r extending, bv the consent of the people, over
the whole of Mexico, a resort to hostilities a
gainst it would have been quite justifiable, and
indeed necessarr. Bat the country was a prey
to civil war; and it was hoped that the success
of the constitutional President might lead to &
condition of things less injurious to the United
States. This success became so probable that,
in January last, j employed a reliable agent to
visit Mexico, and report to me the actual con
dition and prospects ol the contending parties.
In consequence cf his report, and from infor
mation which reached tne from other sources,
favorable to the prospects ot the constitutional
cause, I leit justified in appointing a new min
ister to Mexico, who might enibiace t e earli
est suitable opportunity ol restoring our liiido
matic relations with that republic. I.m this
purpose a distinguished citizu <>'. .lacyland
was selected, who proceeded on Ins mission on
the Bth of March last, with discretionary au
thority to recognize the government ol Presi
dent Juarez, ifon his arrival in Mexico he should
find it entitled to such recognition, according to
established practice of the United Stales. On
the 7th of April following, Mr. McLaue pre
sented his credentials to President Juarez, hav
ing no hesitation "in pronouncing the govern
ment of Juarez to be the only existing govern
ment of the Republic." He was cordially re
ceived by the authorities at Vera Cruz, and they
have ever since manifested the most friendly
disposition towards the United States. Un
happily, however, the Constitutional Govern
ment has not been able to establish its power
over the whole republic. It is supported by a
large majority of the people and the States, but
there are important parts of the country where
it can enforce no obedience. General Mira
mon maintains himself at the capital, and in
some of the distant provinces there are military
governors who pay little respect to the decrees
ofjeither government. In the meantime the ex
cesses which always attend upon civil war, and
especially in Mexico, are constancy recurring:
outrages of the worst description are committed
both upon poisons and property. There is
scarcely any form of injury which has not been
suffered by our citizens in Mexico during the
last few years. We have been nominally at
peace with that Republic, but so tar as the in
terests of our commerce, and of our citizen.-
who have visited the country as merchants,
shipmasters, or in other capacities, are concern
ed, we might as well have been a! war. Life
has been insecure, propesty unprotected, and
trade impossible, except at a risk of loss which
prudent men cannot be expected to incur. Im
pmtant contracts, involving large expenditures
entered into by the central government, have
been set at defiance by the local governments.
Peaceful American residents, occupying their
rightful possessions, have been suddenly expell
ed the country in defiance of treaties and bv the
mere force of arbitrary power. Even the
course of justice has not beer, safe from control,
and a recent decree of Miramon permits the in
tervention of government in all suits where ei
ther party is a foreigner. Vessels of the Uni
ted States hive been seized without law,and a
consular officer, who protested against such
seizure, has been fined and imprisoned for disre
spect to the authorities. Military contributions
have been levied, in violation of every princi
ple of right, and the American who resisted the
lawless demand has had his property forcibly
taken away and has been himself banished.
From a conflict of authority in different parts
of the country, tariff dnties, which have been
paid in one place, have been exacted over again
in another place. Large numbers of our citi
zens have been arrested arid imprisoned with
out any form of examination or any upportitu
nity for a hearing, and, even when released,
have only obtained their liberty after much
suffering and injury and without any hope ol
redress. The wholesale massacre ofCrabbe anc
his associates, without trial, in Sonora, as we I
as the seizure and murder of four sick Americans
who had taken shelter in the honse of an A
merman, upon the soil of the United States, wa
communicated to Congress at its last Session
Murders of a still more atrocious character havt
been committed in the very heart of Mexico
under the authority of Msramon's government
during the present year. Some ofthese wen
only worthy ola barbarous age, and if they hat
not been clearly proven, would have seemet
impossible in a country which claims to b
civilized. Of this description was the bruta
massacre in April las!, by order of Gen. Mat
quez, of three American physicians, who wer
seized in tne hospital at l'acubaya, while atten
ding upon I h-sick and dying of both parties
and without trial, as without crime, were hur
lied awav to a speedy execution. Little le S
shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase
\\ o was shot in Tepic, on the seventh of An
gust, by order of the same Mexican General
riot only without a trial, but without anv con
jecture by his friends of the cause of his arrest
He is represented as a young man ofgood char
acter and intelligence, who had made numer
ous friends in Tepic, by the courage and fin
inanity which he had displayed on several try
ing occasions, and his death was unexpected a
it was shocking to the whole community. ()
ther outrages might be enumerated, but thesi
are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state o
th* country, and the unprotected condition o
the persons and property of our citizens ic
Mexico,
In all these cases, our Ministers have beer
constant and faithful in their demands for re
dress, but both they and this government, which
they have successively represented, have beer
wh dly powerless to make tbeir dermnJs etlec
five. Their testimony in this respect, and ir
reference to the only lemedy which, in then
judgments, would meet the exigency, has beer
bath uniform and empoatic. "Nothing but s
manifestation of the power of file government
of the United S'ates," wrote our late Minister
in U-.0/, --and of its purpose to puoisfi thes>
wrongs, wiii avail. I assure you that the uni
versal be ief oere is that there is nufhin/ to bt
c- :r.-lien ! i from the government of tie fini
te) States, and that local Mexican officials can
conn ,i' these outrages upon American ci'rze c
with absolute impunity."" I hope the J\"-s
.lent" (wrote nor present Minister) in August
las', "will feel autnorized to a k from C ingress
the power to enter Mexico with the miliiav
forces .fth- United States, at the call of tn'e
constitutional authorities, in order to protect m
citizens and the treaty rights of the United
States. Unless such a power is conferred upon
bun, neither the one nor the other will be re
spected in. the existing state of anarchy and
disorder, and ihe outrages already perpetrated
will never be chastised, and a; I assured you
in my number twenty-three, all these evils
must increase until evety vestige of order and
government disappears from the countrv." I
have been "eluctaiitly led to the same opinion,
aud in justice to my countrymen, who have
sud'ered wrongs irom Mexico, and who may still
suffer them, I fed bound to announce this con
clusion lo Congress.
The case presented, however, is not merelv
a case of individual claims, although our just
claims against Mexico have reached a very
large amount, nor is it merely the case of pro
tection to the lives and property of the lew A
mericans who may still remain in Mexico, al
thongh the life and property of every Ameri
can citizeu ought to be sacredly protected in ev
ery quarter of the world, but'it is a question
which ielate3 to the future, a3 well as to the
present and the past, and which involves, in
directly at least, the whole subject of our duty
to M-xico as a neighboring Slate. The exer
cise of the power ot the United Slates in that
country to redress the wrongs and protect the
rights of our own citizens, is none the less to be
desired, because efficient and necessary aid mav
thus b 'rendered at the same time to restore
peac • and order to Mexico itself. In the ac
complishment of this result, the people of the
' nited Slates must necessarily feel a deep and
earnest interest. Mexico ought to be*a rich, and
prosperous and powerful republic. Site posses
ses an extensive territory, a fertile soil, and an
incalculable store of mineral wealth. She oc
cupies an important posilion between the gulf
and the ocean, for transit and for commerce.
Is it possible that such a country as this can be
given up to anarchy and ruin, without an eflbrt
from any quarter for its safety. Will the com
mercial nations of the world, which have so
many interests connected with it, remain whol
-Ily indifferent to such a result. Can the Uni
-1 ted States especially, which ought to share roost
largely in its commercial intercourse, allow
their immediate neighbor thus to destroy itsell
1 arid injure tthem? Vet without support fiom
smne quarter it is impossible to perceive how
i Mexico can resume her position among nations
i and enter upon a career which promises any
good results. ihe aid which she requires, and
which the interests of all commercial countries
require that .she 'should have, it belongs to this
government to render, not only by virtue of
our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose ter
ritory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a
thousand miles, but by virtue, also, of our es
tablished policy, which is inconsistent with the
intervention ot any European power in the do
mestic concerns of that republic.
The wrongs which we have suffered from
Mexico are before the woild, and must
deeply impress every American citizen. A
government which is either unable or unwil
ling to redress such wrongs, is derelict to its
highest duties. The difficulty consists in selec
ting and eniorcing the remedy. We may in
vain apply to the constitutional government at
\ era Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us
justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its author
ity is acknowledged in all the important ports
and throughout the seacoasts of the Republic,
its power does not extend to the City of Mexico
and the States in its vicimty, where nearly all
the recent outrages have been committed, on
American citizens. We must penetrate into
the interior before we can reacii the offenders,
and this can only be done by passing through
the territory in the occupation of the constitu
tional government. Trie most acceptable and
least difficult mode of accomdiishing the object,
will be to act in concert with that government.
1 heir consent and their aid might, I believe, be
obtained; but it not, our obligation to protect
our own citizens in their just rights secured by
treaty, would not be the less imperative. For
these reasons, I recommend to Congress to pass
a law, authorizing the President, under such
conditions as they may deem expedient, to em
ploy a sufficient military foice to enter Mexico,
lor the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the
past, and security for the future. 1 purposely
retrain from any suggestion as to whether this
force shall consist,ot regular troops or volunteers,
or both. This question may be most appropri
ately left to the decision of Congress. 1 would
: merely observe, that should volunteers be se
lected, such a force could be easily raised in this
country, among those who sympathise with the
sufferings of our unfortunate fellow citizens in
Mexico, and with the unhappy c xidition of that
; Republic. Such an accession to the forces ol
the constitutional government would enable it
soon to reach the C.ty of Mexico, and extend
its power over the w noie Republic. In that e
vent, there is no reason to doubt that the jusl
claims of our citizens would be satisfied, arid
adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflic
ted upon them. The constitu-ional govern
ment have ever evinced a strong desire to dc
justice, and this might be secured in advance
by a perliminary treaty.
It may be said that these measures will, a
least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wi-u
and settled policy not to interfere in the domes
tic concerns of foreign nations, but does not tin
present case fairly constitute an exception? Ar
a joining republic is in a state of anarchy ant
confusion, from which she has proved whoiij
unable to extricate herself; she is entirely des
titute cl t tie power to maintain peac* upon h u :
borders or to prevent the incursions of banditt
into our territory. In her late, h*r fortune
and her power to establish and maintain a set
tled government, we have a far deeper interest
socially, commercially, and politically, thar
other nations. She is now a wreck upon ?hi
oc-an, drifting about as she i$ impelled bs
different factions. Asa good neighbor, shaii
we not extend to her a helping hand to sav*
her ? If we do not ,it would not be surprising
should some other nation undertake the task
and tiius force us to interfere at last under cir
cumstances of increased difficulty for the main
tenance of our established policy.
I repeat the recommendation contained in
my last annual message, that authority may be
given to the President to establish one or more
temporary military posts across the Mexican
line in Sonora and Chihuahua, where these
j may be necessary to protect the lives ami prop
: eri v of American and Mexican citizens against
I 'lie incursions r!f depredations of the Indians
! is well as lawless rovers in that remote region!
j I'he establishment of one such post, at a point
! called A nape, in Sonora, in a country now al
j most depopulated bv the hostile inroads of the
' Indians from our side of the line, would, it is
beloved, have prevented much injury and
many cruellies during the past season. A state
o,' .'--iwlessoess and violence prevails on that
dis'ant frontier. Life and properly are there
wlr. llv insecure. The jmpulatmn of Arizona,
now numbering more than ten thousand souls,
are practically destitute ofgovernment, of laws
or of an j' regular administration of justice-
Murder, rapine, and other crimes are commit
ted with impunity. I therefore again call the
a'tention ot Cmgres3 to the necessity far estab
lishing a territorial government ov-pr Arizona.
The treaty with Nicaragua, of the Kith
February, 1857, to which I referred in inv last
annual message, failed to receive the ratifica
tion of the government of that republic, for
reasons which I need not enumerate. A simi
iar tieaty has since been concluded between
the parties, bearing date 16th March, 1859,
which has already been ratified by,the Nicara
guan Congress. This will be immediately sub
rnftted to the Senate tor their ratification : its
provisions cannot, I think, fail tu be acceptable
jto the people ol both countries. Our claims a
gainst the governments of Costa Rica and.Nicira
t gua remain unredressed, although pres
sed in an earnest manner, and not without hope
iot success. I deem it to be my duty once more
earnestly to recommend to Congress (he passage
ot a law authorizing the President to employ
' t!ie naval force at his command for the purpose
! of protecting the lives and property of Ameri
j can citizens passing in transit across the Pana
| ma, Nicaraguan and Tehuautepec routes, a
: gainst sudden and iawlessoutbreaks and depreda
; tion*. I shall not repeat the argument employ
ed i:i former messages in suoport ol this meas-1
| ure ; sutiice it to say that the Jives of many of J
i our people, and the security of vast amounts ot
i treasure passing and re-passing over one or
| more of these routes, between the Atlantic and
Pacific, may be deeply involved in the action
j of Congress on this subject.
I would also again recommend to Congress
that authority be given to the President to em
ploy tiie naval force to protect American mer
chant vessels,jtheir crews and cargoes, against
violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in
the ports ol Mexico and the Spanish Atr'rican
States where these countries mae be in a sistur
bed and revolutionary condition. The mere
knowledge that such an authority trad been
conferred, as I have already stated, would, ol j
itself in a great degree, prevent the evil
Neither would this require any additional ap
propriation tor the naval service. Ttie thief
objection urged again>t the grant of this authori
ty is, that Congress, by conferring it, would be
a transfer of the war-making, or, strictly speak
ing, the war-declaring power, to the Execu
tive. If this were well founded, it would, of
course, be conclusive. A very brief examina- \
ti >n, however, will place this objection at rest.
Congress possesses the sole and exclusive power
under the Constitution to declare war. They
alone can raise and support armies and provide
and maintain a navy. Jjut after Congress shall
have declared war, and provided the force
necessary to carry it on, the Pre-ident, as com
niander-in-chief of the army and navy, can
alone employ this force in making war against
the enemy. Phis is the plain language, and
history proves that it was the well known in
tention of the trarr.ers of the constitution.
it will not be jet.ied that the general power to
declare war is without limitation, and embra
ces within itself not only what writers on the
Law of Nations term a public or perirct war,
nut also an impeitect war, and in snort every
speciesof hostility, however confined or limited.
Without the authority of Congress, the Presi- j
dent cannot fire a hostile gun in any case, ex-'
cept to repel the attacks ot an enemy. It will
not be doubted, that under this power, Congress
could, it they thought proper, authorize the 1
President to employ the force at his command,!
to seize a vessel belonging to an American citi- i
zen which has been illegally employed and j
captured in a foreign port and restore to its !
owner, but can Congress only act after the fact
—after the mischief has been done ? Have '
they not power to confer upon the President |
the authority in advance to furnish in-lant re-j
dress, should such a case afterwards occur ? '
Must they wait until the mischief has bpen
done, and can they apply the remedy, onlv ;
when it is too late ? To confer this authority, 1
to meet future cases under circumstances strict
ly specific, is as clearly within the war decla- 1
r ing power as such an authorityjconfer. Ed upon ,
the President by act ot Congress after the deed ;
has been done. In the progress of a great na- j
tion many exigencies must arise, imperatively 1
requiring that Congress should authorize the
President to act promptly on certain conditions i
which may not aftewards arise. Our history i
has already presented a number of such cases.
I shall refer only to the latest.
Lnder the resolution of June 2d, ISSS, for
the adjustment of difficulties with the republic
ot Paraguay, the President is authorized to
adopt such measures and use such Ibrce as
in his judgment may be necessary and advisa
ble, in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction
by the government of Paraguay. Just satisfac
tion f>r what ? For the attick on'theU. S. stea
mer Water IV itch and other matters referred
to in the annual message of the President.—
Here the power is expressly granted, upon the
condition that th-* C ivernment of Paraguay
I shall refuse to render this just satisfaction. In
this and other similar cas*s, Congress have con
ferred upon th President power in advance to
empi :v the army and navy upon the happen
ing of contingent future events, and this most
certainly is embraced within th power to de
clare war. Now. if this conditional and con
tingent power could be constitutionally confer
red upon the President in the case of Paraguay,
why may it not be conferred for the purpose
I of protecting the lives and property of Ameri
i can citizens, in the event that they may be vio
l-nlly and lawlessly attacked in passing over
j tiie transit routes to and from California, or
assailed by the seizure of their vessels in a for
' eign port ? To deny this power is to render
the navy, in a great degree, useless, for the
protection of the Jives and property of Ameri
j can citizens - in countries where neither protec
tion nor redress can b" otherwise obtained.
| The Thirty-Fifth Congress terminated on the
third day of March, 1859, without having pass
ed the act making appropriations for the. ser
vice of the PDst Office Department during tiie
fiscal year ending the 30th June, iB6O. This
act also contained an appropriation to supply
deficiencies in the revenue of the Post Office
Department for the year ending the 30th June,
1859. I believe that this is the first instance
since the origin of the federal government, now
more than seventy years ago, when any Con
gress went out of existence without having
passed all th gppe.'al appropriation bills ne
cessary to carry ou the government until the
regular period for the meeting of a new Con
gress. This event imposed on the executive a
giave responsibility. It presented a choice
of evils. Had this omission ol duty occurred
at the first session of the iast Congress, the
remedy would have been plain. I might then
have instantly recalled them to complete their
work, and this without expense to the govern
ment. But on the fourth of March last, there
were fitteen of the thirty-three States which
had not elected any representatives to the
present Congress. Had Congress been called
together immediately, these States would have
been virtually disfranchised. If an intermedi
ate period had been selected, several of the
States would have been compelled to hold ex
tra sessions of their legislature, and at great
inconvenience and expense to provide for elec
tions at an earlier day than that previously
fixed by law. In th# regular course, ten of
these States would, not elect until after the
beginning of Augast, and five of these ten not
until October an.d November. On the other
land, when 1 came to examine carefully the
condition of tne Post Office Department,' I did
riot meet as many or as great difficulties as I
apprehended. Had the bill which failed
been confined to appropriations for the fiscal
j ear ending on the 30th June next, there
would have been no reason of pressing impor
tance tbrthe call ol an extra session. Nothing
would become due on contracts, those with
railroad companies only excepted, for carrying
the mail for the first quarter of the present fiscal
year, commencing on the Ist of July, until the
Ist oI December, lesstfian one week before the
meeting o 1 present Congress. The reason is,
tiiat the mail contractors, for this, the current
year, did not complete their first quarter's ser
! v ice until the 30th of September last, and, by
: the terms of their contracts, sixty days more
•ire allowed for the settlement ol their accounts,
before the Department could be called upon tor
The great difficulty and tht. great
hardship consisted in the failure to provide for
the payment of the deficiency in the fiscal year
ending the 30th June, 1859. The department
had entered into contracts, in obedience to ex
isting laws, for service o(that fiscal year, and
the contractors were fairly entitled" to their
compensation as it became due. Thedeficiency,
as stated in the bill, amounted to $3,838,728,
but alter a careful settlement ol all the accounts,
it has been ascertained that it amounts to §4,-
296,009. With the scanty means at his com
j mam', the Postmaster General lias managed to
pay that portion of this deficiency whicn oc
curred in the first two quarters of the past fis
cal year, ending on the 31 si December last.
In the meantime the comractors themselves,
under these trying circumstances, have beha
ved in a manner worthy of all commendation.
They had one resource in the midst ot heir
embarrassments. After the amount due to
each of them had been ascertained and finally
settled according to law thts became a .specific
debt of record against the United States, which
enabled them to borrow money on this unques
tionable security. Still they were obliged to pay
interest in consequence of the default of Con
gress, and on everv principle of justice ought to
receive interest from the government. This
I interest should commence from the date when
a warrant would have issued for the payment
of the principal had an appropriation been
made for this purpose. Calculated up to Ist of
December, it will not exceed §96,660 a sum
not be taken into account when contrasted
with the great difficulties and embarrassments
of a public and private character, both to
the people and the States which would have
resulted Irom convening and holding a special
' session of Congress.
For these reasons 1 recommend thp passage of
an act nt as early a day as may b j practicable
to provide for the payment of the amount, with
| interest, flue to these last mentioned contiactors,
as well as to make the necessary appropria
: (ions for the services of ihe Pest Office
; Department for the current fiscal year. The
1 failure to pass the Post Office bill, "necessarily
! gives birth to serious reflection. Congress,
bv refusing to pass the general appropriation
bills necessary to carry on the govern
j merit, may not only arrest its action, but
j might destroy its existence. The army, the
| navy, the judiciary, in short every department
of the government can no longer perform their
i functions if Congress refuse the money necessa
|ry for their support. If this failure should
j teach the country the necessity of electing a
full Congress in sufficient time to enable the
i President to convene them ic> any emergency
I even immediately after the old Congress has
I expired, it will have been productive of great
good. In a time of sudden and alarming dan
ger, foreign or domestic, which all nations must
! expect to encounter in their progress, the very
salvation of our institutions may be staked upon
the assembling of Congress without delay. If,
under such circumstances the President should
find himself in the condition in which he was
placed at the close ol the last Congress, with
nearly hall the States of the Union destitute of
representatives, the consequences might be'dis
j astrous; I therefore recommend to Congress to
; carry in to effect the provision* of the Consti
! tution on this subject, and to pass a law appoin
, ting some day previous to the 4th ol March in
j each year of oi l number, lor (he election of
| representatives throughout all th States.
I hey have already appointed a dav for the
| eleciion of electors for President and Vice-Presi
i dent, and this measure has been approved bv
I the country.
; I would again express a nvnsf decided opinion
; in favor of the construction of a Pacific rail
: road, tor the reasons stated in tny two last annu
al messages. V, lien I reflect upon what would
be the defenceless condition of our States and
Territories west of Ihe Rocky Mountains, in
case of a war with a naval power sufficiently
strong to interrupt all intercourse with them
by the route acrosstbe Isthmus,l am still more
convinced than ever ol the vast importance of
this railroad. I have never doubted the con
stitutional competency of Congress to provide
for its construction, but this is exclusively under
the war making power, besides, the Constitu
tion expressly requires, as an imperative duty,
that the United States shall protect each o' the'
States against invasion. lamat a loss to con
ceive how this protection can be afforded to
California and Oregon against such a naval
power by any other means. I repeat the opin
ion contained}, n my last annual message that
it would be inexpedient for the government to
undertake this great work by agents ot i's own
appointment, and under its direct and exclusive
control. This would inert ase the patronage of
the executive to a dangerous extent, and would
foster a system of jobbing and corruption which
no vigilance on the part of federal officers could
prevent.
1 he construction of this road ought therefore
to be entrusted to incorporated companies, or
of, XT agencies, who-would exercise that active
and vigilant supervision GV-T it which can be
inspired alone by a sense of corporate and indi
vidual interest. I venture to assert that the
additional cost of transporting troops, munitions
of war, and necessary supplies fo r lhp ari a _
cross the vast intervening plains to our possess
ions on the Pacific coast, would all be inade
quate for their defence and protection. We
have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of
extravagant expenditure produced by our over
flowing treesury during several vears prior to
the commencement of my administration. The
financial reverses which we have since experi
enced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our ex
penditures with the greatest vigilance, and to
reduce them to the lowest possible point ,p h e
executive departments of the government have i
devoted themselves to the accomplishment of
this object with considerable success, as will'ap
pear from their different reports and estimates
' To these I invite the scrutiny of Congress, for ;
the purpose of reducing them stfll lower, it this j
! practicable, consistent with tlie^great public
j interests of the country. In aid of the police
|of retrenchment, 1 pledge myself to examine
closely the bills appropriating lands or money
; so that ii any ol these should inaJvertently pasr i
both Houses, as must sometimes be the case, I ■
may afford them an opportunity for rec< i.isider- !
ation : at the same time we ought neve.- to for- j
get that true public economy consists, not in j
wilfinojding tlie means necessary to accomplish
important national objects confided locs by the
Constitution ; but in taking care that the mon
ey appropriated for these purposes shal I i>e f d ifh- j
fully and frugally expended. It will appear
from the report of the Secretary of the Treasu
ry, that it is extremely doubtful, to say the
least, whether we shall be able to pasu through
the present and the next fiscal year without ad
ditional revenue. This can only be accom
plished by strictly confining the appropriations
within the estimates ol theditferent departments •
without making an allowance fur ar v addition- I
al expenditures, which Congress may think '
proper in their discretion to authorize, and i
without providing for the redemption of any !
portion of the §20,000,000 of treasury note's j
which have been already issued. In the event i
of a deficiency, which 1 consider probable, this j
ought never to be supplied by a resort to addi
tional igans.
It would be a ruinous practice in the days o!
peace and prosperity to go on increasing the ;
national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of '
the government. This policy would cripple!
"tir resources and impair our credit in ca-e the j
existence of war should render it .necessary to i
| borrow money. Should such a deficiency ac- 1
cur as I apprehend, I would recommend that i
the necessary revenue be raised by an increase i
of our present duties on imports. I need not !
repeat the opinions expressed in my lad annual
message as to the best mode and manner of ac- I
! complishing this object, and shall now merely
j observe that these have since undergone no!
; change.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury j
will explain in detail tile operations ol that De
partment til the (J ivernment.
Tile receipts m'o the treasury from all sour- \
ces during the fiscal year ending 331h June, !
1859, including the loan authorized by the act I
ot 14-tti June, 18:>o, and the issue ol treasury
notes authorized by existing laws, were eighty
one million six hundred and inaeiv-two thou
sand four hundred and seventy-one dollars ami
one cent, ($8L,692,47i 01) which sunt with j
the balance of six rtulion three hundred and ■
ninety-eight thousand three hundred and six
teen dollars and ten cents, ($6,398,316 10) re
maining m the treasury al the commencement
of that fiscal year, made an aggregate for the
service of the year ol eighty-eight million nine
ty thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven!
dollars and eleven cents (888,090,787 i I.) )
Ihe public expenditures during the fiscal
j ear ending 30th June, 1559, amounted to j
eighty-three million seven hundred and filtv
one thousand five hundred and eleven dollars |
and fifty-seven cents, (§83,751,511 59.) Of
this sum seventeen rmliiun four hundred and
five thousand two hundred and eighty-five dol
lars and fortjfr-four cents, (§17,4.05,285 44)
were applied to the payment of interest on the j
public debt and the redemption of the issues of
treasury notes. The expenditures for all other
branches of the puoiic service during that t,s
cal year were therefore >ixtv-.\ix milii m three i
hundred and forty-six thousand two hundred
| twenty-six dollars and thirteen cents, i§66,j
346,226 13.)
The balance remaining in the treasury on I
the Ist July, 1859, oemg the commencement I
|of the present fiscal year, was four million j
j ttiree hundred and thirty-nine thousand two
; hundred and seventy-five dollars and filtv-lour I
j cents (§4,339,275 54.)
Ihe receipts into the treasury during the
I fir-t quarter of the present fi-cal year, coin
j 'tie.icing Ju.y Ist, were twenty million !
| six hundred and eighteen thousand eight hun- ;
I di ed and sixty-five dollars and eighty-five cents !
i§2o, 618,865 85.) Of tliis amount, three mil- |
lion eight hundred and twenty-one thousand I
tiiree hundred dolims (§3,821.300) was re-j
ceived on account of the loan and uie issue of ,
treasury notes—the amount of sixteen million :
j seven hundred and ninety-seven thousand five '
j hundred and sixty-five dollars and eigh'v-liv. i
j (§16,797,565 85) having been~received j
I during the quarter front the ordinary sources ci 1
I public revenue. The estimated receipts for the |
remaming tiiree quarters of the pre.-' nt fiscal ,
year to.iJtli June, iB6O, are fifty million four
hundred and twenty-six thousand four hundred
d >1.ar5,(§.>0,426,400.) t)l this amount it is
estimated tiiat five million seven hundred and
| fifty-six thousand four hundred dollars (5,756,
400) will be received for Treasury notes which
may be re-issued under the filth section ol the
act of 34 March last, and one million one hun- i
dred and seventy thousand dollars (§1,170,000)
i >n account of the loan authorized by the act o!
| June 14, 1858—making six million nine hun
dred and twenty-six thousand four hundred dol
; 'ars (§6,926,400) horn these extraordinary
sources, and forty three million five hundred
1 thousand dollars (§43,500,000) from the crdi-
I nary sources ot the public revenue—makin an
j aggregate, with the balance in the Treasury on
! the Ist July, 1859, of seventy-five million three
hundred and eighty-four thousand five hundred
and forty-one dollars and eighty-nine cents,
(§75,384,541 89) tor the estimated means ol
the present fiscal year ending 30th ot June,
i S6l).
the present fiscal year wrc twenty million sev
en thousand one hundred and seventy-four dol
lars and seventy-six cents, ($20,007,174 76.)
l our million six hundred and sixty-four thou
sand three hundred and sixty-six dollars and
seventy-Six cent5(53,664,366 76) of this sum
were applied to the payment of interest on the
pubuc debt and the redemption of the issues of
treasury notes, and the remainder, being Glteen
mi hon three hundred and forty-two thousand
cig.it hundred and eight dollars, (§15,342,808)
were applied to ordinary expenditures during
the quarter. 1 lie estimated expenditures durin"
the remaining three quarters, to June 30, 1860
are for'y million nine hundred and ninety-five
thousand five hundred and tiftv-eitrfu dollars
anc. twenty-three cents, (§40,995,558 23.) Oi
which sum two million eight hundred and
eighty-six thousand six hundred and twenty
one dollars and thirty-four cents (§6,886 62 I
."' ar? estimated for the interest on the public
< ebt. The ascertained and estimated expendi
tures for the fiscal year ending 30th June 18-
60, on account of the public debt, a:e, accor
dingly, seven million five hundred and fifty
thousand nine hundred and eightv-ei 'ht dollars
and ten cents, (§7,550,988 30 ;) and Tor the or
dinary expenditures of the Government fifty-
Ibree million four hunured and filty-oae thou-
-and seven hundred and forty-fo,, ] [
j eighty-nine cents, (153,451,744 89 JJJ•° d
a " "*"* of sixty-one million two ih™ I
seven hundred and thuty-t wo dollars and*
i '- v ~ mn " c " n! (§61,002 732 99 i leavinl "
JW, mo, 01 four!oon million it;,,, , j JI !
and eighty-one thousand j lUri ,i r i
j eight dollars and forty en's, (§l4, 381,SOS 4o"!
I Ihe estimat-d receipts during the next fi .
j . *., 30,h Juno, 1831, L
lion two hundred and twentv-fiv h
nt, mated, a, before stated, as remaining?
: 1 reasary on the 30th June, |6u wiq f
jan aggregate for the serv.ee of the' J***
j year ol eighty million six hundred and ? r
; thousand eight hundred and eight dollars ar ,
forty cents, ($90,606,808 40.) "
_ I ' ,e estimated expenditures during the nn„
ascal year ending 30th June, 1861, are m(v
, six millions seven hundred and fourteen thou
sand nine hundred and twenty-eight dollars ami
seventy nine cents, ($66,714,928 79.) Ofthm
amount, three million three hundred and eigh
ty-six thousand six hundred and twenty one*
dollars and thirty-four cents '(53,386,6*21 3|
will be required to pay the interest on the pub
lic debt; leaving the sum of sixty-three million
ihiee hundred arid twenty-eight thousand three
hundred and seven dollars and forty-five
i (§63,328,397 45) for the estimated ordinary e X
, penditures during the fiscal year ending 30,fi
June, 1801. Upon these estimates a balance
I WMII be left in the Treasury on the 39th June
j 1861, of thirteen million eight hundred and
! nine; v-one thousand eight hundred and seventy
nme dollars and sixty-one.cents, ($13,891.8^9
Hut this balance, as well as that estimated (o
remain in the treasury on the Ist July,
will be reduced by such appropriations as shall
je made by law to carry into effect certain In
| dian treaties during the present fiscal year ask
ed tor by the Secretary of the interior, to' the
amount of five hundred and thirtv-nine'thousan 1
ihree hundred and fifty d011ar5,(5539,350,j and
upon the estimates of the Postmaster General
for the service of his Department ttie last fiscal
V-ar, ending 30th June, 1859, amounting p,
I ;ur million two hundred and ninety-six thou
sand and nine dollar*, ($4,296,009,) together
with the further estimate of that office: tor the
service of the present fiscal year, pnding 39th
June, 1860, being five millions five hundred
and twentv-six thousand three huadred and
t ventv-four dollars, ($ >.526,324,) making an
aggregate often million three and
stMy-one thousand six hundred arid eiMilv
threedollars, ($10,361,683 ) ° '
Should these appropriations be marie as re
quested by the proper Departments, (he bal
ance in the Treasury on the 30lh June, 1861
will not, it is estimated, exceed three million
five hundred and thirty thousand one hundred
and ninety-six dollars and sixty-one cents 83
53 1,196 61 ) '
I transmit herewith the reports of the Secre
taries of War, ofine Xnty.cf -he Inferior, and
cl the Postmaster General, They each con
tain valuable information and importart r®corr
men iations we 1 worthy of the serious cos-idera*
tion of Congress.
It will appear from fhe report nf the Serrefa
rv of ar that the army expenditures have
1 pen materially reduced bv a system of rm::i
economy, which, in his opinion, offers every
guarantee that the reduction will be permanent
The estimates of the Depaitment jfnr the next
year have been reduced nearly two millions cf
dollars bplow the estimates for the present fiscal
year, and half a million of dollars below the a
mount granted for this year at the last session
ot Congress.
The expenditures of the Post Office Depart
ment during the fiscal year, ending on the 30th
June, 1859, exclusive of payments for mail ser
vice specially provided by Congress out of the
general treasury, to $14,954,493 33
and its receipts to $7,968,484 07:' showing a
deficiency to be supplied from the treasury 3 of
*6.996,009 26, against $5,235,677 15 for' the
year ending 39th June, ISSS. The increased
cost of transportation growing cut of the expan
sion of the service required by Congress ex
plains this rapid augmentation of the expendi
tures. It is gra'iKing, however, to observe an
increase of receipts for tfie rear ending on the
30th June, 1859. equal to $181,691 21, com
pared with those in the year ending on 30th
June. 1858.
It is estimated that the deficiency for the
current fiscal year w ill be §5,989,424 04, but
that for the year ending 30th June, IS6!, it
will not exceed $ 1,342,473 90, should Congress
adopt the measures of reform proposed and ur
sed by the Posfmaster General. Since the
month of March retrenchments have been trade
m the expenditures amounting to $1,826,471
annually, which, however, did not take effect
until alter the commencement of the present
fiscal year. The period seems to have arrived
lor determining the question whether this De
partment shall become a p-rmanent and ever
increasing charge upon the Treasury, or shall
be permitted to resume the self-sustaining poli
cy which had so long controlled its administra
tion. The courses of legislation recommended
by the Postmaster General for the relief of tv
Department fiom its present embarrassment--,
and for restoring it to its original independence
is deserving of your early and earnest consider
ation.
In conclusion, T would again comrner d to th?
just liberality of ( nngress the local m'.eres's ft
the District of Columbia. Surely the citv bear
mg the name of Washington, and destined, I
trust lor ages 'o be the capital of our united, fr j e
and prosperous Confederacy, has strong chrns
on our favorable regard.
, , D JAMES BUCHANAN-
Washington City, Dec. 19. 1859.
.7 fact worth pondering c,n. — fhe Certificate
of the world.—A universal Medicine. —For the
investigation of truth or for testing the merit'
ola fact, three things are necessary—univer
sality, authentic document?, and personal obser
vation ; all of which Holfoway's Pills and Oint
ment possess in an eminent degree—they are u
ni versa I by being advertised in every printed
language and used by all nations throughout
the world ; their authentic documents are the
millions of certified cures HI aii climes and a
mong ali peoples ; and personal observation of
the thousands who daily witness the immedi
ate relief they are giving in coughs, colasth
ma, bronchitis, wheezing in ihe chest, and dif
ficult breathing ; a'so the radical cures >n neu
ralgia, tic-doloreux, rheumatism, lumbago an i
sciatica.
Bedford Lyceum
Hill mept in the Court house, on Saturday
evening, 8*64 o'clock. Declaimed|G. H. Spang.
Essayist, A. King. Question for debate: Ougnt
the tonnage tax be repealed f A AT., C. N. Hickok.
Neg., Jno. Palmer.