PRESIDENT'S MESSIGE. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives : Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to an ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning ol the present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the Fed eral Government were found to be generally suspended within the several States of'South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Lou isiana and Florida, excepting those onlv of the Post office Department. Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, and the like, inclu ding the movable and stationary property in and about them, had been seized and held in o pen hostility to this Government, excepting on ly Forts Pickens, Taylor and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumpter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had b-en put in impro ved condition, new ones had been built, and ar med forces had been organized, and were orga nizing, all avowedly with the same hostile pur pose. The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and near these Sfatps were either besieged or menaced by war like preparations, and especially Fort Sumpter was nearly surrounded by well protected hos tile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the fatter, perhans, two to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal mus kets and rifles had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be u sed against the Government. Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a small portion of it within the reach of the Govern ment. Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers, and of those re signing a large proportion had taken up arms against the Government. Sitnuitanemislv, and in connection with ail this, tfte pur™se to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring ihese StaUs respec tively to be separated from the .National Union. A lormula for instituting a combined govern ment of these States had been promulgated, and their illegal organization in the character of Confederate Stales was already invoking recog nition, aid and intervention from foreign pow ers. Finding this condition of things, and believ ing it to be the imperative duty upon the in- j coming Executive to prevent, if possible,' tne j consummation of such an attempt to destroy the ; Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made and declared io the Inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceable measures be fore a resort to any stronger ones. It sought ; only to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the Government, and to collect the revenues, relying on the rest for time, discussion and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of (he mails at Government's expense to the very people who were Resisting the Governmer t, and it gave re peated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people or any ol their rights —of ail that a President might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case. Everything was forborne without which it was deemed iu keep the Government on foot. On the sth of March, the present incumbent's ! fir3t full day in office, a letter from Major An derson, commanding a' Fort Sumpter, written on the 28th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4-th of March, was by that Department placed in his hands, This iet fer proffered the professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for his release rendered necessary by the limited supply of pro visions, and with a view of hold.ng possession of the same with a force ol less than 20,000 good and well disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his com mand, and their memorandums on the subject were made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieut. Gen. Scott, who at once concurred with Gen. Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with of ficers both of the army and navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same opinion as before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the Government, or could be raised and brought to the ground withirt the time in which the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely mil.tary point of view this redu ced the duly of the Administration in the case to the mere matter df getting the garrison safe ly out of the fort. It was* believed however, that to so abandon that position under the cir cumstances would be utterly ruinous ; that the necessity under which it was done could not be fully understood ; that by many it would be considered as part of a voluntary policy ; that at home it would disorganize the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to ensure to the latter a recognition abroad. That in fact it would be our national destruction con summated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the gar r ison, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be re in forced . This last would be a clear indication ol poli cy, and would bdter enaole the country to ac cept the evacuation of Fort Sumpter as a mili tary neces.-ity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the Brooklyn into Fo~t Pickens. Ttiia order could uot go by land, but must take the longer aud slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was re ceived just one week before the fall of Fort Sumpter. The news itself was that the officer commanding the Sibine, to which vessel the troops had beeu transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi-armistice of the late Administration, and of the existence of which the present Administration, up to the time at which the order was dispatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention, had refused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis could be reached at Fort Sumpter was impossible, rendered so bv the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter named tort. In precaution against such a conjecture, the Government had a few days before commenced preparing an expedition as well tdap'.ed as might be to relieve Fort Sumpter, which expe dition was intended to be ultimately used or not, according to circumttancfß. The strongest an ticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in this contingency, i was also tesolved to inform the Governor ol South Carolina that he might expect au attempt would be made to provision the fort, and that it the attempt fhouid not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw in men, arms or ammunition without further notice, or in case of an attack npon the fort. This fort was at tacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provision expedi tion. It is thus seen tha': the assault and reduction of Fort Sumpter was in no sense a matter of self defence on the part of the assailants. They well knetv that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit aggression upon thern. They knew they were expressly notified that the giving of bread to the few biave and hun gry men of ihe garrison was ll that would on that occasiou be attempted, unless themselves by resisting so much should provoke more. They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and im mediate dissolution, trusting, as heretofore sta ted, to tune, discussion and the ballot-box for final adjustment ; and they a-sailed and redu ced the fort for precisely the reverse object—to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolu tion. That this was their object the Executive well understood. And having said to them in an inaugural ad dress "you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pams not only to keep that declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from ihp power of ingeni ous sophistry, as that the world should not be able to understand it. By the affair at Fort Sum pter, with the surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then ant! thereby the assailants of the gov ernment began the conflict of arms, without a gun in 3ight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the foit, sent to that harbor years before tot their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in what ever was lawful. In this act, discarding all eisp, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue—im mediate dissolution or blood. And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man ttie question whether a constitutional repub lic or democracy, a government of the people b.y the same people can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discon tented individuals, too few in numbers to con control the administration according to organic law in any case, can always upon the preten ces made m this case, or on other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask : Is there in all Republics this inherent and fatal weakness ? Must a Government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to main tain its own existence ? So viewing the issue no choice was left but to call out the war pow er of the government, and so to resist force em ployed for its destruction by force for its pres ervation. This cail was made, and the resoonse of the j country was most gratifying, surpassing iri u- : - : tions. Yet nune of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. A tew regiments have been organized with in some others of these States by individual en terprise and received into the government ser vce. Of course the seceded States, so called, and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of the Unjon. The Border Slates, so called, were not uni form in their action—sotne of them being al most for the Union, while in others, as Virgin ia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was very nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most : remarkable, perhaps the most important. A j convention elected by the people of tbat | to consider their relative position toward the Federal Union was in session a', the capital ol Virginia when Fort Sumptei fell. To this body the people had chosen a large I majority of professed Union men, and almost i immediately after the fall of Fort Sumpter ma- I ny members of that majority went over to the original minority,iand with them adopted an or- I dinance for withdrawing the State horn the j Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault on Fort Sumpter, i or their great resentment at the Government's resistance to that assault is not definitely j known. Although they submitted th,e ordinance for i ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken j on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the Legislature which was also in session at the 3ame time and place, with leading men of the State not mem bers of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State were already out ol the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorous ly forward all over the State; they seized the U nited Slates Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, and the navy yard at Gosport, near Norfolk ; they re ceived, perhaps invited into their State, large bodies of troops, with their warlike appoint ments, from the so-called seeded States. They formally entered into .a treaty of tem porary alliance and co-operation with the so called Confederate States, arod sent members to their Congress at Montgomery; and finally they permitted the insurrectionary govern ment to be transferred to their capitol at Rich mond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this great insurrection to make its nest within her borders, and the G ivernment has no choice but to deal with ii where it finds it. And it has the legs regret, ai the loyal citi zens, have in due form, claim-d its protection. Those loyal citiz-ns this Governm-nt is bound to recognize and protect as being Virginia. In the Border States, so called—in fact, the Middle Slates—there are those who lavor a pol icy which they call armed neutrality, that is, the arming of those Slates to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. Figura tively speaking, it would be the building of an impassaole wall along the line of separation ■ and yet not quite an impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the bauds J of the Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists which it could not do as an open enemy. At- a stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disuntonists that which of all things they most desire—feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution—no obligation to maintain the U nion ; and while very many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is nevertheless very injurious in effect. Recurring to the action of the Government, it may be stated that at first a call was made for 75.000 militia, and rapidly following this a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of a blockade. So far ail was be lieved to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice ot pri vateering. Other calls were made far volunteers to serve three years, unless sooner discharged, and also for a large addition to the regular army and na vy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity, trust ing, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is believed that nothing has hee done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his discr*-- ! tion, to suspend (he privilege ot ttie wrd ot ha beas corpus ; or, in other words to ;> detain, witfi'out f-sort to the ordina and forms of law, such mdnidu - deem dangerous to ttie public safely. I :,is du thoritv has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of j what has been done under it are questioned, and : the attention of the country has been called to i the proposition that one who is sworn to take i care that the laws be faithfully executed, should : not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was given to the question of power and propriety before this matter was acted upon. The whole of lire laws which were required to be faithfully executed, were being resisted, and failing of execution in nearly one third of the States, must they be al lowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that practically it relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be violated. To .stale the question more directly, are all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the Government itself go to pieces lest that one be violated? Even in such a case would not the official oath be broken if the Government should be oveithrown, when it was believed (hat disre girding the single law would tend to pieserve it! Hut it was not believed that this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that the pnv.lege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unlers when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require, is equivalent to a provision that such privilege '* tl'lvfl '1 Cfti'oO S'lf. SM I invasion, the public safety does r*quire it. It was decided that we have a case of rebel lion and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress and not the Executive is vested with the power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which 01 who is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency,,it cannot be believed the framers ol the instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congiess be called together, the very assembling ol which might be prevented, as was intended in thi case ov the rebellion. No more extended ar gument is now offered, as an opinion of some ! length will probably be presented by the At torney General. Whether there shail be any legislation upon the subject, and il any, what, is | submitted entiiely to the better judgment of j Congress. The forbearance of this Government had been jso ex'raordiuary and so Jong continued as to | lead some foreign nations to shape their action I as it they supposed the early deduction of our | National Uniou was probable, j Whiie this one discovery gavethe Executive | some concern he is now happy to say that the | sovereignty and rights of tile United Stale, are | now everywhere practically respected bv for ! eigti powers, and a general sympathy with | the country is rnaifested throughcut the whole | world. The reports of the Secretaries of'.he Treasury, j War and Navy, will give the id irmation iri I detail deemed necessary and conven r tor N >U> j deliberation and action, whil- ' ■ E i and all the Departments wi'l i supply omissions, or to tutor M consiuered important for you i< . > It is now refotiim'.i.ded mat ymgne the le gal means for making this contest a short and a decisive one ; that you place at tiie control id Government for the work at least4oo,ooo men and §400,000,000. That numler of men is about one-tenth of those of propr ages within the regions where apparently ailare willing to engage; and the sum is less thai the twenty third part of the money value >wned by the men who seem ready to devote te whole. A debt of six hundred mtllionof dollars now ! i 9 a less sum per head than was fie debt of our revolution when we came out olthal struggle; and the money value in the coutry now bears even a stealer proportion to wsat it was then than does the population. Su?ly each man has as strong a motive now to piserve our lib erties as each had then to estabkh them. A result at this time wilbe worth more to the world than tn limes te men and ten times the money. The evidere r-achino us from tlte country l-aves no doc# that the mate rial for th- wo'k is abundant, ad that it needs only the hand id legislation to pre it legal sanc tion, and the hand of the Exestive to give it practical shape and efficienc. One of the greatest p rplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops ladertkn it can provide for them. In a word, the pople will serve their governnm nt, if the goenment itse|| will do its part only indifferentl veil It might seem at first thought I# be of little difference, whether the prfst movement at the South be called eecessiot 0 lebellion. The movers, however,well undeetud thdifference. At the beginning they kne/v hey could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude bv the name which implied violation of law. They knew their people possessed as much mor al sense, and as much of devotion to law and order and as much pride m, and reverence l <r, the history and government of their common country, as any other civilized and patriotic people." They knew they could make no ad vancement directly in the teeth of tjie strong and noble sentiment. Accordingly they com menced by an insidious debauching of tli- pub lic mind. They invented an injurious sophism, which if conceded, was followejj by perfectly logical steps through all the incidents to the complete destruction ot the Union.* The soph ism itself is that any Siate of the Union may consistently with the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully withdraw from the Union without the consent of the U nion or of any othei State. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, tliems- Ives to be the sole judge of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. Willi rebellion thus sugar corn'ed they have been drugging the public inind of their section for more than thirty year*, and until at length they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against thp Government .'tie day after some assembly of men have enacted the farcical pretence ol taking their State out ol the Union, who could have been brought to no luch thing the dav before. The sophism derives much, perhaps (he whole of its currency, fiom the assumption that there is some Omnipotent and Sacred Supremacy per taining to a State, to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor less •w-r than mat reserved to them in the Union ' ■ (' in-titntion, no one of them ever hav i :it-en a Siate cut of the Union. The origi ities passed into the Union even before they cast off their British Colonial dependence ; arid (lie new ones each came into the Union direct ly from a condition of dependence excepting Texas, and even Texas in its temporary inde pendence was never designated a Stat®. The new ones only took the designation of States on coining into the Union, while that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Dec laration of Independence. Therein the limited Unded Colonies were declared to be free and independent States ; but even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one ano'her, or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mu tual pledges and their mutual action, before, at the time, and afterwards, abundantly show.— Ttie express plighting of faith by each at:d all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Con federation, two years later, that the Union rhal! be perpetual, is most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance or in name, outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of State Rights, asserting a claim or power to lawfully destroy the Union itself 1 Much is said about Ihe sovereignly of the States; but the word, even, is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What is a sovereign ty* In the political sense of the term it would not I be far wrong to define it a political community without a political superior. Tested by thts.no one of our States except Texas was .ever a sov ereignty ; and Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union, by which act she ac knowledged the constitution of the United States and the laws and treaties of the United S'ates, MiUm unwiuwf <.r o.uuiiiuijyn. her tlie Supreme law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break Irom this, they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union and not themselves separately procured their indepen dence their liberty, by conquest or pur chase the Union gave each of them whatever independence and liberty it had. The Union is older than any of the States, and in fact it created them as States. Origi nally some dependent colonies made the Uni on, and in turn the Union threw off their old dependence for them and made them States, such as they are. JVot one of them ever had a State constitution independent of the Union. 01 course it is not forgotten that all the new States framed their Constitutions before thev en tered the Union; nevertheless dependent upon, 1 and preparatory to, coming into the Union. Unquestionably the S'ates have the powers i and lights reserved to them in and by the Ma • tional Constitution; but among these surely are • not included all conceivable powers, however : mischievous or deductive. ! But at most, such only as were known in {the world at the time as governmental powers, and certanly a power to destroy the govern ment itself, has never been known as a govern mental or a merely administrative power. This relative matter of national power and I State rights, as a principle, is no other than the | principle of generality and locality. I Whatever concerns the whole should be con ! fided to the whole—the General Government; while whatever concerns only the State should ;he I t: exclusively to the State. This is alt i if original piinciple abfeut it. Wheth 11ie national Cou.-'itution, in defining the omlaries between the two, has applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to he | qnegitoned. We ate ail bound by that defi | ruiely, without question. What is now corn batted is the position that Secession is consis tentwith the Constitution—is lawful and peace ful: It is not contended that there is any ex otess iaw tor it, and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or ab surd consequences. The Nation purchased with money the coun tries out of which several of these States were (ormed. Is it just t h at they shall go off with out leave and without refunding? The N'a ; tion paid very large sums, in the aggregate, I | believe, neatly one hundred millions, to re j lieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off without ! consent, or without making any return? The j Nation is now in d>-bt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States, 'in common with the rest. Is it just that cred itors shall go unpaid,or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present National debt was contracted to pay the old debt of Tex as. Is it just thai she shall leave and pay no ; part ol this herself? Again, if one State may secede, so may an other; and when all shall have seceded .) ne I are left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to traitors? Did we notify them otthis sage view j of ours when we borrowed their money i II we now recognize this doctrine by al lowing the seceders to go in peace, it is diffi cult to see what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which ihey wJI j promise to remain. ' The seceders insist that our Constitution ad mits of secession; others have assumd to make a National Constitution of their own, in which necessity lli-y have either discaided or retain ed tne right of secession, as they insist it exists in ours. If liiey have biscarded it, they here by admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained it by their own con struction of ours, they show that to be consis tent they must secede from one another when ever they shall find it the easiest way of set tling their debt, or effecting any other selfish ot-unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endtne. If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out ol the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceded politi cians would a' once deny the power and de nounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But supj>ose that precisely the same act instead of being called driving the one out should be called the speeding ol the others from that one, it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless indeed they make the point that the one because it is a mi nority may rightfully do what the others be cause they are a majority may not rightfully do. These politicians are astute and profound on the rights of minorities. They are r.ot partial to that power which made the Consti tution and speaks from the preamble, calling itself, "We, the people." It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally qualifi d vo ters of any State, except perhaps South Caroli na, in favor of disunion. There is much rea son to believe that the Uni >n men are the ma jority in many, if not in every other one of the so-called seceded States. The contrary has not been d moris!rated in any one of them. It is ventuied to affirm this even <>t Virginia and Tennessee, tor the result of an election held in military camps, where the ba>one! are all on one side ofthe question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popu lar sentiment at such an eleition; ali thai large class who are at once for the Union and a gainst coe> cion would be coerced to vote against the Union. It may be affirmed without ex travagance that the tree institutions we enj >y ha- e developed the powers and improved ihe condition of our whole people beyoud any ex ample in the world; this we now have a striking and imptessive illustration. So targe ar. army as the Government has on foot was never before known, without a soldier m it but who had taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments, whose m us hers, one and another possess full piactical know ledge of ail 'he arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known 10 the world. And there is scarcely one from which could not be selected a Presi dent, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer the Government itself. Nor do I ay this is not true of the army of our late friends, now adversaues, in this con test. But if it is, so much better the reason why the Government which has conferred such benefits on both them and us, should not be broken op. Whoever, in any section, pro pose to abandon such a government, would do well to consider in deference to what principle lie Joes it whe't 1 >ne substitute will give, ur . intend'd to give, so much ot ®ood to the people. 1 here are somejforeshadowings on this subject. Our arjveisaries have adopted some declara tion ol independence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the winds, "All men are created equal." Why ? They have adopted a temporary .Na tional Constitution, in the preamble of which unlike our good old one signed by Washing ton, they omit "We the people," and substi tu'e "We, the Deputies of the Sovereign and Ind pendent States." Why? Why this de liberate pruning out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? This is es sentially a people's contest. On the one side ol the Union, it is a strug gle for maintaining in the world that lorm and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift arti ficial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a (air chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and tempo rary departures, fioin necessity, that is the leading object of the Government for whose ex istence we contend. lam most happy to believe that the plain people understand and app-ecnte these. It is worthy of note that, while in this, the Govern ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved lalse to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. Great honor is due to thosp officers who re mained true despite the example of then trai torous associates. Bui the greatest honor and the most important (act ot all is the unanimous firmness ol the common soldiers and the com mon sailors. To the last man, so far as known they have successfully resisted the traitorous el forts of those whose commands but an hour be fore they obeyed as an absolute law. This is ihe patrotic instinct of plain people. They under stand, without an argument, that destroying the government, which was made by Wash ington means no good to them. Our popular government has olten been cal led an experiment. Two points 111 it our peo ple have cett led. The successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains; its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it II is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairlv carry an election can also suppress a rebellion ; that ballols are the rightful and peaceful successots ol bullets and that when ballots are fairl* and constitu tionally decided that there can be no suc cessful appeal, except io ball >ts themselves a! succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace, teaching men that what they cannot take by an election neither can they take it by war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. Lest there be some uneasiness on the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the Government toward the Southern States af ter the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper fo sav, it will be his purpose then, ns ever, to 6e guided by the Constitution and the laws ; and that he prob ably will have no different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Govern ment relatively to the States and the people un der the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural addle*. He desires to preserve the Government that it may be administered lor all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their Government, and the Gov ernment has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense ot those terms. The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provisions, that the Uryted Stales shall guarantee to every State in this U nion 4i a Republican torm of Government." But |,f a State in tins Union may lawfully eo out ol the Union, having done so, it may also discard the Kepublcan form of gi vernment so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawiul and ob ligatory, the indispensable means to it are also iawfu! and obligatory. It was with the deepest regret that the Exec utive found the duty of employing the war power in defence of the Government foreed upoa him. He coutl but perform this duty or sur render the existence ol the Government. No compromise by public sentiment couid in this case be a cure. Not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular govern ment can long survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save the Government from immediate destruction bv giv ing up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their serv ants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. As a private citiaen the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall par ish. Much less could he, in betrayal ol so vast and so sacred a trust as these tree people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral riilit to shr ink, nor even to count the chances ol his own life ■ what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he has so far done what he has considered bis duty. You wiii now, according to your own judg ment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with tiis as to assure all faithful citizens who have'oeen disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them under the Constitution and the laws. And having thus chosen our course without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our tiust in G <d, and go forward Without tear and with manly hearts. (Signed,) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. July 4, IS6I. PIMPLES AND SKIN DISEASES Are the result of impure blood. The blood bpcoanes thick and clogged. The skin is not able to cast ofi the impurities >o important to health. How many young men and woman we see with their faces covered with pimples and blotches, who are endeavoring to lemove tftem by the use of soaps and w ashes of various kinds. This is very dangerous aud should never be prac tised by persons desirous of health. Mothers who have children afflicted with sores and erup tions, should never dry them up by external applications, for in this way they will drive in thw humors and produce ill health for the ch'rld during its whole life time. There is no mother that iikes to see tier children afflicted with feeble health. JUDSON'S MOUNTAIN HERB PILLS are prepared expressly lor the cure of erup tions of Jhe skin, such as Pimples, Blotches. Sores, &.c. They cleanse the blood of all im purities, producing a beautiful, clear and healthy skin, so much admired by taste and refinement. —3IA It 111 ED McKOBERTS-DEVVALT.—On thelih inst., j by the Key. Joseph Hannabery, at the house of i tile bride's lather, Air. Simo.i Mcßoberts, ot | Allegheny City, Pa , to Miss Mary E. Dewait, of Schellsburg, Bedford co. KUCHMANN—M CODE MU S Near Pattonsville, on thu evening of the Glorious Fouith, ly the Rev. Wm. M. Deatrick, Mr. j Adam Kuchniann and Miss Mary Ann, eldest ! daughter ol Mr. Samuel Nicodenrjs, all ot j South VVoodberrv township, Bedford co. SEMLER.—On the 24-th uTI7 M™TJose i phine Louisa Setnler, aged 4-3 years, 4 months and 12 days. The deceased was a consistent member ol the Ev. Lutheran Church, ot Bed ford, for many years, and always ft It an inter j est in its welfare, always ready to do what she could not only for its temporal, but for its spir itual advancement. For many years- She had been a patient suflerei—the pains of a distress ing disease, iheumatism, were endured without murmuring. During a period of about six weeks, piior to her own sickness, she sat as a ministering angel at the bed-side of her hus band, who for a time, appeared to be upon the confines of the eternal world. She left his side, (o lie upon a bed of death. After a brief lick ness, she fell asleep, we trust, in Jesus, The loss to her husband, children and rela tives, is her eternal gain. Her fun-'ral sermon will be preached on the 14th inst., m the Lutheran Church, at half past ten o'clock. On the 29th nil., inScbellsburg, Mrs. Susan na Crcuse, aged bl years, 6 months, and 5 days. BRIGADE ~~ Brigade Inspector's office, ( Bedford, July 12th, '6l. j H ving been Instructed by the Adjutant General to collect ai ! arms in the County, to wit : Musketf, ttifles and Equipments, Captains of Companies, private* or citizen, having any ami in their pos session aie hereby notified to hauJ them ovar, or send th-m to the undersigned, without delay. Per sons failing to comply with this . request, will b-i proreedd against aciordmg to law. Wnen ihe arms are remodeled, they will be prop erly distributed to organized companies in tln> County. A. J. SANSOM, Brigade Inpector, Ist Brigade, 16 th Division July 12th., '6l. RA ILROAD1LROAD NOTICE- A m-Ming of the Stockholders ol ih,- Bedford Itailroad Company, will be held at the office ot the Company in the Borough ot Bedford, on Saturday the 27th day of July, inet., for the pur pose ol considering the propriety of accepting T>r adopting p. further supplement to the act incorpora ting said Company, apn.ovtd the first day of May, A. D. lf61. -• JOHN P. REED, July 12th, 'Bl. Bae**try
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