The Bedford gazette. (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, May 25, 1860, Image 2

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    BEDFORD GAZETTE.
-BEDFORD Pa.—
FRIDAY, MAY 9S, I*6o.
B. F. Meyers, Editor aud Proprietor.
FOR GOVERNOR
Hi;\KY I. FOSTER,
OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY.
_______ !
"The principle of the tariff of 1842.
as far as related to the manufacture of
IRON, of any description, or of every
description was NOT TOO HIGH."
HEMiY D. FOSTER.
S' S V;
The Irrepressible Conflict.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the Black Republican j
nominee for President of the United States, .8 the
author of the annexed treasonable, fanatical and
revolutionary doctrine. It was announced by him
prior to Seward's "Irrepressible Conflict" Roches
ter speech, the leading idea of which it embodies,
and was the basis ol ail his arguments against Ste
phen A. Douglas in ISSB, by whom he was defeated
for the I'. S. Senate. Let the conservative masses
reflect upon this startling doctrine, and let patriots
shrink from it as from a serpent whose sting is
death F
"We are now far into the fifth yearsince apolicy
was initiated with the avowed object and confident
promise ol putting an end to slavery agitation.—
Under the operation of that policy, that agitation
has not only not ceased, but has constantly aug
mented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a
crisis shall have been leached and passed. A house
divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this
government cannot endure permanently half slave
and half free. Ido not expect the Union to be dis
solved—ldo not expect the house to fall—but I do
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become
all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents
of slavery will arrest the farther spread of it, and
place it where the public mind shall test in the be
lief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or
its advocates will pusn it forward till it shall be
come alike lawful in all the States, old as well
as new—North as well as South."
h ih h b b hJsJ? hJb
y|EI£LEI,'ATE ELECTIONS™.
vXSJ** Pursuant to rules adopted by the
Democratic party of Bedford county, at their regu
lar Meeting held in February, 1556, which rules are
now in force, the Democratic Vigilance Committees
of the several townships and boroughs of Bedford
county, are hereby requested to give written notice
that elections will be held in their respective dis
tricts, on SATURDAY, THE 16TH DAY OF JUNE,
next, for the purpose ol"selecting two delegatesjfrom
each district, to represent such district in the com
ing Democratic County Convention, said Conven
tion to meet in the borough of Bedford, on TUES
DAY, THE 19tb DAY OF JUNE, NEXT, at 2 o'-
clock, P. M..J for the purpose of putting in nomina
tion a County Ticket, and appointing Legislative,
Senatorial and Congressional Conferees, to meet
similar Conferees from the other counties composing
the Legislative, Senatorial and Congressional dis
tricts in which Bedford county is included. The
Democratic voters of the several townships and bor
oughs, are also requested to attend to the election
of Vigilance Committees for the ensuing year, which
Committees will be chosen on the same day on
which the Delegate Elections are advertised to be
held. Return ol the result of these elections, will
be made to the undersigned, on the day of the meet
ing of the County Convention.
By order of the Democratic Co.Com.,
O. E. SHANNON",
May 25, 1860. Chairman.
A Slap in the face of Americanism.
The Black Republican Convention at Chica
go, under the pressure ot the foreign element
ol that party, adopted the following resolution
That the Republican party is opposed to any
change in our Naturalization laws, 01 any State
legislation by which the rights ol citizenship
hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign
lands, shall be abridged or impaired, ar.d in fa
vor of giving a full and efficient protection to
the sights oi all classes ot citizens, whether na
tive or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
These arrant hypocrites, doubtless, imagine
that their adoption ol such a resolution as this,
will be sufficient to wipe out ail the blood that
has been shed in the unholy cause of which
they have but recently been advocates ! They,
doubtless, think that it will cover and hide the
blood-stained page that bears the record ol Louis
ville and Baltimore! They offer a bit of
treacherous paper a? a recompense for the loss
ola thousand lives ' How cunning and yet
how foolish!
But what will our intense "American"
friends say to this ? What us there now to
hind them them to Black Republicanism?—
What can Francis Jordan and the other Know
Nothing leaders in this county, now give as an
excuse lor clinging to Black Republicanism ? ;
Their doctrine that the naturalization laws I
should be remodelled, so as to require loreign
ers to remain a longer time in the country, be
fore they can become citizens, is completely
ignored in the above resolution. Tliey cannot
vote lor the Chicago nominees 011 that platform,
without taking back what they have said during
the iast five years. We repeat, what will the
"Americans" say to this?
"A wet Blauket."
The nomination of Lincoln and Hamlin, has
lallen like "a wet blanket" upcu the so-caliea
"People's" party of Pennsylvania. Its leaders
are discouraged and disheartened at the pros
pect before them. When the news of the
nomination, was received here, a blank stare
ot astonishment and disappointment lookrd out
from every Black Republican countenance.—
Poor fellows ! We pity their distress !
The Daily Ntws, the Philadelphia 'organ ol
the ' People's" party, says of the Chicago
nominations, that it s "idle to disguise the fact
that there is not only very great disappoint
ment in regard to the candidates presented, but
1 marked dissatisfaction. ' The same papei also
; says of the "Dutch plank" in the Chicago plat
form. that it is "an insult to the American ele
■ ment." and as such it eschews aa<l denounce*
I it.
Black Republicanism will find "breakers a
head" in the coming contest.
NO PROTECTION AT CHICAGO.
After all the sound and fury of the Black
Republican leaders, on the subject ola Protec
tive TarifF, their Convention at Chicago has
not dared to insert in its platform the doctrine
of Protection. The reference to the Tariff
question contained in that platform, asserts the
Democratic doctrine of a tariff' for revenue,
with proper discrimination in favor of home
industry. In other words, it asserts the princi
ple of the Polk and Dallas Tariff of '46, for j
voting for which David Wilmot, late Black j
Republican candidate for Governor of this state, |
was denounced by the very men who now sub
scribe to that principle, as a '■■ British. Free i
Trade Tory ," and as a man "t vtio would 'stink
lin the nostrils of every true Pennsylvanian
! forever /" The resolution is as follows :
That while providing revenue for the sup
! port of the Geneial Government, by duties u
! [ion imports, a sound policy requires such an
| adjustment ol those imposts as to encourage the
| development of the industrial interests of the
j whole country, and we commend that policy
;of national exchanges which secures to the
! workinsrmen liberal wages, to agriculture re
■ muneraling prices, to mechanics and manufactu
rers au adequate reward for their skill, labor
and enterprise, and to the nation commercial
prosperity and independence.
Local and Miscellaneous.
. .. .The Railroad Convention called to meet
at Harrisburg, on Wednesday last, was attended
by a number ofdeiegales from this count}'. We
have not as yet been apprized of its doings.
.... .On Tuesday last, we had the pleasure of
taking by the hand, our good friend, Y. S.
WALTER, Esq., of the Delaware Republican,
who on his return from the "Republican" pow
wow at Chicago, paid a short vis : t to his friends
in Bedford. May his shadow never grow less
and his politics change to a better complexion.
... .A man by the name of Brant died in
Somerset county, a few days ago, from having
eaten twenty-one hard-boiled eggs. His yolk
(yoke) was too heavy for him to bear.
. .. .Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, the
leader of Mr. Buchanan's friends in Congress,
during the discussion of the Lecompton ques
tion, has written a letter disapproving of the
course of the Charleston seceders. Mr. Ste
phens is one of the ablest men in the South.
Gov. Winston, Mr. Forsyth, late Minister to
Mexico,and other leading Democrats of Ala
bama, also oppose the action of the seceders.
A large meeting was held in New Orleans, at
which resolutions were adopted denouncing the
secession. Meetings of a similar naturp, have
also been held in Georgia and Alabama.
....The leading Democratic Senators and
Congressmen from the South, have issued an
address to the National Democracy, in which
they deprecate the proposed assembling of the
Seceders at Richmond prior to the Baltimore
Convention, and urge the return of the seceding
delegates to the regular Convention.
.... We refer our readers to the advertise
rnentof Mr. C. Meyer, of 772 Arch street, Phil
adelphia, who received the Prize Medal of the
World's Fair, held at London, in 1851, for his
two pianos presented in that exhibition. Mr.
Meyer's instruments are well-known and excee
dingly popular.
. .. .Mr. Brengle, formerly of this place, but
recently of Cumbeiland, Md., died a few days
ago, ol an overdose ol laudanum.
. .. .The "Temperance Association," met at
the Court House, on Monday evening last.—
The meeting was well attended. The Presi
dent, Dr. Compiler, made an able address, occu
pying aliout an hour in ils delivery. 0. E.
Shannon, Esq., also addressed the meeting
in an eloquent manner. Between thirty and
forty persons joined the Association.
... The attention ol our readers is directed
to the advertisement of Valentine Steckman,
Administrator of Henry Steckman, deceased,
offering at public sale, a number ol valua
ble farms in Monroe township, this coun
ty. Dealers in real estate and those desiring
to procure themselves comfortable homes, will
do well to attend this sale.
....We recommend the firm ol H. Ban
croft &. Co., (formerly Bancroft and Lee) 330
Market street, Philadelphia, to those of our
Merchants, who deal in Fancy Goods. Mr.
Gould, one ol their salesmen, is the very prince
of good lellovvs, and we advise our mercantile
friends to make his acquaintance at once when
they visit Philadelphia.
....The United Stales are being honored
wilh an embassy from the Government of Ja
pan. The Japanese excitement is at present
| nearly as great in the East, a3 the Kossuth fu
! rore was eight, or nine years ago.
... . Abram Lincoln, the Black Republican
| candidate lor President, said in a speech at Chi->
cago, on the 16th of July, 1858 : "I always ha
ted siaverv, I think, as much as any Abolition
: ist." In another speech at Springfield, 111., on
the 17th July, 1858, he said : "I nevertheless
did mean to go on the banks of the Ohio, and
: throw missiles into Kentucky, to disturb tbem
in their domestic|institutioas." Truly, Lincoln
is a fit apostle of John Brown's Gospel.
. .. .Jas. S. Earle and Son, 816 Chestnut
Street, Philadelphia, are the most extensive
importers of Looking Glasses, Picture and Por
trait Frames, Engravings, Oil Paintings, Sec.,
Sec., in that city. We had the pleasure, recent
ly, of visiting their gallery of Paintings, and
found it truly splendid. No lover of the fine
arts, should fail to visit Earles' Galleries, wb**n
in Philadelphia. See Advertisement in anolh
column.
... The only thing that ever gave Abram
Lincoln any notoriety was his defeat by Ste
phen A. Douglas for the U. S. Senate. To
relieve hnn of this odium, his partizans claim
that he had a majority on the the popular vote.
This is a sheer falsehood, as there were Admin
istration candidates run in nearly every coun
ty iD Illinois, whose vote when counted with
the Douglas vote, exceeds by several thousand
that cast tor the Lincoln candidates.
The Chicago Couveuliou.—Wilmot—Gree
ly—Ashrnuo.— Lincoln nominated for
President.—The fence-rail candidate.
The Convention of the sectional " Republi
cans," which met at Chicago an the 16th inst.,
was a scene of perpetual storm. Hisses or. the
one side and cheers on the other, seemed the
order of the day. Nothing but the "cohesive
power" of their thirst for public plunder, re
strained the delegates from dissolving the Con
vention.
David Wilmot—the "British Free Trade
Tory," (as th? Whig newspapers used to call
him) was chosen temporary chairman. George
Ashmun, ot Massachusetts, a man whose cor
rupt practices when a member of Congress,
have made his name a reproach and a by-word
among all honest men, was made permanent
chairman. Horace Greely, editor of the JV.
Y. Tribune, and Eli Thayer, Member of Con
gress from Massachusetts, were deleqates from
Oregon! [qfirere. Is a nomination made by
a Convention thus composed, binding upon a
party ?] Texas was also represented by non
resident delegates ! Maryland, Virginia, and
Kentucky, states which together cannot cast
5000 votes for the "Republican" nominee, had
delegations in the Convention ! This was
brought about by the opponents of Seward, for
the purpose of defeating him. The friends of
that candidate declare that he was deliberately
cheated out of the nomination—Greely, Blair
and other plunder-seekers, were afraid of the
irrepressible conflict, and, therefore, resolved
to beat Seward. They succeeded, but in turn
were beaten themselves, their favorite being
Edward Bates of Missouri, a milk-and-water
politician, whilst the nominee, Abram Lincoln,
of Illinois, is a 'positive and emphatic Aboli
tionist. The defeat of Seward and the nomina
tion of Lincoln, was but leaping from Scylla to
plunge into Charybdis. It i 3 said that the
only reason why Lincoln was nominated was,
that some of his friends brought a couple of
rails into the Convention, which they asserted
he and a certain John Shanks, had made some
thirty years ago. It is said, also, that the Con
vention had great trouble in deciding which
was the better man, Shanks, or Lincoln. They,
however, finally settled upon Lincoln and a
greed to put him forward as the Jence-rail
candidnte. Hannibal Hamlin (ye gods ! what
a name) of Maine, received the nomination for
Vice President.
The doings of this Convention are truly
gratifying and encouraging to the Democracy.
A third-rate Illinois lawyer, whose greatest
forte is to spout Abolition speeches, has but a
poor show, in our opinion, to become President
of these United States. Such a disgrace can
scarcely be in store for this glorious Republic.
Let the Democracy but nominate a good man,
and nothing will be surer than the defeat of
Abram Lincoln and the Black Republican party
in next November.
TIIE TRIE DOCTRINE.
We copy below an article which appeared
in Gen. Bowman's Constitution, last August,
we conceive, embodies the true doc
trine with regard to the protection of slavery
in the Territories. VVe should like to see the
Baltimore Convention governed by the spirit
of this article, believing that in that case the
Democracy ol the North and the South could
consistently and honorably harmonize. The
doctrine ol pen. Bowman's article, is that of
the Reading Convention, and we think that as
it seemed to be acceptable to the South last
year, the Pennsylvania delegation to Baltimore,
should insist upon its adoption by the Conven
tion. The reader will observe that the article
combats in a most able and irresistible manner,
the claim setup by Mr. Yancey and the sece
ders from the Charleston Convention, in favor
of Congressional protection to slavery. Jt is,
in fact, one of the clearest and soundest exposi
tions of Democratic doctrine on slavery in the
Territories, that we have ever read. We
heartily subscribe to every word it contiins.
[From the Weekly Constitution, August 27th, 1859.]
Congressional Intervention in tbe Ter-
ritories.
There is no portion of the democratic creed
to which all sections of the party are more sol
emnly pledged and bound to adhere than that
which prohibits interference by Congress with
slavery iff State and Territory, and District of
Columbia.
This policy was adopted after years of ex
hausting and profitless agitation ; was accepted
as final, and by none was it more strongly ur
ged, or more readily assented to, than by the
South. If we look back to the records of Con
gress and read the speeches of the chosenjleaders
of "the South —the most renowned and
uncompromising advocates of Southern rights
—if we look back to the course taken by Cal
houn and Berrien, and other distinguished
Southern statesmen, when the slavery
question was most hotly discussed—we
find that they recommended " non-action " by
Congress in the Territories as the only true pol
icy, and the only effectual means by which the
question could be safely settled in the interest of
the South, and that they demanded "no law to
give them, any advantage."
This principle of non-intervention is the ba
sis of the compromise measures of 1850, and of
the Kansas-Nebraska bill; was adopted unan
imously by the Cincinnati Convention, and was
incorporated into the platform framed by that
body as "the only sound and safe solution of the
the slavery question."
At the time that this [tolicj was adopted it
was a matter of dispute whether or not the
Constitution of the United States recognized the
right to hold siaves in the Territories prior to
the adoption of any municipal law on the sub
ject ; and special provision was made in the Kan
sas-Nebraska bill by which the decision of this
important question was left to the Supreme
Court of the United States, the highest judicial
tribunal ol our country. That tribunal has de
cided that the Territories being the public do
main, and consequently the common property
ot all the States, the slave-owner has as perlect
and indefeasible a right to settle there with his
negroes as the citizen of an}' free State has to
establish himself there with his horses or his
sheep, and that the proprietary rights of the for
mer in his slaves, and ot the latter in his hor
ses and his sheep, being rights guarantied by
the Constitution, are equally entitled to protec
tion. The position of the question, therefore,
at this moment is as follows :
First. Congress has no power to interfere
with slavery in the Territories, either for its
establishment or abolition.
Second. That power is vested exclusively in
the people of the Territories when they assem
ble in convention for the purpose of forming a
State constitution preparatory to admission into
the Union.
T/ii'd. The Constitution recognises the right
to hold slave property in the Territories, as a
right indefeasible by Congress or the Territories,
and places that propeny, like every other spe
cies of propert}, under the protection of the
courts ot the country, created for that purpose,
and armed with full power and authority lor
its execution.
Tte North and the South accepted this po
| sition, and pledged themselves to maintain it,
| as the most equitable settlement of the constitu
! tioual relations which should exist between the
States and Territories, and as the most complete
| establishment of the rights and privileges of
the vaiious members of the confederacy as de
fined and guarantied by the Constitution-
Without a violation of our pledges, and with
out a deliberate annulment of the great princi
ple of non-intervention by Congress, we can
neither admit that a territorial legislature can
lawfully pass enactments hostile to slavery, nor
that Congress should intervene by special en
actment to protect slavery in the Territories.
Honor, good faith, and patriotism demand the
most faithful observance of the spirit and letter
of our compact.
"But," we are asked by our able and court
eous cotemporary, The Mississippi/in, "should
the first handful of squatters in a Territory ar
rogate to themselves the authority to drive out
slavery trom the Territories"—i n other words,
should the people of a Territory defy ihe Con
stitution and trample ou the law, and resist the
authority of the United States/and should that
authority prove incompetent to subdue the nul
lifies and rebels—"is it not the duty of the
Federal Covemment to intervene through all
its departments to interpose and prevent the
wrong or apply a remedy V To this we reply,
tiiaf, as soon as the inhabitants of a Territory
violate the law, usurp powers which are spe
cially denied fo them, refuse to obey the man
dates of the judiciary, and sanction the destruc
tion or robbery of the property of their fellow
citizens, the Federal Government has the pow
er now to punish rebellion and nullification in
the Territories, just as it has the power to so in
the States.- Hitherto, the inhabitants of the
Territories have quietly and legally obeyed the
law, have not attempted any "unfriendly le
gislation," have not manifested any desire "to
drive slavery out of the Territories" or exer
cise any power to which they are not constitu- ,
tionally ent-tled, %nd have never questioned j
the binding authority of the judgments of the !
federal judiciary. In short, our territorial sys- i
tern, as practically carried out by peaceful, law- 1
respecting American citizens, illustrates its
own success. When it proves to be a failure,
it will then be time enough for us to consider
by what better system it can be replaced.
It is as unwise as it is untrue to atfetnpt to
draw a distinction between slave property and
any other specie? of property, and to require
the passage of special laws for the protection of
the former. Slaves are property just as money,
household furniture, cattle, or silver spoons, are
property. The federal courts will apply the
same laws to slave property, and those are am
ple for the purpose ; and if a territorial legisla
ture should attempt to pass laws hostile to sla
very, the federal courts would treat such legis
lation as void, and apply the proper remedies
lor the correction of the evil.
Were we to admit that Congress should inter
fere to pass special Jaws for the Territories
whenever any man or class of men required it,
the work would be endless. One set of men
might deem the laws for the punishment of mur
der, or assault and battery, far too lenient to af
ford them sufficient protection for their fives,
and might apply to Congress to pass other and
severer laws. Another set of men might think
that the laws punishing arson were two mild ;
another, that the punishment for thelt ol hor
ses or money was inadequate; and they might
severally require Con<jres3 to intervene.
Where is intervention bv Congress to end, when
once it is allowed to begin? Is it with the sla
very question alone that it is to he permitted to
inteifere ?
The democratic parly, ir-espective of sec
tions or factions—the democratic party ol the
entire Union—are pledged in the most sacred
manner to "resist all attempts at renewing, in
Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slave
very question, under whatever shape or color
the attempt may be made." We are bound to
keep that pledge. The democratic party, irre
spective of sections or factions—the democrat
ic party of the entire Union—are pledged to
maintain the great doctrine ol non-interference
by Congress with slavery in State and Territo
tory, as embodying the only sound and safe so
lution of the slavery question, by which "the
equal rights of the States will be preserved in
tact, the original compacts of the Constitution
maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and
expansion of the Union insured."
We would ask our cotemporary to recollect
that, during all the time that the slavery agi
tation continued, both in the halls of Congress
and throughout the country, all that the South
asked or required was non-intervention.
Through her senators in the Seriate of the Uni
ted States, through her representatives in the
House, through her delegates in National and
State Conventions, the South declared with
Calhoun, that "non-action, by leaving the Ter
ritories free and open to the emigration of all
the world," was all she desired; that she de
manded no law to give her any advantage in
the Territories, but was willing "to leave the
Territories open to all their citizens so long as
they coniinue to be Territories, and, when thev
cease to be so, to leave it to theii inhabitants to
form such governments as may suit them, with
out restriction or condition except that imposed
!by the Constitution." We would ask our co
[ temporary to recollect how the Northern de-
I mocracy responded to this demand ; how they
| fought and bled, and fell fighting on behall of
; what they believed to be the rights ot the South,
how they were driven from place, and powei,
and position, and from a majority were driven
into a minority, oecause they contended that
the demand of non-intei vention by the South
was just, and ought to be granted. Let our co
temporary tuin back to the history ot this mem
orable struggle, and he will find the path of the
battle marked by the great and good Northern
democrats who sacrificed themselves in uphol
ding the cause of the South. Their ranks were
thinned, they suffered great and irreparable los
ses, but they never faltered, or wavered, or
struck their flag. They fought bravply, and
without ceasing, until they conquered; and is it
now, when all that the South lias demanded
has been obtained—when even the opposition j
are afraid and ashamed to allude, even in aw his
per, to prohibition ot slavery by Congress or 1
any Wilmot-Proviso legislation—when the!
question has been settled by common consent,!
and in the manner that the South required ; j
is it now, we ask, that the South can, with any I
show of justice or honor, spring new issues for j
which there is no practical necessity under ;
heaven, and ask the democrats ot the North to j
expose themselves to the same difficulties, disas- j
ters, and sacrifices which they encountered and j
suffered in days gone by ? We would ask our !
cotemporary to consider the question in this j
light, and say whether, even it it should be con-,
ceded that Congress has the abstract right to !
pass laws for the protection of slavery in the
Territories, it is either fair or just to make a re- j
quest for which there is no practical need or j
justification, and which can only result in a re ;
newal ot past strifes and dissensions.
We would also respectfully ask the Alissis
sippian to define its demand, and how it pro
poses to obtain it. Does it propose thai Con
gress should pass a set of abstract laws for the
regulation of slavery in the Territories ? or does
it advocate he assumption by Congress of the
power of general legislation, and the practical
annulment of our territorial system? or does it
propose that Congress should interfere to pro
tect slavery alone, and not any other kind of
property, where neither slavery nor any other
property is attacked or impaired in the slight
est degree ?
We believe in the soundness, wisdom, and
constitutionality of our territorial policy. We
regard the squatter-sovereignty doctrine as
false, anti-democratic, and unconstitutional.
We have faith in the good sense, respect for law,
and love ot order of ttie Territories, and believe
that, in the future as in the past, they will not
attempt to pass laws injurious to slave proper
ty, or violative of the constitutional rights of
their fellow-cilizens; and we do not believe
that there is, or is likely to be, any case where
the laws which now exist for the piotection of
slavery in the Territories will prove inadequate
for that purpose.
The Republican Nomination for the
Presidency.
The Republican Convention at Chicago have
nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for
President ol the United States—a third rate
Western lawyer, poorer than even poor Pierce.
This is a complete defeat of Seward, who was
fairly entitled to the nomination from the p-rty
which is of his own creation. The result was
brought about by the intrigues of Horace Gree
ley and old Blair, of Silver Springs, who,
though they could not obtain the nomination
for Madame Bates, their first love, yet prevent
od the success of the apostle of the higher law,
and got a man whom they can mould to (heir
personal purposes more readily than Mr. Sew
ard. A few year a ago, at Washington, lbe
New York Senator gave offence to Greely, and
he has never been forgiven, though it was he
who first raised the editor oi the Jr/bune
to importance. Mr. Seward's defeat is a
blow to Thurlow Weed, who built upon his
nomination high hopes of preferment, which
now turn out to be only castles in the air.—
What Raymond and Webb will do remain to
be seen.
The conduct of the Republican party in this
nomination is a remarkable indication of small
intellect, growing smaller. Tbev pass over
Seward, Chase and Banks, who are statesman
and able men, and they take up a fourth rale
lecturer, who cannot speak good grammar, and
who, to raise the wind, delivers his hackneved,
illiterate compositions at S2OO apiece. Our
readers will recollect that this peripatetic poli
tician visited New York two or three months
ago on his financial tour, when in return for
the most unmitigated trash, interlarded with
coarse and clumsy jokes, he filled his empty
pockets with dollars coined out of republican
fanaticism. If, after he becomes President of
the United States, the public finances should
fail, he can set out upon a lecturing mission
through the country, taking Horace Greeley
along with him. He may thusjrepienish a col
lapsed treasury. If people will not exchange
their loose dimes for the instruction cr the pleas
ure derived from his eloquence, they may be
induced to part witbjsome of tbeir cash in the
cause of patriotism, s.nd to save the nation from
bankruptcy—an event which is very likely to
happen if the republicans get hold ol the nation's
purse.
The only other thing lor which Lincoln has
been distinguished besides his itinerant lectu
ring, is his deleat by Douglas in his own State,
at a time when the ticket of the republican
party had five thousand majority over the de
mocracy in fllinois. In his anti-slavery opin
ions he is the most ultra and revolutionary of
all the candidates whose names were introdu
ced at Chicago ; and in the campaign in which
he was beaten he gave utterance to the most
violent sentiments, and went into the itrepressi
ble conflict before Seward himself.
At such a nomination the democrats have
good reason to rejoice. They have a clear road
now before them, and nothing can arrest their
onward march to victory if they are only true
to themselves. Their stars are luckier to them
than they deserve. They have the game in
their hands, if they will suppress their insane
quarrels and unite upon a single candidate, be
he Douglas or Dickinson or Lane, but notTluth
rie, Hunter or Breckinridge, or any Southern
man. The candidate must be a man who will
run well in the Middle States, and b* must be
taken without any platform on his former re
cord in regard to the South. There is no need
ot any platform. The republicans have made
the issue, and that must be met. not by side
winds or abstractions, but by a direct negative,
f heir principles involve the dissolution of the
Union. Their policy is to overthrow the in
iitution3 of the South, ,by force or fraud, by
legislation in violation of the constitution, or,
if necessary, by fire and sword. In the face of'
thisi formidable position, (o sp),t hairs about
er or popular sovereignty , n distant
Territory, , lke K . ro fiddling while Home
was burning, or the manners in a gallant shm
deputing' about her measurement or wtl
ought obe the form of her rig, whil „ th /™
fast drift, on a lee shore, to the imminent
peril ol all on board. If thns „ who
derfake to navigate.he democratic parte will
abandon from this moment their series
jargon, and set about working the 5 h,„ as
practical men, they will weather the storm and
make their destined port in safety Bv tl
discomfiture of Seward at Chicago", and the
nomination of such a man as Lincoln, even the
Slate of \ew York, with its thirty .five votes
is lost to republicanism, and with it the honej
which the party cherished, if the democracy
know how to take advantage of the blunder
that has been made, and rally around a single
banner, inscribed with these words—"l'nit>j
we stand, divided we fall."—.Veto York //
/</.
Tribute of Respect.
j At a meeting of the members of the Bento
: man Literary Society of Allegheny Seminary
! held on the morning of the 21st inat., a Con,'
j rnittee was appointed to draft resolutions ex-
J presive of tne sentiment of the Society, rf|
; live to the deceased. The. following were pre
i sented and adopted :
J WHEREAS, It has pleased Almighty God i n
i his providence, to remove from our midst our
j highly esteemed brother, Alfred S. Over,
: Resolved, That while submitting to the Di
| vine will, vve feel deeply sensible of the loss
which the Society susta ns in the death of one
j of its most active members.
Resolved, I hat we truly sympathize with
hi> li lends and relatives in this sad and unex-
I pected bereavement.
t Resolved , I hat as a token of respect for the
deceased, each member of the Society, wear the
customary badge ol mourning for the space of
1 thirty days. 1
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing pre
amble and revolutions be forwarded to the Edi
tors of the Bedford "Gazette" and "Inquirer"
; lor publication.
W. A. STEPHEN'S,
H. P. WILLIAMS,
W. S. SMITH,
Committee.
Ihe opinion of America on a vital subject.
| Show an American any invention, lrom a
political constitution to a patent rat-trap, and
his first impulse will be to search for its defects;
! his next to improve upon it. If, however, he
finds it perfect— capable of performing all that
1 is claimed for it —invaluable, unimprovable
he "acknoweledges the corn " adopts the arti
cle, whatever it may be, and renders due hon
or to the inventor. This trait in our national
character is signally illustrated in the boundless
popularity of Professor Hollowav's remedies in
this country. When they were first advertised
in the United States, half the world had al
ready approved them. The leading govern
ments of Europe, public institutions "and emi
nent scientific men had endorsed them. But
these credentials were not sufficient for "Brother
Jonathan." He must try them in the crucible
of experiment. The results were in the high
est degree satisfactory. Dyspepsia, bilious com
plaints, affections of the bowels, all the painful
and dangerous varieties of internal disease dis
appeared, invariably, under the operation of the
I'ills : while external disorders, and the effects
ol external injuries, were rapidly and uniform
ly removed by the application of the Ointment.
This was demonstration. The national mind
was convinced. Enthusiasm replaced all
doubf.
We presume that ne establishment in New
5 ork it a central depot tor the sale of his rem
edies in the Foiled States, has been the means
of adding very considerably to his princely for
tune ; but if it has been a pecuniar}- benefit to
him, it has been a benefit which money cannot
measure to thousands of our suffering fellow
citizens. The Ointment and Pills are now ac
cessible to people of every class, in every nart
oft he Lnion, and the amount of good they have
accomplished may be estimated from the fact,
that almost without exception, the newspapers
and other periodicals have published statements
of cures effected by their operation, and back
the statements by editorial declarations of thvir
authenticity. This is a mass of evidence not to
be controverted 0 r shaken. It is a rock of
truth agamst which the waves of prefessional
prejudice beat in vain.—JV". I*. Courier.
Mai'kefs by Telegraph.
BALTIMORE. Mav 23d.—Fiour quiet; How
ard $6 00 Wheat duil at $1 55 and ] 65 f,, r
white and $1 28 and 1 35 for red. Corn
dull ; white 7l and 74c , yellow 76 and 7lc.
Provisions steady. Whiskey steady at 22 and
aC.
PHILADELPHIA, May 23d, 1860 Flour
superfine $6.00 ; fancy. $7.00. Wheat and
ve dull, at $1.50 to $1.52 for prime Red
wheat and $1.65 for White, and Rye at 90
cents. Cloverseed $1.75 for 64 lbs.
OIK V
, At her residence in* St. Clair tp., on the 2ht
inst., Mary Bowen, relict of IVm. Bowen,dec'd,
aged 59 years, 4 months.
On the 2lst inst., at the residence of N. C.
Evans, Esq., in Rainsburg, Alfred S.,son of Ja
cob and Hanuah Over, deceased, of Morrison's
Cove, aged 16 years and 11 months.
Grief cannot change our brother's state,
His spirit's left its house of clay j
No more his voice our ears shall greet,
Or presence cheer us on our way.
In youth's bright morn, the silver cord
Which bound the spirit to its dust,
Was snapped asunder at the word
Of Him who gave it to his trust.
And now he lies beneath the vale,
His manly form will soon decay,
Which teaches us that very soon
We all must travel this dread way.
Sleep on, dear brother, sweetly sleep,
The memories which thy name imparts,
Will cheer us on life's rugged road,
When sorrow chills our drooping hearts.
w. A. s.
/FARMERS!
/ „ CALL AT HARTLEY'S
# HARDWARE AND FARM IMPLEMENT
I Store, and see BEST GRAIN DRILL ever
invented. It will recommend itself, and i WAR
RANTED in full.' A good grain drill and M
good Mower will soon pay for themselves. — I
Ccme, wake up! and try these machines. — m
iF NOT GCNMVTHEy WILL COST YOU /
N(>THING. [may 25,1860. J /