BEDFORD GAZETTE. -BEDFORD Pa.— FRIDAY, MAY 9S, I*6o. B. F. Meyers, Editor aud Proprietor. FOR GOVERNOR Hi;\KY I. FOSTER, OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY. _______ ! "The principle of the tariff of 1842. as far as related to the manufacture of IRON, of any description, or of every description was NOT TOO HIGH." HEMiY D. FOSTER. S' S V; The Irrepressible Conflict. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the Black Republican j nominee for President of the United States, .8 the author of the annexed treasonable, fanatical and revolutionary doctrine. It was announced by him prior to Seward's "Irrepressible Conflict" Roches ter speech, the leading idea of which it embodies, and was the basis ol ail his arguments against Ste phen A. Douglas in ISSB, by whom he was defeated for the I'. S. Senate. Let the conservative masses reflect upon this startling doctrine, and let patriots shrink from it as from a serpent whose sting is death F "We are now far into the fifth yearsince apolicy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise ol putting an end to slavery agitation.— Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly aug mented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been leached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. Ido not expect the Union to be dis solved—ldo not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the farther spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall test in the be lief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will pusn it forward till it shall be come alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new—North as well as South." h ih h b b hJsJ? hJb y|EI£LEI,'ATE ELECTIONS™. vXSJ** Pursuant to rules adopted by the Democratic party of Bedford county, at their regu lar Meeting held in February, 1556, which rules are now in force, the Democratic Vigilance Committees of the several townships and boroughs of Bedford county, are hereby requested to give written notice that elections will be held in their respective dis tricts, on SATURDAY, THE 16TH DAY OF JUNE, next, for the purpose ol"selecting two delegatesjfrom each district, to represent such district in the com ing Democratic County Convention, said Conven tion to meet in the borough of Bedford, on TUES DAY, THE 19tb DAY OF JUNE, NEXT, at 2 o'- clock, P. M..J for the purpose of putting in nomina tion a County Ticket, and appointing Legislative, Senatorial and Congressional Conferees, to meet similar Conferees from the other counties composing the Legislative, Senatorial and Congressional dis tricts in which Bedford county is included. The Democratic voters of the several townships and bor oughs, are also requested to attend to the election of Vigilance Committees for the ensuing year, which Committees will be chosen on the same day on which the Delegate Elections are advertised to be held. Return ol the result of these elections, will be made to the undersigned, on the day of the meet ing of the County Convention. By order of the Democratic Co.Com., O. E. SHANNON", May 25, 1860. Chairman. A Slap in the face of Americanism. The Black Republican Convention at Chica go, under the pressure ot the foreign element ol that party, adopted the following resolution That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our Naturalization laws, 01 any State legislation by which the rights ol citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands, shall be abridged or impaired, ar.d in fa vor of giving a full and efficient protection to the sights oi all classes ot citizens, whether na tive or naturalized, both at home and abroad. These arrant hypocrites, doubtless, imagine that their adoption ol such a resolution as this, will be sufficient to wipe out ail the blood that has been shed in the unholy cause of which they have but recently been advocates ! They, doubtless, think that it will cover and hide the blood-stained page that bears the record ol Louis ville and Baltimore! They offer a bit of treacherous paper a? a recompense for the loss ola thousand lives ' How cunning and yet how foolish! But what will our intense "American" friends say to this ? What us there now to hind them them to Black Republicanism?— What can Francis Jordan and the other Know Nothing leaders in this county, now give as an excuse lor clinging to Black Republicanism ? ; Their doctrine that the naturalization laws I should be remodelled, so as to require loreign ers to remain a longer time in the country, be fore they can become citizens, is completely ignored in the above resolution. Tliey cannot vote lor the Chicago nominees 011 that platform, without taking back what they have said during the iast five years. We repeat, what will the "Americans" say to this? "A wet Blauket." The nomination of Lincoln and Hamlin, has lallen like "a wet blanket" upcu the so-caliea "People's" party of Pennsylvania. Its leaders are discouraged and disheartened at the pros pect before them. When the news of the nomination, was received here, a blank stare ot astonishment and disappointment lookrd out from every Black Republican countenance.— Poor fellows ! We pity their distress ! The Daily Ntws, the Philadelphia 'organ ol the ' People's" party, says of the Chicago nominations, that it s "idle to disguise the fact that there is not only very great disappoint ment in regard to the candidates presented, but 1 marked dissatisfaction. ' The same papei also ; says of the "Dutch plank" in the Chicago plat form. that it is "an insult to the American ele ■ ment." and as such it eschews aa cago, on the 16th of July, 1858 : "I always ha ted siaverv, I think, as much as any Abolition : ist." In another speech at Springfield, 111., on the 17th July, 1858, he said : "I nevertheless did mean to go on the banks of the Ohio, and : throw missiles into Kentucky, to disturb tbem in their domestic|institutioas." Truly, Lincoln is a fit apostle of John Brown's Gospel. . .. .Jas. S. Earle and Son, 816 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, are the most extensive importers of Looking Glasses, Picture and Por trait Frames, Engravings, Oil Paintings, Sec., Sec., in that city. We had the pleasure, recent ly, of visiting their gallery of Paintings, and found it truly splendid. No lover of the fine arts, should fail to visit Earles' Galleries, wb**n in Philadelphia. See Advertisement in anolh column. ... The only thing that ever gave Abram Lincoln any notoriety was his defeat by Ste phen A. Douglas for the U. S. Senate. To relieve hnn of this odium, his partizans claim that he had a majority on the the popular vote. This is a sheer falsehood, as there were Admin istration candidates run in nearly every coun ty iD Illinois, whose vote when counted with the Douglas vote, exceeds by several thousand that cast tor the Lincoln candidates. The Chicago Couveuliou.—Wilmot—Gree ly—Ashrnuo.— Lincoln nominated for President.—The fence-rail candidate. The Convention of the sectional " Republi cans," which met at Chicago an the 16th inst., was a scene of perpetual storm. Hisses or. the one side and cheers on the other, seemed the order of the day. Nothing but the "cohesive power" of their thirst for public plunder, re strained the delegates from dissolving the Con vention. David Wilmot—the "British Free Trade Tory," (as th? Whig newspapers used to call him) was chosen temporary chairman. George Ashmun, ot Massachusetts, a man whose cor rupt practices when a member of Congress, have made his name a reproach and a by-word among all honest men, was made permanent chairman. Horace Greely, editor of the JV. Y. Tribune, and Eli Thayer, Member of Con gress from Massachusetts, were deleqates from Oregon! [qfirere. Is a nomination made by a Convention thus composed, binding upon a party ?] Texas was also represented by non resident delegates ! Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, states which together cannot cast 5000 votes for the "Republican" nominee, had delegations in the Convention ! This was brought about by the opponents of Seward, for the purpose of defeating him. The friends of that candidate declare that he was deliberately cheated out of the nomination—Greely, Blair and other plunder-seekers, were afraid of the irrepressible conflict, and, therefore, resolved to beat Seward. They succeeded, but in turn were beaten themselves, their favorite being Edward Bates of Missouri, a milk-and-water politician, whilst the nominee, Abram Lincoln, of Illinois, is a 'positive and emphatic Aboli tionist. The defeat of Seward and the nomina tion of Lincoln, was but leaping from Scylla to plunge into Charybdis. It i 3 said that the only reason why Lincoln was nominated was, that some of his friends brought a couple of rails into the Convention, which they asserted he and a certain John Shanks, had made some thirty years ago. It is said, also, that the Con vention had great trouble in deciding which was the better man, Shanks, or Lincoln. They, however, finally settled upon Lincoln and a greed to put him forward as the Jence-rail candidnte. Hannibal Hamlin (ye gods ! what a name) of Maine, received the nomination for Vice President. The doings of this Convention are truly gratifying and encouraging to the Democracy. A third-rate Illinois lawyer, whose greatest forte is to spout Abolition speeches, has but a poor show, in our opinion, to become President of these United States. Such a disgrace can scarcely be in store for this glorious Republic. Let the Democracy but nominate a good man, and nothing will be surer than the defeat of Abram Lincoln and the Black Republican party in next November. TIIE TRIE DOCTRINE. We copy below an article which appeared in Gen. Bowman's Constitution, last August, we conceive, embodies the true doc trine with regard to the protection of slavery in the Territories. VVe should like to see the Baltimore Convention governed by the spirit of this article, believing that in that case the Democracy ol the North and the South could consistently and honorably harmonize. The doctrine ol pen. Bowman's article, is that of the Reading Convention, and we think that as it seemed to be acceptable to the South last year, the Pennsylvania delegation to Baltimore, should insist upon its adoption by the Conven tion. The reader will observe that the article combats in a most able and irresistible manner, the claim setup by Mr. Yancey and the sece ders from the Charleston Convention, in favor of Congressional protection to slavery. Jt is, in fact, one of the clearest and soundest exposi tions of Democratic doctrine on slavery in the Territories, that we have ever read. We heartily subscribe to every word it contiins. [From the Weekly Constitution, August 27th, 1859.] Congressional Intervention in tbe Ter- ritories. There is no portion of the democratic creed to which all sections of the party are more sol emnly pledged and bound to adhere than that which prohibits interference by Congress with slavery iff State and Territory, and District of Columbia. This policy was adopted after years of ex hausting and profitless agitation ; was accepted as final, and by none was it more strongly ur ged, or more readily assented to, than by the South. If we look back to the records of Con gress and read the speeches of the chosenjleaders of "the South —the most renowned and uncompromising advocates of Southern rights —if we look back to the course taken by Cal houn and Berrien, and other distinguished Southern statesmen, when the slavery question was most hotly discussed—we find that they recommended " non-action " by Congress in the Territories as the only true pol icy, and the only effectual means by which the question could be safely settled in the interest of the South, and that they demanded "no law to give them, any advantage." This principle of non-intervention is the ba sis of the compromise measures of 1850, and of the Kansas-Nebraska bill; was adopted unan imously by the Cincinnati Convention, and was incorporated into the platform framed by that body as "the only sound and safe solution of the the slavery question." At the time that this [tolicj was adopted it was a matter of dispute whether or not the Constitution of the United States recognized the right to hold siaves in the Territories prior to the adoption of any municipal law on the sub ject ; and special provision was made in the Kan sas-Nebraska bill by which the decision of this important question was left to the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal ol our country. That tribunal has de cided that the Territories being the public do main, and consequently the common property ot all the States, the slave-owner has as perlect and indefeasible a right to settle there with his negroes as the citizen of an}' free State has to establish himself there with his horses or his sheep, and that the proprietary rights of the for mer in his slaves, and ot the latter in his hor ses and his sheep, being rights guarantied by the Constitution, are equally entitled to protec tion. The position of the question, therefore, at this moment is as follows : First. Congress has no power to interfere with slavery in the Territories, either for its establishment or abolition. Second. That power is vested exclusively in the people of the Territories when they assem ble in convention for the purpose of forming a State constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. T/ii'd. The Constitution recognises the right to hold slave property in the Territories, as a right indefeasible by Congress or the Territories, and places that propeny, like every other spe cies of propert}, under the protection of the courts ot the country, created for that purpose, and armed with full power and authority lor its execution. Tte North and the South accepted this po | sition, and pledged themselves to maintain it, | as the most equitable settlement of the constitu ! tioual relations which should exist between the States and Territories, and as the most complete | establishment of the rights and privileges of the vaiious members of the confederacy as de fined and guarantied by the Constitution- Without a violation of our pledges, and with out a deliberate annulment of the great princi ple of non-intervention by Congress, we can neither admit that a territorial legislature can lawfully pass enactments hostile to slavery, nor that Congress should intervene by special en actment to protect slavery in the Territories. Honor, good faith, and patriotism demand the most faithful observance of the spirit and letter of our compact. "But," we are asked by our able and court eous cotemporary, The Mississippi/in, "should the first handful of squatters in a Territory ar rogate to themselves the authority to drive out slavery trom the Territories"—i n other words, should the people of a Territory defy ihe Con stitution and trample ou the law, and resist the authority of the United States/and should that authority prove incompetent to subdue the nul lifies and rebels—"is it not the duty of the Federal Covemment to intervene through all its departments to interpose and prevent the wrong or apply a remedy V To this we reply, tiiaf, as soon as the inhabitants of a Territory violate the law, usurp powers which are spe cially denied fo them, refuse to obey the man dates of the judiciary, and sanction the destruc tion or robbery of the property of their fellow citizens, the Federal Government has the pow er now to punish rebellion and nullification in the Territories, just as it has the power to so in the States.- Hitherto, the inhabitants of the Territories have quietly and legally obeyed the law, have not attempted any "unfriendly le gislation," have not manifested any desire "to drive slavery out of the Territories" or exer cise any power to which they are not constitu- , tionally ent-tled, %nd have never questioned j the binding authority of the judgments of the ! federal judiciary. In short, our territorial sys- i tern, as practically carried out by peaceful, law- 1 respecting American citizens, illustrates its own success. When it proves to be a failure, it will then be time enough for us to consider by what better system it can be replaced. It is as unwise as it is untrue to atfetnpt to draw a distinction between slave property and any other specie? of property, and to require the passage of special laws for the protection of the former. Slaves are property just as money, household furniture, cattle, or silver spoons, are property. The federal courts will apply the same laws to slave property, and those are am ple for the purpose ; and if a territorial legisla ture should attempt to pass laws hostile to sla very, the federal courts would treat such legis lation as void, and apply the proper remedies lor the correction of the evil. Were we to admit that Congress should inter fere to pass special Jaws for the Territories whenever any man or class of men required it, the work would be endless. One set of men might deem the laws for the punishment of mur der, or assault and battery, far too lenient to af ford them sufficient protection for their fives, and might apply to Congress to pass other and severer laws. Another set of men might think that the laws punishing arson were two mild ; another, that the punishment for thelt ol hor ses or money was inadequate; and they might severally require Conj we stand, divided we fall."—.Veto York // / li lends and relatives in this sad and unex- I pected bereavement. t Resolved , I hat as a token of respect for the deceased, each member of the Society, wear the customary badge ol mourning for the space of 1 thirty days. 1 Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing pre amble and revolutions be forwarded to the Edi tors of the Bedford "Gazette" and "Inquirer" ; lor publication. W. A. STEPHEN'S, H. P. WILLIAMS, W. S. SMITH, Committee. Ihe opinion of America on a vital subject. | Show an American any invention, lrom a political constitution to a patent rat-trap, and his first impulse will be to search for its defects; ! his next to improve upon it. If, however, he finds it perfect— capable of performing all that 1 is claimed for it —invaluable, unimprovable he "acknoweledges the corn " adopts the arti cle, whatever it may be, and renders due hon or to the inventor. This trait in our national character is signally illustrated in the boundless popularity of Professor Hollowav's remedies in this country. When they were first advertised in the United States, half the world had al ready approved them. The leading govern ments of Europe, public institutions "and emi nent scientific men had endorsed them. But these credentials were not sufficient for "Brother Jonathan." He must try them in the crucible of experiment. The results were in the high est degree satisfactory. Dyspepsia, bilious com plaints, affections of the bowels, all the painful and dangerous varieties of internal disease dis appeared, invariably, under the operation of the I'ills : while external disorders, and the effects ol external injuries, were rapidly and uniform ly removed by the application of the Ointment. This was demonstration. The national mind was convinced. Enthusiasm replaced all doubf. We presume that ne establishment in New 5 ork it a central depot tor the sale of his rem edies in the Foiled States, has been the means of adding very considerably to his princely for tune ; but if it has been a pecuniar}- benefit to him, it has been a benefit which money cannot measure to thousands of our suffering fellow citizens. The Ointment and Pills are now ac cessible to people of every class, in every nart oft he Lnion, and the amount of good they have accomplished may be estimated from the fact, that almost without exception, the newspapers and other periodicals have published statements of cures effected by their operation, and back the statements by editorial declarations of thvir authenticity. This is a mass of evidence not to be controverted 0 r shaken. It is a rock of truth agamst which the waves of prefessional prejudice beat in vain.—JV". I*. Courier. Mai'kefs by Telegraph. BALTIMORE. Mav 23d.—Fiour quiet; How ard $6 00 Wheat duil at $1 55 and ] 65 f,, r white and $1 28 and 1 35 for red. Corn dull ; white 7l and 74c , yellow 76 and 7lc. Provisions steady. Whiskey steady at 22 and aC. PHILADELPHIA, May 23d, 1860 Flour superfine $6.00 ; fancy. $7.00. Wheat and ve dull, at $1.50 to $1.52 for prime Red wheat and $1.65 for White, and Rye at 90 cents. Cloverseed $1.75 for 64 lbs. OIK V , At her residence in* St. Clair tp., on the 2ht inst., Mary Bowen, relict of IVm. Bowen,dec'd, aged 59 years, 4 months. On the 2lst inst., at the residence of N. C. Evans, Esq., in Rainsburg, Alfred S.,son of Ja cob and Hanuah Over, deceased, of Morrison's Cove, aged 16 years and 11 months. Grief cannot change our brother's state, His spirit's left its house of clay j No more his voice our ears shall greet, Or presence cheer us on our way. In youth's bright morn, the silver cord Which bound the spirit to its dust, Was snapped asunder at the word Of Him who gave it to his trust. And now he lies beneath the vale, His manly form will soon decay, Which teaches us that very soon We all must travel this dread way. Sleep on, dear brother, sweetly sleep, The memories which thy name imparts, Will cheer us on life's rugged road, When sorrow chills our drooping hearts. w. A. s. /FARMERS! / „ CALL AT HARTLEY'S # HARDWARE AND FARM IMPLEMENT I Store, and see BEST GRAIN DRILL ever invented. It will recommend itself, and i WAR RANTED in full.' A good grain drill and M good Mower will soon pay for themselves. — I Ccme, wake up! and try these machines. — m iF NOT GCNMVTHEy WILL COST YOU / N(>THING. [may 25,1860. J /