VOLI Tli: .17. NEW SERIES. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE I (T.1.1.-.IIED EVERY FRIDAY MORN!NO Its Kl IK. F. JIHYFIK*. \ ,\e lollowin<> Terms, to wit; si. tin per annum, CASH, in advance. -,2.00 it paiit within the year. ,2. ",t| " " it not paid within the year. No subscription taken tor less than six months. CfT'No paper discontinued until ail arrearage- are aid,unless at the option of the. publisher, it has ■ ..en decided by the I nited States the -toppageoi a newspaper Without toe payment ot are ic,ira"es, ts j> r ima fwir evidence ot fraud and is a , riirimat offence. KTThe courts have decided 'hat persons are ac countable lor the subscription price of newspapers, ' they take ttiem iiom the pet office,whether they uhscribe lor them, or not. HATES OF CHARGES FOR ADVER TTSI NO. I'r.tnsienl advertisements will be inserted at the rate of SI.OO per square often lines for three inser iioiis or lest, but tor every subsequent insertion, Scents per square viill be charged in addition.— l'able and figure work double price. Auditor's notices ten tines and under, SI.OO ; upwards of ten tines and under fifteen $1.50. Liberal reductions made to persons advertising by the year. DUTIES OF THE AMERICAN CITIZEN .IN THE PRESENT CRISIS These duties are many. But at present we -hall mention only four, viz : 1. Sustain the Constitution and Caws, and the Government that administers them. Men who regard the war as a ruinous enor, conceived in wrong on the part of the Ninth, nid resulting necessarily in ddiiger it not dt -truction to the best interests ot the country,— tre nevertheless Ametican citizens, arid as such iwe allegiance to the government undei which they live. The bitterness ol party leelitig is doubtless one of the causes oft he war. That same j dtteiness leads to branding astiaitors men who adhere to old and tried principles. L-t not the same bitterness affect true men who differ from the party in power. Let them seek by ail prop er means to changp the war-spirit of the day. and i! it may be, to induce a peace policy on the part of the government but tailing in this, let them be submissive to ifs decrees, and vield loan" lawful dt rronds it irnv make upon them, oi upon theii property. Such pa triotism is nobler than the Iro'h of men who ■ tiave not corn age lo tesi.sl p -polar cries ; infi- i nitely nobler than that ct men who .stand aloof j Hi m the battle, shouting the war-cry from ni afe distance,—at the same time firing treaeh- J roiis shots at the President, the Lieutenant' tieneral and the whole (iovernnieiit, and lining i their own pockets with public plunder. ■J. Discountenance every literal una unco ash- j t'dional act, whether committed by wn high or tow in office, or by the private citizen. — i Jealous/y guard against every attempt 'o trample on the rights and immunities of in- i dividuals. i This principle Is the American's as it was tlie Englishman's birthright. We can never yield ;t, until we yield ourliberlies forever. It is a principle that was born in times ol war, and was reproduced in our own country among the fires it Revolution. It is a good principle in times it peace ; it is infinitely more valuable in times hke the present, when popular passions may at .my moment ruin the liberties ol the citizen.— I'lie principle is ol little vaiue nay, ol no val ue at all —il it is only good in calm and quiet tunes, and in its place the doctrine is adopted lital in war times the Constitution, the rights and immunities of citizens, may be overridden ■ \ the officers ol government for the occasion, '-•u'lh a doctrine has been iaid down in these ■i v , and f lie fruits of it have already been seen >:i the desecration of the Habeas Corpus, the • izure and of pi*vale papers of ,'t .iceable citizens without warrant or process ' i.iw, the arrest of citizens lot circulating pe nis to the government, the increase of the rid.ir army without law (and without necess y. -irice volunteer forces would supply the ' injorary want,) not to name other acts of iti • i kills holding offices which are ol doubtful \lity. These violations of right are conce on all hands to be unconstitutional ami il gai, but are t'Ki u.-.ed as gtowing out of the ue if? of the times arid the popular assent to ■ not only indicates the danger of permk -* !:.• n but lias ted to fhe open advocacy by jijvrs, of the doctrine that Congress shall no attention to the "technicalities of the oi.'Mulion," but enact laws for the limeS, 'itiiout regard to their limited powers. One P more in the .-ame fftrccl ion, would bring us - .c absolute tyranny ola Revolutionary ' "'jinimttee. Ere we are aware, we may have Congiess, r.o Executive of the iaws, no Oon .. ;onal Government, but in its place a Corn eu: • of Safety, a Convention of Democrats, — '• publicans—ied or black, —and the rest, his •ry has once or tw ice already recorded. ! i advocate the laying down of arm on lr >tlt iKi'.-s, and Ihf ntaoiialion of peace, on mi shall advise and rou ■ludt upon. i iete is no possibility of clo ing our eyes to 'art !h ;t this is now a war of section ag.iin-l ' i ; an f every day that i? continues, wi ■"i the gulf between the two. It is generat • admitted that il the States now loniiing the Jthern Confederacy had united in an express uii o! tiieir uexire to separate lioin the Ameri • nnn, and i s farm a government of their n, tin. wish, properly expressed, would have ••""lan-b ' tii* .-penttnl conn h-rvstion of the o n,fe i no liirone here' to < laim "i" " i"ri.:ii;iM i ighf I In-government of '• ritoiy. [a place of the r'lVine ■ ; "ig, Am- iicanism has set up '".he l 'I the governed ' as the origin ol the : mt;p power. The olten boasted principle 1 ' rule „t ti„- majority | docs not exist iu >ur ' nt, . v in that naked simplicity in which ma '-fsons are accustomed to regaid it but on i the contrary, tlm check' which are devised in J the .shape of State and national Senates, Eb-c --j tors for Presidents, and other anchors and drags j to prevent the tempests ot popular majorities from carry in? away the ship of state, show that i there is no more o! the principle of majority j rule here, than in many nations less celebrated ; lor their principles of freedom. The principle of the majority ruling, is not a principle oflib ! erty. The founders of our Constitution well knew that that naked idea was in fact a princi ple of tyrannous democracy and resulting anar , chy. flence the government was made one of constitutional checks : a power resulting from • the consent of the people of several States to be i governed by this Constitution, and the power j itself was to be administered by a verv simple j machinery, in which each division of the peo | pie,—that is, each State, — retained a certain : part of the moving and the checking power. The consent to be thus governed, once given, | could nt tbe revoked. 'The right cf secession' is untenable and inadmissible. It receives no ' countenance from the Constitution. But the ; original principle that the power originated in j consent, would compel all parties, on principle, Ito look with at least respectful regard on a de i sire to withdraw the consent. And if it could be permitted without injury to the remainder, ! A ought, on principle, to be allowed. The | manner of asking the consent, which has been j adopted by the Southern States, has been made the rea >n in many minds for refusing the con sent. On no subject is there a more general mis apprehension than on this. The most common foim of expression is, "They should have pur sued the constitutional course, and demanded a National Convention, and thus arranged a peace able secession." But the notion erroneous. There is no such constitutional method of ask ing permission to secede. Tins principle is abso lutely impregnable, that the Constitution of the United States contains no provision by which a can be allowed to sPCede. No Conven tion called in pursuance of. or under it, can grant that consent which a seceding State needs For a State, desiring to secede, to ask to: a Na tional Convention to allow her to go, would therefore be an absurdity. it would he very easy to say that a Conven t on could amend the Constitution so as to in stil a clause permitting secession in a certain way. Rut thai very necessity of an amend ment proves that there is no present method of getting the necessary consent ; and certainly no reasonable man would expect a State, desi ring to secede from a Constitution, to go in to a convention and amend the instrument thus reaffirming its adherence to it, when the very object was to disconnect itsr-if from its ob ligations. No person who shall fully examine this po litical problem, '-How can a Stale secede from the American Union?" can fail to arrive at the conclusion that revolution is the only method. Any State desiring to secede, must do so simply j by declaring itsell out ol the bond, and being ready to sustain itsplf in its independence.— There is no legal or constitutional way of get ting on', of the Union, any more than there was | a legal way for American colonies to leave £ng j lish rule. The Southern Stales,' in their view of the rase, adopted the only course to reach the ob ! [ect fltey were aiming at. They designed an act which was revolutionary, and, proceeding on that piineiple, they declared tiiPir indepen- ' dence ol the Union, and sent commissioners to negotiate the terms of good neighborhood, and adjust the properly questions involved. Seizures ol properly, mints, Ibris, atsenals and the like, are acts which always accompa- ' ny a national rebellion or revolution. The abstract right or wrong of these acts relates back to the right or wrong of the rebellion. Tn the present instance there is no occasion to discuss these acts; for, if the ptinciple should eventually be conceded that we ought to al low these Stales to erect the Government they prefer, then the adjustment ol the national property i-a mere trifle The course taken by the® Seceding States, then, is revolutionary. The right of the Gov ernment (having refused its consent to the Se cession) to regard the citizens ol the States as irisuirectionarv, seems unquestionable. The law of the United States, whicfi the officers , must exefii'.e is co-extensive with the territory ot the United States, and -esistance to the ex ecution of the law is insurrection. The stat us v have furnished the President with power to suppress insurrections, and Congress has power t ' ex.alt Ihe movement for suppressing revolt inlu the dignity of war. From tins view ofthc case will be at once deduced the duly of the citizen to sustain the Government in carrying on the war, if the Government takes this course. It has the right to suppress the revolt by force of arms. But whither this is an American principle; wheth er its result will be to reconstruct the Amer ican Union: whether a war policy is as likely a' a peace policy to bring back the revolting Stales: v. hcth'-r bringing them in by lorce will give us any compensation foi the t-ves we shall lay down in the attempt, these are ques tions which we may -veil ponder. We believe that the possible Union to be ac- | complished by war and conquest, would not lie , worth one solitary Northern life,—one drop of Northern blood It u paying a dear price tor a worthless thjng, a breath, an imagination, a mockery. The question whether the remaining Mates veil! be inj'irred by allowing the seceders to go, !■: not nriiv as fairly and simply before us as it would t>- in the case of a peaceable request, boi there e now affiled to it ' argument that war is a part of the alternative. Shall we suffer ino i, will the country suffer most, w ill the records of h; ury offer mo t, by letting them go, or bv compelling them to come back, by a civil war? Will the great principles of Amer ican liberty and government, th- principle that govrrni.. derive tl c - pow< r from *nt BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MftRNI®VJUJ,Y W, I*6l. | of the governed, be subserved best by admitting : their secession, or by conquering them back into the Union they hate? Never was there a case in which a peace party . stood stronger 011 moral grounds than now and here. If Ireland ar s • unanimous and England sent her hosts into the green island, | there might be some old notions of hereditary i rights, of kingly prerogative, to which the war ; party would appeal. When Francis of Na ples made his last stand at (laeta, there was even ; in peace-loving minds a sort of justification of a king fighting lor the. last inch of ins lather's kingdom, tyrant through he and his father b. fore him were. But in a nation whose principle is govern ment bv consent of the governed, where the io • habitants of an immense territory desire to form anew government,—where they count tliem ■ selves by millions, and are ready to lake their place at once among nations t —and where the . alternative is to permit it, or to enter on a civil war whose horrors the world has never seen equalled,—for Christians and men of peace to accept the alteinative of war, indicates that underneath the questions of right, good, policy and duty, there is a bitterness of hatred that renders men for the lime unfit to adjudge (he great issues before them. When cooler hours come, the voice of Chris tianity, of human love, will make itself heard lor peace. We hold it lo be the duiv of every Ameri can and every Chrislain to advocate the laying di.wn ot arms, and the restoration of peace. Civil war will not bless the world with any good results; it will not restore a union ofheatts. without which a union of States is worthless. U Inasmuch as the alternative of n uiisola tion of the Union may not be forced upon us, but Union men in the Southern States may be rallied 10 the Union again, by evi dence of an intent to do justice on the part "/ the party in power, and inasmuch a/so as t'i.e principles we have always advocated re main unchanged in right, and the citizens of loyal or disloyal States ire entitled to their rights now as always, we advocate the equal interests oj all-the States in the com mon territories, and especiiilly that it is tlet ter to allow slavery in the territoi ies than to hare apt/ war in the States. Th ere is no occasion to discuss the proposi tion. The only answer made to ii in it day* "no compromise with traitors. and the rpply to that is, that Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware, and Western Virginia, have the same claims on our principles that they always had, and every Union man, il one exists, in other siaveholding States, would be strengthened and made tenfold mere influen tial by such a yielding. The idea that a reunion a com promise will be weaker than one resulting frifta conquest, is essentially erroneous, and contra ry to all experience. A conquered nation can never be a valuable component part ol the con quering power. A revolt crushed by force of arms, i never so thoroughly eradicated as one that shall be ended by mutual concession and good will. The rule prevails in small arid in large matters- in private and ir. public affairs. There is not a shadow of tiuth or reason in the vety common assertions that a compromise will leave us where we were before, and liable to another revolt, and that a conquest will not. VV'e venture the prophecy that if the present rebellion of the Southern Stales be ended by their subjection, through military successes, the Union will not last twenty-five years there after. The next rebellion may not come from the Southern States, but it will be quite as likely to be an attempt of a majority to exscind and cut off'a portion of the Union. Some State which by its domestic law authorizes polygamy, or adultery, or other crime, hideous in the eyes of the citizens of the old Stales, will be wiped out by a breath of the people. For, this present experiment ''whether we have a Government," has already been tried to that point, that m ri freely and loudly ac knowledge that the government we thought we had, to wit. the Constitution is no govern ment in such times, and that a great exigency demands that the President and officers of gov ernment for the tune being, shall overtide law and Constitution lor the salvation of the coun try. Tiiis principle, it an\ , is established by this 1 war, and this, and this only, can survive its successful prosecution. It is vain to hope that we shall relapse from war excitement into the old calm ot constitutional government. Exigencies will arise very often. The danger to American free principles is about the same, therefore, whether the rebels FUcceed in over throwing the Constitution on their own territo ties, or whether we conquer them cn the ground thr.t force is necessaty, Constitution or no Con stitution, and thus establish a Union wr.ich (the Constitution having been overridden and disregarded) is thencefoith weakened in the eyes of the people. If we prosecute the war to victory, it will leave ns a very different nation from what we have hitherto been, and the voire of the people will demand a stronger Constitu tion— one that is good for civil war times—one that will authorize coercion—one that will cen'ralize power. it is vain 'hen to say tfiat compiomise will weaken, conquest strengthen us. It the thing be yet possible, we allirm it to be (lie reasona ble, Christian, and Amencan doctrine at the present time, for the North, first of all, to offer to the South all that justice and equity would require it to ofler in times of peace and quiet. TV ithout this nth i, the voice of American con science, when once awakened, the voice ola civilized age, the voice of that posterity which is the certain impartial judge on earth, and the vorce of God, the unfailing avcngei of wrong, will condemn us for entering on this civil war, and the blood of ou: sons will cry out against us frotu the very altar on which w a* t *• e tima . I ■j.niut u1 Com ret. Freedom of Thought, and Opiniou. el CORRUPTION ' CORRUPTION ' 0 " b our hundred million dollars" is the'sum j required by the administration to pay the ex > (tenses of the war unlit the regular session of ! Congress. To this we have no objection if it > will only bring the war to a speedy and success > lul end, and again restore to our beloved coun ' fry peace, prosperity and union. But if we r are to judge the future by the present and past, may we not fear tha' this immense sum will of : ten find channels thai will become leeders to 1 schemes of fraud and corruption. Will this J foui hundred million of dollars be expen ded to enhance the m'-eres' ot the country—or to line the pockets of politicians ' Is it not to be feared that much of the mushroom patriotism manifested by those who will have nothing but war, finds its zeal in the hope ol • "deep dip" :nto these millions ! Our country is now full of patriots whose cry is "si ill for war," while they aie filling (at government contracts. For ! instance, buying our farmers' horses at $75 and SBO which they quietlv turn over to the gov ernment at $ 1 "25, making a snug profit of $4-0 or SSO. We hope that love of gain has nothing to do with the zeal and patiiotisru of those most boisterous for the Union, but warn the people to be vigilant, that they aie not made to regard mercenary cunning lor genuine love ol country. There is only hope for the country now in the purity and patriotism of Mr. Lincoln and his j cabinet, and it is to be hoped that they will not i suffer themselves to occupy the disgraceful po- i sition of our State administration. In conversation with an intelligent sftid re liable gentleman, just from Harmburg, we were j enlightened as to the mode in which some of j the government contracts are filled. A son of j Secretary Cameron's lias a contract to buy sev eral thousand horses loi the government, at that place. Horses of all kinds—many of a very! indifferent character are brought in and purcha- j sed arcoiding to quality from sixty to ninety j dollars a head. As thee horses have to be in- j spected, and it is nncesary for the interest of the | contractor that all should pass, the following | is adopted. A large, fine horse is brought out j and passed upon and returned to Ins stall with out being branded, but m his stead an indifferent i animal is passed out at the other end ol the j building, where the branding shop ts, and re- j cesves the U.S. mark—the good horse alter a j score of other examinations, is again led out, AIMS Hi t];p wn.l.„p i. a/it iprnrtnr/u.l urtfi is passed upon this time to be branded as Uni ted States property. And when the inspector makes out his certificates he names so many horses, including the '-'halt, lame and blind,"' as well as good ones. We hope such cases are ; not numerous, but too much care cannot be ex- < erased, and the administration should see that j they seldom occur, lest in the future the war 1 should be regarded as a ap eolation of partisans i rather than a defence of the Union and the , Constitute n.— Washington Review. Fiom the Hartlord l'tinns. The IVare lit solutions Offered by Gover nor Seymour. We publish in another column, the brief ; Peace R -solution with its preamble, offered in the House of Representatives of this State by Governor T. H. Seymour, on the 3d of July. We ask lor them an attentive consideration by our readers. i'he Republican papers have assailed this Resolution, as well as the preamble that pre- j cedes II and they ate quite profuse in brand- j ing it " traitorous." an effort to save the j Union and the Government of the United j States by Constitutional measure*, in a peace- j ltd way, is tiai'orous, then tins Resolution is I traitorous. But if such an effort is patriotic, I then Governor Seymour's Resolution is patriot- j ic. Of Govemor Seymour's own views, it is j not necessary for us to speak, for we publish a j sketch of hi remarks, submitted to 'he Legisla- j tare when he offerej the Resolution. No man j entertains more patiotic sentiments than he.— I Hut if he believes that a war between the free I and slave States of the Union is calculated to j break down the Constitution, and sever the U- i nion forever, and so expresses himself, i.> bis j iuve of country and his patriotism to be ques- j tinned i Indeed, it he offers a proposition to I set'le our difficulties, as they have in the earlier j days of the Republic been honorably settled,; without bloodshed, is he for ttial act of peace, to preserve the Union, a "Traitor?" Shame upn the ujen and the presses who make such a charge. But what is ln> proposition ? 1 lie preamM.- j gres br'efly- the reason why the resolution is' submitted, ft savs a third of the sovereign ; S.ites have withdrawn from the Union. It is j true. l)o you say they cannot withdraw ? They have withdrawn-wrongfully,if you please. The fact is so. The effort to compel their re turn has assumed the proportions of a CIVI! war. We at the North believe they are wrong in se ceding ; they believe thev are right. We be lieve that they did not have sufficient cause for secession or revolution ; they believe they had. Shall two-thirds of the country, then, force ihe views of the other third up to the precise point of their own ideas upon these questions f This cannot he done. The two-thuds may beat the one-third in battle, and thus make them rnoie embittered. This will not make their views harmonize with the victors. As all, then, have a common interest in the welfare of the coun try, and all have equal rights, is it not bet for ail to conciliate, and settle the questions at issue in a peaceable manner ? This id,'a would he carried out practically, by offering 'he Critten den Compromise it is not dishonorable, and it is, in no way injurious to the North. Gov. Seymour's resolution oilers that plan of adjustment. And it protests against any inter ference by warlike movements with the insti tution of slavery, it appear# to us thai no ttue hcaru-d Union man, no real conservative man, who cherishes a regard lor the institu tion am! the Union, cau •fjert to ' dtiei f th-.-;e We look -upon the pat rot cry of " traitor," "traitor," raised by a certain class of men, whenever some old and'tried friend of the Union lisps a word in favor of any other settlement U preserve tlie Union, save by the sword and through blood, as disgraceful rather than patri otic. Having already published the resolutions of fered by (TOV. Seymour in the House of Repre sentatives, we now give a report of the remarks which accompanied their presentation He said ; I thank the gentleman from Strat ford for his remarks h:st night He was right in hi-- position. His speech was a patriotic one. Sir, I am on this floor as the advocate ol Peace Measures! I will not sanction this war, ex cept so far as it can be waged on Constitutional grounds. This question now weais a tolulli dfferent aspect fiom that which it presented when the President issuer: his call tot volun- I leers. Then it was for the " protection ot the Capital, and the reposseiion oljthe torts." lam heartily glad that the Capital is protected. J would protect the Capital and the archives.— But nothing has been done to recapture the forts. But a movement of invasion has been commenced—an invasion of a sovereign State. I think the gentleman from Stratlord was right in saying there is a movement—a growing sen timent among the people in favor of a peace able settlement—ol an honorable peace ! Igo with him, and with all who are tor PEACE MEASURES instead ol WAR MEASURES ' There seems to be a radical mistake on the part of many people—they -seem to think the South can be conquered. Sir, this is impossible It can no more be done than the South can conquer the North There are brave men there as well a shere. In Revolutionary davs we knew some- ; thin? ol them. In the war of IS!2 thev ral lied aioutid our flag and protected our commerce. Now it is not well underrate the prowess ol ol these enemies—as you call them—though 1 ! recognize, even in thi* state ot things, some j there whom I knew, and who are still our bro- ' tliers in tu-art. 1 his mistake cost Braddock a ' gailing defeat in the old Fiencli war ; it cost the British manv a humiliating detent in the war of the Revolution. Do you think you can secure their loyalty and affection bv force ' Two or three sovereign Siales have been over run and trampled under foot already. You have got a kind ol foothold, which vou call Jult O ic nrJ il ic .rnnfhitpd , WW I Maryland is in a volcanic condition to day , and tie same spirit will rise at all trues in spite of ail the chains you cari put upon it j and ol all the ruin that is wrought. You tnav destroy their habitations, devastate their fields, j and shed the blood of their people . still, you cannot conquer them. " Even in their ashes live their wonted fires." I shali vote tor these resolutions. I hope Congress will adopt some Peace Measures which shall hold the Border States, ami draw back those that have gone out—so that, in some fu ture day, we may have Ihe South again under the banner of the Union. ton ol perfect pain can be more a - sily found than an ounce of perfect happiness. QUERY. —ls Jeff Davis' regard lor Cotton in particular as strong as his antipathy to Wool in Genetal. is the reason that your wife and you always disagree?" asked one Irishman of another. "Because we are both of one mind. She wants to be master,and so do I." lCr"' t Tiutson!' exclaimed an liish ser geant to In? platoon; "Iront lace, and, tin J roll call. As many of ye as is presint will say "Here," ano a? many <>! ye a? are arc not pres int will say "Absint!" US?*** Budget, I am fascinated with Miss Vermillion, 'he million's daughter." "With her personal harms?" we inquire. "Ye?— purse,and ail charms!" Tr A boozy tellow was observed one day, driving a porker, holding on to its tail, and when asked what he was doing, replied thai he was studying gehog-raphv. A ted nosed gentleman asked a well known wit whethei he believed in spirits.— " Ah sit " he replied, looking him lull in the lace, " I see too much evidence before me u> doubt their existence." A mad princess of the house ol Bourbon, on being asked w hv the reigns of queen- were in general more prosperous than the reigns of kings, replied, " Re-cause, under knur.-, women govern—untie! queens, men " iL-r" A country paper say s *• Wanted, at this office, an editor who can please everybody. Also, a foreman who can so arrange the paper that everybody's advertisement shall head the column." [JiT" An old Count paid his addre-ses to one of the richest h> iresses of Pans. On asking her hand in marriage, lie frankly said to her ''Mis? E— —1 am very old and you are very young will you do me the honor to become my wid ow." I'liOVituNo I'OR BUOKRN-PJWN H.\ - Gov ernor Cvirtiii has appointed Gideon J. Ball, Estp ol Ei e, Frank Esq., of Redlord, and Charles Gilptn, E?q , of Philadelphia, Coinmis , sioners, under the act of '.he last session, t" te -1 vise and a!! the revenue laws. Ball and Jordan ' to rodify reventa laws ' That is rich.— Huston Sentinel. ll, T !! Y"U love Others, tln'V V ill love V.,:. !l ou speak kindly to !heir, Ihev wli .peak | kDinlv to vou 1, >ve is repaid with !ov and j hatred with hatred. Woii'd you hear a swert i and pleasing echo, speak sweetly and plesi-ant ; lv your-jell Ihe expel,.-i* of i;i,i Government, at tliir tni; . amount? t . one million ol dollars . v!av Riot J: \|ii it |; it •!>.*!>. <1 i) c 5 11) oo i tit it st f i ,1 bt o a it. SCHOOL FTHICS FOR PARENT AND CHILD. No. 5. Parent >, should fur rash thr Teacher with, proper material \ difference of material must necessarily exist in our common schools. We cannot expect a similarity of mind in our schonis any more than can a c immunity be supposed to exist, whose minds and whose ac ion.> aii coincide, v*t there is often improper mult-iiai furnished to the teacher f>v tlie parent. The greatest error committed in this respect, is that of sending children to school at ton ear ly an age. Parents should remembei that tlie mind of the child is a very delicate piece of workmanship, and that it may be vt ry easily overtasked and o permanent injury result from too early work. The tender shoot if it receive too much of heaven's dew, oecomes injured and remains forever dwarfed, f'hiidren may learn at a very ear ly age, hut their learning must not he from books, for these are too dull and tedious for them at that time. There are thousands of wonderful things in this world of novelty to which their attention may be called, and from which they may glean much more knowledge than from works. Nature's works ate not placed around us merely lor our physi cal comfort. There is spread before us a vast field in which the mind not only of the scholar, but of the child may feed. Let the curiosity of tlie child be excited mi regard to what he sees around him and enough is accomplished for a time when that curiosity is gratified A lamentable result of this neglect of duty on the part of the parents is, that the mind of the pupil becomes too violently exercised and, con sequently, tired and somewhat weakened, so that when the child arrives at the proper age for thorough study, its mind is no longer active, and a failure is almost inevitable, hence, also, those who are bright and quick at an early age become more or it*s deficient as they become older. If they attempt to 3tudy too eariv they must learn by tote. Nature "is the best text book, and at that time home is the best school house. ft is an imposition on the teacher, at the same time that it is an injury to the pupil the school-house should not be made a nursery, nor tiie school-teacher be made to act as nurse. KAPPA. TEACHERS' CERTIFICATES- We notice with pleasure that atrangemenls have been made by the State Superintendent loi a regular system of examinations, and a uni form standard in the certficates given by the su perintendents of the different counties of the Stale. We have always looked upon the want of gradation of certificates as an evil that should be remedied: and now that it has been consum mated, we think it will work prodigies in bring ing about a better state of thicgs'in education.?} mailers. The granting .! permanent county certificates, to pel sour properly qualified, and who come up to the standard laid down by the Department, is, certainly, very right and proper. The want of a proper criterion in granting these certifi cates, has presented many difficulties to the County Superintendents. In some counties none were issued at all . while m others they Welt- given to scores of peisons, who would be wholly incompetent to till the present require ments. Jn many instances the County Super i itendents were charged with being partial or ar bitrary, if they refused to give them to persons who considered themselves qualified to receive them. 1 his will now be different. Persons who are applicants for ihe highest honorr in the county, in the teacher's profession, will have to prepare themselves to stand a thorough examination in she hianclus indicated by the Department. S. S OIR COMMON SCHOOLS. I bey give ti ,• keys of knowledge to the mass I the people I think it may with truth lie .-aid. thai u>e biaui h.es of knowledge taught in. our common schools, win s taught in a finished, masterly mariner,— reading—in which I in clude the spelling ol our language—a firm, sight ly, legible hand-vvi ii ing, am! the elemental art to anthmelic, —ate of grtatcr value than all the rest which is taught in school. 1 am (ar from saying I hat nothing else can be taught in our district school-: but the young person who brings | these tiom scl IMI! can, himself, in his winter e venings. ranee over the entire field of useful knowledge Our common schools ar n impor -1 font in the same way n. 'he common air. (he ' c imm >n -nn.-h ne, the common rain, —invalua- • ble for tin it commonm ss They are the corn ' t-r-stone ol that mon't-;pal •rgamv.dion which is the i ha; actcristic feafuri of om -octal system, I they art the loumfat son of thai widespread in telligence, which, like a moral lite, pervades M.e community . from the humblest village school thtre may go forth a teacher, who, like \ewton, ahall brnrt his temph- with the .star 1< If h i ill's (u It vvrtli 11. isclel. light up his cell' , With ti e 1111 id i,. fi|e tilllil .v over"'.! planet;:, \ —with Lt a.iiilfn, g. a.,p iin-iigliiomg.- Evrrrlt. VOL 4. NO. ifi.