the ship of state, show that
i there is no more o! the principle of majority
j rule here, than in many nations less celebrated
; lor their principles of freedom. The principle
of the majority ruling, is not a principle oflib
! erty. The founders of our Constitution well
knew that that naked idea was in fact a princi
ple of tyrannous democracy and resulting anar
, chy. flence the government was made one of
constitutional checks : a power resulting from
• the consent of the people of several States to be
i governed by this Constitution, and the power
j itself was to be administered by a verv simple
j machinery, in which each division of the peo
| pie,—that is, each State, — retained a certain
: part of the moving and the checking power.
The consent to be thus governed, once given,
| could nt tbe revoked. 'The right cf secession'
is untenable and inadmissible. It receives no
' countenance from the Constitution. But the
; original principle that the power originated in
j consent, would compel all parties, on principle,
Ito look with at least respectful regard on a de
i sire to withdraw the consent. And if it could
be permitted without injury to the remainder,
! A ought, on principle, to be allowed. The
| manner of asking the consent, which has been
j adopted by the Southern States, has been made
the rea >n in many minds for refusing the con
sent. On no subject is there a more general mis
apprehension than on this. The most common
foim of expression is, "They should have pur
sued the constitutional course, and demanded a
National Convention, and thus arranged a peace
able secession." But the notion erroneous.
There is no such constitutional method of ask
ing permission to secede. Tins principle is abso
lutely impregnable, that the Constitution of the
United States contains no provision by which
a can be allowed to sPCede. No Conven
tion called in pursuance of. or under it, can
grant that consent which a seceding State needs
For a State, desiring to secede, to ask to: a Na
tional Convention to allow her to go, would
therefore be an absurdity.
it would he very easy to say that a Conven
t on could amend the Constitution so as to in
stil a clause permitting secession in a certain
way. Rut thai very necessity of an amend
ment proves that there is no present method of
getting the necessary consent ; and certainly no
reasonable man would expect a State, desi
ring to secede from a Constitution, to go in
to a convention and amend the instrument
thus reaffirming its adherence to it, when the
very object was to disconnect itsr-if from its ob
ligations.
No person who shall fully examine this po
litical problem, '-How can a Stale secede from
the American Union?" can fail to arrive at the
conclusion that revolution is the only method.
Any State desiring to secede, must do so simply j
by declaring itsell out ol the bond, and being
ready to sustain itsplf in its independence.—
There is no legal or constitutional way of get
ting on', of the Union, any more than there was
| a legal way for American colonies to leave £ng
j lish rule.
The Southern Stales,' in their view of the
rase, adopted the only course to reach the ob
! [ect fltey were aiming at. They designed an
act which was revolutionary, and, proceeding
on that piineiple, they declared tiiPir indepen- '
dence ol the Union, and sent commissioners to
negotiate the terms of good neighborhood, and
adjust the properly questions involved.
Seizures ol properly, mints, Ibris, atsenals
and the like, are acts which always accompa- '
ny a national rebellion or revolution. The
abstract right or wrong of these acts relates
back to the right or wrong of the rebellion.
Tn the present instance there is no occasion
to discuss these acts; for, if the ptinciple should
eventually be conceded that we ought to al
low these Stales to erect the Government they
prefer, then the adjustment ol the national
property i-a mere trifle
The course taken by the® Seceding States,
then, is revolutionary. The right of the Gov
ernment (having refused its consent to the Se
cession) to regard the citizens ol the States as
irisuirectionarv, seems unquestionable. The
law of the United States, whicfi the officers ,
must exefii'.e is co-extensive with the territory
ot the United States, and -esistance to the ex
ecution of the law is insurrection. The stat
us v have furnished the President with power
to suppress insurrections, and Congress has
power t ' ex.alt Ihe movement for suppressing
revolt inlu the dignity of war.
From tins view ofthc case will be at once
deduced the duly of the citizen to sustain the
Government in carrying on the war, if the
Government takes this course. It has the right
to suppress the revolt by force of arms. But
whither this is an American principle; wheth
er its result will be to reconstruct the Amer
ican Union: whether a war policy is as likely
a' a peace policy to bring back the revolting
Stales: v. hcth'-r bringing them in by lorce will
give us any compensation foi the t-ves we
shall lay down in the attempt, these are ques
tions which we may -veil ponder.
We believe that the possible Union to be ac- |
complished by war and conquest, would not lie ,
worth one solitary Northern life,—one drop
of Northern blood It u paying a dear price
tor a worthless thjng, a breath, an imagination,
a mockery.
The question whether the remaining Mates
veil! be inj'irred by allowing the seceders to go,
!■: not nriiv as fairly and simply before us as it
would t>- in the case of a peaceable request,
boi there e now affiled to it ' argument that
war is a part of the alternative. Shall we suffer
ino i, will the country suffer most, w ill the
records of h; ury offer mo t, by letting them
go, or bv compelling them to come back, by a
civil war? Will the great principles of Amer
ican liberty and government, th- principle that
govrrni.. derive tl c - pow< r from <!v c. ;:i<-->*nt
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MftRNI®VJUJ,Y W, I*6l.
| of the governed, be subserved best by admitting
: their secession, or by conquering them back into
the Union they hate?
Never was there a case in which a peace party
. stood stronger 011 moral grounds than now and
here. If Ireland ar s • unanimous
and England sent her hosts into the green island,
| there might be some old notions of hereditary
i rights, of kingly prerogative, to which the war
; party would appeal. When Francis of Na
ples made his last stand at (laeta, there was even
; in peace-loving minds a sort of justification of a
king fighting lor the. last inch of ins lather's
kingdom, tyrant through he and his father b.
fore him were.
But in a nation whose principle is govern
ment bv consent of the governed, where the io
• habitants of an immense territory desire to form
anew government,—where they count tliem
■ selves by millions, and are ready to lake their
place at once among nations t —and where the
. alternative is to permit it, or to enter on a civil
war whose horrors the world has never seen
equalled,—for Christians and men of peace to
accept the alteinative of war, indicates that
underneath the questions of right, good, policy
and duty, there is a bitterness of hatred that
renders men for the lime unfit to adjudge (he
great issues before them.
When cooler hours come, the voice of Chris
tianity, of human love, will make itself heard
lor peace.
We hold it lo be the duiv of every Ameri
can and every Chrislain to advocate the laying
di.wn ot arms, and the restoration of peace.
Civil war will not bless the world with any
good results; it will not restore a union ofheatts.
without which a union of States is worthless.
U Inasmuch as the alternative of n uiisola
tion of the Union may not be forced upon
us, but Union men in the Southern States
may be rallied 10 the Union again, by evi
dence of an intent to do justice on the part
"/ the party in power, and inasmuch a/so as
t'i.e principles we have always advocated re
main unchanged in right, and the citizens
of loyal or disloyal States ire entitled to
their rights now as always, we advocate the
equal interests oj all-the States in the com
mon territories, and especiiilly that it is tlet
ter to allow slavery in the territoi ies than
to hare apt/ war in the States.
Th ere is no occasion to discuss the proposi
tion. The only answer made to ii in it
day* "no compromise with traitors. and
the rpply to that is, that Missouri, Kentucky,
Maryland, Delaware, and Western Virginia,
have the same claims on our principles that
they always had, and every Union man, il one
exists, in other siaveholding States, would be
strengthened and made tenfold mere influen
tial by such a yielding.
The idea that a reunion a com
promise will be weaker than one resulting frifta
conquest, is essentially erroneous, and contra
ry to all experience. A conquered nation can
never be a valuable component part ol the con
quering power. A revolt crushed by force of
arms, i never so thoroughly eradicated as one
that shall be ended by mutual concession and
good will. The rule prevails in small arid in
large matters- in private and ir. public affairs.
There is not a shadow of tiuth or reason in the
vety common assertions that a compromise
will leave us where we were before, and liable
to another revolt, and that a conquest will not.
VV'e venture the prophecy that if the present
rebellion of the Southern Stales be ended by
their subjection, through military successes,
the Union will not last twenty-five years there
after. The next rebellion may not come from
the Southern States, but it will be quite as
likely to be an attempt of a majority to exscind
and cut off'a portion of the Union. Some
State which by its domestic law authorizes
polygamy, or adultery, or other crime, hideous
in the eyes of the citizens of the old Stales,
will be wiped out by a breath of the people.
For, this present experiment ''whether we
have a Government," has already been tried
to that point, that m ri freely and loudly ac
knowledge that the government we thought
we had, to wit. the Constitution is no govern
ment in such times, and that a great exigency
demands that the President and officers of gov
ernment for the tune being, shall overtide law
and Constitution lor the salvation of the coun
try.
Tiiis principle, it an\ , is established by this 1
war, and this, and this only, can survive its
successful prosecution. It is vain to hope
that we shall relapse from war excitement into
the old calm ot constitutional government.
Exigencies will arise very often. The danger
to American free principles is about the same,
therefore, whether the rebels FUcceed in over
throwing the Constitution on their own territo
ties, or whether we conquer them cn the ground
thr.t force is necessaty, Constitution or no Con
stitution, and thus establish a Union wr.ich
(the Constitution having been overridden and
disregarded) is thencefoith weakened in the
eyes of the people. If we prosecute the war to
victory, it will leave ns a very different nation
from what we have hitherto been, and the voire
of the people will demand a stronger Constitu
tion— one that is good for civil war times—one
that will authorize coercion—one that will
cen'ralize power.
it is vain 'hen to say tfiat compiomise will
weaken, conquest strengthen us. It the thing
be yet possible, we allirm it to be (lie reasona
ble, Christian, and Amencan doctrine at the
present time, for the North, first of all, to offer
to the South all that justice and equity would
require it to ofler in times of peace and quiet.
TV ithout this nth i, the voice of American con
science, when once awakened, the voice ola
civilized age, the voice of that posterity which
is the certain impartial judge on earth, and the
vorce of God, the unfailing avcngei of wrong,
will condemn us for entering on this civil war,
and the blood of ou: sons will cry out against
us frotu the very altar on which w a* t *• e
tima . I ■j.niut u1 Com ret.
Freedom of Thought, and Opiniou.
el CORRUPTION ' CORRUPTION '
0 " b our hundred million dollars" is the'sum
j required by the administration to pay the ex
> (tenses of the war unlit the regular session of
! Congress. To this we have no objection if it
> will only bring the war to a speedy and success
> lul end, and again restore to our beloved coun
' fry peace, prosperity and union. But if we
r are to judge the future by the present and past,
may we not fear tha' this immense sum will of
: ten find channels thai will become leeders to
1 schemes of fraud and corruption. Will this
J foui hundred million of dollars be expen
ded to enhance the m'-eres' ot the country—or
to line the pockets of politicians ' Is it not to
be feared that much of the mushroom patriotism
manifested by those who will have nothing but
war, finds its zeal in the hope ol • "deep dip"
:nto these millions ! Our country is now full
of patriots whose cry is "si ill for war," while
they aie filling (at government contracts. For !
instance, buying our farmers' horses at $75 and
SBO which they quietlv turn over to the gov
ernment at $ 1 "25, making a snug profit of $4-0 or
SSO. We hope that love of gain has nothing
to do with the zeal and patiiotisru of those most
boisterous for the Union, but warn the people
to be vigilant, that they aie not made to regard
mercenary cunning lor genuine love ol country.
There is only hope for the country now in the
purity and patriotism of Mr. Lincoln and his j
cabinet, and it is to be hoped that they will not i
suffer themselves to occupy the disgraceful po- i
sition of our State administration.
In conversation with an intelligent sftid re
liable gentleman, just from Harmburg, we were j
enlightened as to the mode in which some of j
the government contracts are filled. A son of j
Secretary Cameron's lias a contract to buy sev
eral thousand horses loi the government, at that
place. Horses of all kinds—many of a very!
indifferent character are brought in and purcha- j
sed arcoiding to quality from sixty to ninety j
dollars a head. As thee horses have to be in- j
spected, and it is nncesary for the interest of the |
contractor that all should pass, the following |
is adopted. A large, fine horse is brought out j
and passed upon and returned to Ins stall with
out being branded, but m his stead an indifferent i
animal is passed out at the other end ol the j
building, where the branding shop ts, and re- j
cesves the U.S. mark—the good horse alter a j
score of other examinations, is again led out,
AIMS Hi t];p wn.l.„p i. a/it iprnrtnr/u.l urtfi
is passed upon this time to be branded as Uni
ted States property. And when the inspector
makes out his certificates he names so many
horses, including the '-'halt, lame and blind,"'
as well as good ones. We hope such cases are ;
not numerous, but too much care cannot be ex- <
erased, and the administration should see that j
they seldom occur, lest in the future the war 1
should be regarded as a ap eolation of partisans i
rather than a defence of the Union and the ,
Constitute n.— Washington Review.
Fiom the Hartlord l'tinns.
The IVare lit solutions Offered by Gover
nor Seymour.
We publish in another column, the brief ;
Peace R -solution with its preamble, offered in
the House of Representatives of this State by
Governor T. H. Seymour, on the 3d of July.
We ask lor them an attentive consideration by
our readers.
i'he Republican papers have assailed this
Resolution, as well as the preamble that pre- j
cedes II and they ate quite profuse in brand- j
ing it " traitorous." an effort to save the j
Union and the Government of the United j
States by Constitutional measure*, in a peace- j
ltd way, is tiai'orous, then tins Resolution is I
traitorous. But if such an effort is patriotic, I
then Governor Seymour's Resolution is patriot- j
ic. Of Govemor Seymour's own views, it is j
not necessary for us to speak, for we publish a j
sketch of hi remarks, submitted to 'he Legisla- j
tare when he offerej the Resolution. No man j
entertains more patiotic sentiments than he.— I
Hut if he believes that a war between the free I
and slave States of the Union is calculated to j
break down the Constitution, and sever the U- i
nion forever, and so expresses himself, i.> bis j
iuve of country and his patriotism to be ques- j
tinned i Indeed, it he offers a proposition to I
set'le our difficulties, as they have in the earlier j
days of the Republic been honorably settled,;
without bloodshed, is he for ttial act of peace,
to preserve the Union, a "Traitor?" Shame
upn the ujen and the presses who make such
a charge.
But what is ln> proposition ? 1 lie preamM.- j
gres br'efly- the reason why the resolution is'
submitted, ft savs a third of the sovereign ;
S.ites have withdrawn from the Union. It is j
true. l)o you say they cannot withdraw ?
They have withdrawn-wrongfully,if you please.
The fact is so. The effort to compel their re
turn has assumed the proportions of a CIVI! war.
We at the North believe they are wrong in se
ceding ; they believe thev are right. We be
lieve that they did not have sufficient cause for
secession or revolution ; they believe they had.
Shall two-thirds of the country, then, force ihe
views of the other third up to the precise point
of their own ideas upon these questions f This
cannot he done. The two-thuds may beat the
one-third in battle, and thus make them rnoie
embittered. This will not make their views
harmonize with the victors. As all, then, have
a common interest in the welfare of the coun
try, and all have equal rights, is it not bet for
ail to conciliate, and settle the questions at issue
in a peaceable manner ? This id,'a would he
carried out practically, by offering 'he Critten
den Compromise it is not dishonorable, and it
is, in no way injurious to the North.
Gov. Seymour's resolution oilers that plan of
adjustment. And it protests against any inter
ference by warlike movements with the insti
tution of slavery, it appear# to us thai no ttue
hcaru-d Union man, no real conservative
man, who cherishes a regard lor the institu
tion am! the Union, cau •fjert to ' dtiei f th-.-;e
We look -upon the pat rot cry of " traitor,"
"traitor," raised by a certain class of men,
whenever some old and'tried friend of the Union
lisps a word in favor of any other settlement U
preserve tlie Union, save by the sword and
through blood, as disgraceful rather than patri
otic.
Having already published the resolutions of
fered by (TOV. Seymour in the House of Repre
sentatives, we now give a report of the remarks
which accompanied their presentation
He said ; I thank the gentleman from Strat
ford for his remarks h:st night He was right
in hi-- position. His speech was a patriotic one.
Sir, I am on this floor as the advocate ol Peace
Measures! I will not sanction this war, ex
cept so far as it can be waged on Constitutional
grounds. This question now weais a tolulli
dfferent aspect fiom that which it presented
when the President issuer: his call tot volun-
I leers. Then it was for the " protection ot the
Capital, and the reposseiion oljthe torts." lam
heartily glad that the Capital is protected. J
would protect the Capital and the archives.—
But nothing has been done to recapture the
forts. But a movement of invasion has been
commenced—an invasion of a sovereign State.
I think the gentleman from Stratlord was right
in saying there is a movement—a growing sen
timent among the people in favor of a peace
able settlement—ol an honorable peace ! Igo
with him, and with all who are tor PEACE
MEASURES instead ol WAR MEASURES ' There
seems to be a radical mistake on the part of
many people—they -seem to think the South can
be conquered. Sir, this is impossible It can
no more be done than the South can conquer
the North There are brave men there as well
a shere. In Revolutionary davs we knew some- ;
thin? ol them. In the war of IS!2 thev ral
lied aioutid our flag and protected our commerce.
Now it is not well underrate the prowess ol
ol these enemies—as you call them—though 1 !
recognize, even in thi* state ot things, some j
there whom I knew, and who are still our bro- '
tliers in tu-art. 1 his mistake cost Braddock a '
gailing defeat in the old Fiencli war ; it cost
the British manv a humiliating detent in the
war of the Revolution. Do you think you can
secure their loyalty and affection bv force '
Two or three sovereign Siales have been over
run and trampled under foot already. You
have got a kind ol foothold, which vou call
Jult O ic nrJ il ic .rnnfhitpd ,
WW I Maryland is in a volcanic condition to
day , and tie same spirit will rise at all trues
in spite of ail the chains you cari put upon it j
and ol all the ruin that is wrought. You tnav
destroy their habitations, devastate their fields, j
and shed the blood of their people . still, you
cannot conquer them. " Even in their ashes
live their wonted fires."
I shali vote tor these resolutions. I hope
Congress will adopt some Peace Measures which
shall hold the Border States, ami draw back
those that have gone out—so that, in some fu
ture day, we may have Ihe South again under
the banner of the Union.
ton ol perfect pain can be more a -
sily found than an ounce of perfect happiness.
QUERY. —ls Jeff Davis' regard lor Cotton in
particular as strong as his antipathy to Wool
in Genetal.
is the reason that your wife and
you always disagree?" asked one Irishman of
another. "Because we are both of one mind.
She wants to be master,and so do I."
lCr"' t Tiutson!' exclaimed an liish ser
geant to In? platoon; "Iront lace, and, tin J roll
call. As many of ye as is presint will say
"Here," ano a? many <>! ye a? are arc not pres
int will say "Absint!"
US?*** Budget, I am fascinated with Miss
Vermillion, 'he million's daughter." "With
her personal harms?" we inquire. "Ye?—
purse,and ail charms!"
Tr A boozy tellow was observed one day,
driving a porker, holding on to its tail, and
when asked what he was doing, replied thai he
was studying gehog-raphv.
A ted nosed gentleman asked a well
known wit whethei he believed in spirits.—
" Ah sit " he replied, looking him lull in the
lace, " I see too much evidence before me u>
doubt their existence."
A mad princess of the house ol Bourbon,
on being asked w hv the reigns of queen- were
in general more prosperous than the reigns of
kings, replied, " Re-cause, under knur.-, women
govern—untie! queens, men "
iL-r" A country paper say s *• Wanted, at
this office, an editor who can please everybody.
Also, a foreman who can so arrange the paper
that everybody's advertisement shall head the
column."
[JiT" An old Count paid his addre-ses to one
of the richest h> iresses of Pans. On asking her
hand in marriage, lie frankly said to her ''Mis?
E— —1 am very old and you are very young
will you do me the honor to become my wid
ow."
I'liOVituNo I'OR BUOKRN-PJWN H.\ - Gov
ernor Cvirtiii has appointed Gideon J. Ball, Estp
ol Ei e, Frank Esq., of Redlord, and
Charles Gilptn, E?q , of Philadelphia, Coinmis
, sioners, under the act of '.he last session, t" te
-1 vise and a!! the revenue laws.
Ball and Jordan ' to rodify reventa laws '
That is rich.— Huston Sentinel.
ll, T !! Y"U love Others, tln'V V ill love V.,:.
!l ou speak kindly to !heir, Ihev wli .peak
| kDinlv to vou 1, >ve is repaid with !ov and
j hatred with hatred. Woii'd you hear a swert
i and pleasing echo, speak sweetly and plesi-ant
; lv your-jell
Ihe expel,.-i* of i;i,i Government, at tliir
tni; . amount? t . one million ol dollars . v!av
Riot J: \|ii it |; it •!>.*!>.
<1 i) c 5 11) oo i tit it st f i ,1 bt o a it.
SCHOOL FTHICS FOR PARENT AND CHILD.
No. 5.
Parent >, should fur rash thr Teacher with,
proper material \ difference of material must
necessarily exist in our common schools. We
cannot expect a similarity of mind in our
schonis any more than can a c immunity be
supposed to exist, whose minds and whose ac
ion.> aii coincide, v*t there is often improper
mult-iiai furnished to the teacher f>v tlie parent.
The greatest error committed in this respect,
is that of sending children to school at ton ear
ly an age. Parents should remembei that tlie
mind of the child is a very delicate piece of
workmanship, and that it may be vt ry easily
overtasked and o permanent injury result from
too early work. The tender shoot if it receive
too much of heaven's dew, oecomes injured
and remains forever dwarfed, f'hiidren may
learn at a very ear ly age, hut their learning
must not he from books, for these are too dull
and tedious for them at that time. There are
thousands of wonderful things in this world of
novelty to which their attention may be called,
and from which they may glean much more
knowledge than from works. Nature's works
ate not placed around us merely lor our physi
cal comfort. There is spread before us a vast
field in which the mind not only of the scholar,
but of the child may feed. Let the curiosity
of tlie child be excited mi regard to what he
sees around him and enough is accomplished
for a time when that curiosity is gratified
A lamentable result of this neglect of duty on
the part of the parents is, that the mind of the
pupil becomes too violently exercised and, con
sequently, tired and somewhat weakened, so
that when the child arrives at the proper age
for thorough study, its mind is no longer active,
and a failure is almost inevitable, hence, also,
those who are bright and quick at an early age
become more or it*s deficient as they become
older. If they attempt to 3tudy too eariv they
must learn by tote. Nature "is the best text
book, and at that time home is the best school
house. ft is an imposition on the teacher, at
the same time that it is an injury to the pupil
the school-house should not be made a nursery,
nor tiie school-teacher be made to act as nurse.
KAPPA.
TEACHERS' CERTIFICATES-
We notice with pleasure that atrangemenls
have been made by the State Superintendent
loi a regular system of examinations, and a uni
form standard in the certficates given by the su
perintendents of the different counties of the
Stale. We have always looked upon the want
of gradation of certificates as an evil that should
be remedied: and now that it has been consum
mated, we think it will work prodigies in bring
ing about a better state of thicgs'in education.?}
mailers.
The granting .! permanent county certificates,
to pel sour properly qualified, and who come up
to the standard laid down by the Department,
is, certainly, very right and proper. The want
of a proper criterion in granting these certifi
cates, has presented many difficulties to the
County Superintendents. In some counties
none were issued at all . while m others they
Welt- given to scores of peisons, who would be
wholly incompetent to till the present require
ments. Jn many instances the County Super
i itendents were charged with being partial or ar
bitrary, if they refused to give them to persons
who considered themselves qualified to receive
them. 1 his will now be different. Persons
who are applicants for ihe highest honorr in
the county, in the teacher's profession, will
have to prepare themselves to stand a thorough
examination in she hianclus indicated by the
Department. S. S
OIR COMMON SCHOOLS.
I bey give ti ,• keys of knowledge to the mass
I the people I think it may with truth lie
.-aid. thai u>e biaui h.es of knowledge taught in.
our common schools, win s taught in a finished,
masterly mariner,— reading—in which I in
clude the spelling ol our language—a firm, sight
ly, legible hand-vvi ii ing, am! the elemental art
to anthmelic, —ate of grtatcr value than all the
rest which is taught in school. 1 am (ar from
saying I hat nothing else can be taught in our
district school-: but the young person who brings
| these tiom scl IMI! can, himself, in his winter e
venings. ranee over the entire field of useful
knowledge Our common schools ar n impor
-1 font in the same way n. 'he common air. (he
' c imm >n -nn.-h ne, the common rain, —invalua-
• ble for tin it commonm ss They are the corn
' t-r-stone ol that mon't-;pal •rgamv.dion which
is the i ha; actcristic feafuri of om -octal system,
I they art the loumfat son of thai widespread in
telligence, which, like a moral lite, pervades
M.e community . from the humblest village
school thtre may go forth a teacher, who, like
\ewton, ahall brnrt his temph- with the .star
1< If h i ill's (u It vvrtli 11. isclel. light up his cell'
, With ti e 1111 id i,. fi|e tilllil .v over"'.! planet;:,
\ —with Lt a.iiilfn, g. a.,p iin-iigliiomg.- Evrrrlt.
VOL 4. NO. ifi.