r extending, bv the consent of the people, over the whole of Mexico, a resort to hostilities a gainst it would have been quite justifiable, and indeed necessarr. Bat the country was a prey to civil war; and it was hoped that the success of the constitutional President might lead to & condition of things less injurious to the United States. This success became so probable that, in January last, j employed a reliable agent to visit Mexico, and report to me the actual con dition and prospects ol the contending parties. In consequence cf his report, and from infor mation which reached tne from other sources, favorable to the prospects ot the constitutional cause, I leit justified in appointing a new min ister to Mexico, who might enibiace t e earli est suitable opportunity ol restoring our liiido matic relations with that republic. I.m this purpose a distinguished citizu <>'. .lacyland was selected, who proceeded on Ins mission on the Bth of March last, with discretionary au thority to recognize the government ol Presi dent Juarez, ifon his arrival in Mexico he should find it entitled to such recognition, according to established practice of the United Stales. On the 7th of April following, Mr. McLaue pre sented his credentials to President Juarez, hav ing no hesitation "in pronouncing the govern ment of Juarez to be the only existing govern ment of the Republic." He was cordially re ceived by the authorities at Vera Cruz, and they have ever since manifested the most friendly disposition towards the United States. Un happily, however, the Constitutional Govern ment has not been able to establish its power over the whole republic. It is supported by a large majority of the people and the States, but there are important parts of the country where it can enforce no obedience. General Mira mon maintains himself at the capital, and in some of the distant provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to the decrees ofjeither government. In the meantime the ex cesses which always attend upon civil war, and especially in Mexico, are constancy recurring: outrages of the worst description are committed both upon poisons and property. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered by our citizens in Mexico during the last few years. We have been nominally at peace with that Republic, but so tar as the in terests of our commerce, and of our citizen.- who have visited the country as merchants, shipmasters, or in other capacities, are concern ed, we might as well have been a! war. Life has been insecure, propesty unprotected, and trade impossible, except at a risk of loss which prudent men cannot be expected to incur. Im pmtant contracts, involving large expenditures entered into by the central government, have been set at defiance by the local governments. Peaceful American residents, occupying their rightful possessions, have been suddenly expell ed the country in defiance of treaties and bv the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not beer, safe from control, and a recent decree of Miramon permits the in tervention of government in all suits where ei ther party is a foreigner. Vessels of the Uni ted States hive been seized without law,and a consular officer, who protested against such seizure, has been fined and imprisoned for disre spect to the authorities. Military contributions have been levied, in violation of every princi ple of right, and the American who resisted the lawless demand has had his property forcibly taken away and has been himself banished. From a conflict of authority in different parts of the country, tariff dnties, which have been paid in one place, have been exacted over again in another place. Large numbers of our citi zens have been arrested arid imprisoned with out any form of examination or any upportitu nity for a hearing, and, even when released, have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury and without any hope ol redress. The wholesale massacre ofCrabbe anc his associates, without trial, in Sonora, as we I as the seizure and murder of four sick Americans who had taken shelter in the honse of an A merman, upon the soil of the United States, wa communicated to Congress at its last Session Murders of a still more atrocious character havt been committed in the very heart of Mexico under the authority of Msramon's government during the present year. Some ofthese wen only worthy ola barbarous age, and if they hat not been clearly proven, would have seemet impossible in a country which claims to b civilized. Of this description was the bruta massacre in April las!, by order of Gen. Mat quez, of three American physicians, who wer seized in tne hospital at l'acubaya, while atten ding upon I h-sick and dying of both parties and without trial, as without crime, were hur lied awav to a speedy execution. Little le S shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase \\ o was shot in Tepic, on the seventh of An gust, by order of the same Mexican General riot only without a trial, but without anv con jecture by his friends of the cause of his arrest He is represented as a young man ofgood char acter and intelligence, who had made numer ous friends in Tepic, by the courage and fin inanity which he had displayed on several try ing occasions, and his death was unexpected a it was shocking to the whole community. () ther outrages might be enumerated, but thesi are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state o th* country, and the unprotected condition o the persons and property of our citizens ic Mexico, In all these cases, our Ministers have beer constant and faithful in their demands for re dress, but both they and this government, which they have successively represented, have beer wh dly powerless to make tbeir dermnJs etlec five. Their testimony in this respect, and ir reference to the only lemedy which, in then judgments, would meet the exigency, has beer bath uniform and empoatic. "Nothing but s manifestation of the power of file government of the United S'ates," wrote our late Minister in U-.0/, --and of its purpose to puoisfi thes> wrongs, wiii avail. I assure you that the uni versal be ief oere is that there is nufhin/ to bt c- :r.-lien ! i from the government of tie fini te) States, and that local Mexican officials can conn ,i' these outrages upon American ci'rze c with absolute impunity."" I hope the J\"-s .lent" (wrote nor present Minister) in August las', "will feel autnorized to a k from C ingress the power to enter Mexico with the miliiav forces .fth- United States, at the call of tn'e constitutional authorities, in order to protect m citizens and the treaty rights of the United States. Unless such a power is conferred upon bun, neither the one nor the other will be re spected in. the existing state of anarchy and disorder, and ihe outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised, and a; I assured you in my number twenty-three, all these evils must increase until evety vestige of order and government disappears from the countrv." I have been "eluctaiitly led to the same opinion, aud in justice to my countrymen, who have sud'ered wrongs irom Mexico, and who may still suffer them, I fed bound to announce this con clusion lo Congress. The case presented, however, is not merelv a case of individual claims, although our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount, nor is it merely the case of pro tection to the lives and property of the lew A mericans who may still remain in Mexico, al thongh the life and property of every Ameri can citizeu ought to be sacredly protected in ev ery quarter of the world, but'it is a question which ielate3 to the future, a3 well as to the present and the past, and which involves, in directly at least, the whole subject of our duty to M-xico as a neighboring Slate. The exer cise of the power ot the United Slates in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens, is none the less to be desired, because efficient and necessary aid mav thus b 'rendered at the same time to restore peac • and order to Mexico itself. In the ac complishment of this result, the people of the ' nited Slates must necessarily feel a deep and earnest interest. Mexico ought to be*a rich, and prosperous and powerful republic. Site posses ses an extensive territory, a fertile soil, and an incalculable store of mineral wealth. She oc cupies an important posilion between the gulf and the ocean, for transit and for commerce. Is it possible that such a country as this can be given up to anarchy and ruin, without an eflbrt from any quarter for its safety. Will the com mercial nations of the world, which have so many interests connected with it, remain whol -Ily indifferent to such a result. Can the Uni -1 ted States especially, which ought to share roost largely in its commercial intercourse, allow their immediate neighbor thus to destroy itsell 1 arid injure tthem? Vet without support fiom smne quarter it is impossible to perceive how i Mexico can resume her position among nations i and enter upon a career which promises any good results. ihe aid which she requires, and which the interests of all commercial countries require that .she 'should have, it belongs to this government to render, not only by virtue of our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose ter ritory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a thousand miles, but by virtue, also, of our es tablished policy, which is inconsistent with the intervention ot any European power in the do mestic concerns of that republic. The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the woild, and must deeply impress every American citizen. A government which is either unable or unwil ling to redress such wrongs, is derelict to its highest duties. The difficulty consists in selec ting and eniorcing the remedy. We may in vain apply to the constitutional government at \ era Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its author ity is acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the seacoasts of the Republic, its power does not extend to the City of Mexico and the States in its vicimty, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed, on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reacii the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the constitu tional government. Trie most acceptable and least difficult mode of accomdiishing the object, will be to act in concert with that government. 1 heir consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained; but it not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their just rights secured by treaty, would not be the less imperative. For these reasons, I recommend to Congress to pass a law, authorizing the President, under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to em ploy a sufficient military foice to enter Mexico, lor the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past, and security for the future. 1 purposely retrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist,ot regular troops or volunteers, or both. This question may be most appropri ately left to the decision of Congress. 1 would : merely observe, that should volunteers be se lected, such a force could be easily raised in this country, among those who sympathise with the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow citizens in Mexico, and with the unhappy c xidition of that ; Republic. Such an accession to the forces ol the constitutional government would enable it soon to reach the C.ty of Mexico, and extend its power over the w noie Republic. In that e vent, there is no reason to doubt that the jusl claims of our citizens would be satisfied, arid adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflic ted upon them. The constitu-ional govern ment have ever evinced a strong desire to dc justice, and this might be secured in advance by a perliminary treaty. It may be said that these measures will, a least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wi-u and settled policy not to interfere in the domes tic concerns of foreign nations, but does not tin present case fairly constitute an exception? Ar a joining republic is in a state of anarchy ant confusion, from which she has proved whoiij unable to extricate herself; she is entirely des titute cl t tie power to maintain peac* upon h u : borders or to prevent the incursions of banditt into our territory. In her late, h*r fortune and her power to establish and maintain a set tled government, we have a far deeper interest socially, commercially, and politically, thar other nations. She is now a wreck upon ?hi oc-an, drifting about as she i$ impelled bs different factions. Asa good neighbor, shaii we not extend to her a helping hand to sav* her ? If we do not ,it would not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task and tiius force us to interfere at last under cir cumstances of increased difficulty for the main tenance of our established policy. I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message, that authority may be given to the President to establish one or more temporary military posts across the Mexican line in Sonora and Chihuahua, where these j may be necessary to protect the lives ami prop : eri v of American and Mexican citizens against I 'lie incursions r!f depredations of the Indians ! is well as lawless rovers in that remote region! j I'he establishment of one such post, at a point ! called A nape, in Sonora, in a country now al j most depopulated bv the hostile inroads of the ' Indians from our side of the line, would, it is beloved, have prevented much injury and many cruellies during the past season. A state o,' .'--iwlessoess and violence prevails on that dis'ant frontier. Life and properly are there wlr. llv insecure. The jmpulatmn of Arizona, now numbering more than ten thousand souls, are practically destitute ofgovernment, of laws or of an j' regular administration of justice- Murder, rapine, and other crimes are commit ted with impunity. I therefore again call the a'tention ot Cmgres3 to the necessity far estab lishing a territorial government ov-pr Arizona. The treaty with Nicaragua, of the Kith February, 1857, to which I referred in inv last annual message, failed to receive the ratifica tion of the government of that republic, for reasons which I need not enumerate. A simi iar tieaty has since been concluded between the parties, bearing date 16th March, 1859, which has already been ratified by,the Nicara guan Congress. This will be immediately sub rnftted to the Senate tor their ratification : its provisions cannot, I think, fail tu be acceptable jto the people ol both countries. Our claims a gainst the governments of Costa Rica and.Nicira t gua remain unredressed, although pres sed in an earnest manner, and not without hope iot success. I deem it to be my duty once more earnestly to recommend to Congress (he passage ot a law authorizing the President to employ ' t!ie naval force at his command for the purpose ! of protecting the lives and property of Ameri j can citizens passing in transit across the Pana | ma, Nicaraguan and Tehuautepec routes, a : gainst sudden and iawlessoutbreaks and depreda ; tion*. I shall not repeat the argument employ ed i:i former messages in suoport ol this meas-1 | ure ; sutiice it to say that the Jives of many of J i our people, and the security of vast amounts ot i treasure passing and re-passing over one or | more of these routes, between the Atlantic and Pacific, may be deeply involved in the action j of Congress on this subject. I would also again recommend to Congress that authority be given to the President to em ploy tiie naval force to protect American mer chant vessels,jtheir crews and cargoes, against violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in the ports ol Mexico and the Spanish Atr'rican States where these countries mae be in a sistur bed and revolutionary condition. The mere knowledge that such an authority trad been conferred, as I have already stated, would, ol j itself in a great degree, prevent the evil Neither would this require any additional ap propriation tor the naval service. Ttie thief objection urged again>t the grant of this authori ty is, that Congress, by conferring it, would be a transfer of the war-making, or, strictly speak ing, the war-declaring power, to the Execu tive. If this were well founded, it would, of course, be conclusive. A very brief examina- \ ti >n, however, will place this objection at rest. Congress possesses the sole and exclusive power under the Constitution to declare war. They alone can raise and support armies and provide and maintain a navy. Jjut after Congress shall have declared war, and provided the force necessary to carry it on, the Pre-ident, as com niander-in-chief of the army and navy, can alone employ this force in making war against the enemy. Phis is the plain language, and history proves that it was the well known in tention of the trarr.ers of the constitution. it will not be jet.ied that the general power to declare war is without limitation, and embra ces within itself not only what writers on the Law of Nations term a public or perirct war, nut also an impeitect war, and in snort every speciesof hostility, however confined or limited. Without the authority of Congress, the Presi- j dent cannot fire a hostile gun in any case, ex-' cept to repel the attacks ot an enemy. It will not be doubted, that under this power, Congress could, it they thought proper, authorize the 1 President to employ the force at his command,! to seize a vessel belonging to an American citi- i zen which has been illegally employed and j captured in a foreign port and restore to its ! owner, but can Congress only act after the fact —after the mischief has been done ? Have ' they not power to confer upon the President | the authority in advance to furnish in-lant re-j dress, should such a case afterwards occur ? ' Must they wait until the mischief has bpen done, and can they apply the remedy, onlv ; when it is too late ? To confer this authority, 1 to meet future cases under circumstances strict ly specific, is as clearly within the war decla- 1 r ing power as such an authorityjconfer. Ed upon , the President by act ot Congress after the deed ; has been done. In the progress of a great na- j tion many exigencies must arise, imperatively 1 requiring that Congress should authorize the President to act promptly on certain conditions i which may not aftewards arise. Our history i has already presented a number of such cases. I shall refer only to the latest. Lnder the resolution of June 2d, ISSS, for the adjustment of difficulties with the republic ot Paraguay, the President is authorized to adopt such measures and use such Ibrce as in his judgment may be necessary and advisa ble, in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by the government of Paraguay. Just satisfac tion f>r what ? For the attick on'theU. S. stea mer Water IV itch and other matters referred to in the annual message of the President.— Here the power is expressly granted, upon the condition that th-* C ivernment of Paraguay I shall refuse to render this just satisfaction. In this and other similar cas*s, Congress have con ferred upon th President power in advance to empi :v the army and navy upon the happen ing of contingent future events, and this most certainly is embraced within th power to de clare war. Now. if this conditional and con tingent power could be constitutionally confer red upon the President in the case of Paraguay, why may it not be conferred for the purpose I of protecting the lives and property of Ameri i can citizens, in the event that they may be vio l-nlly and lawlessly attacked in passing over j tiie transit routes to and from California, or assailed by the seizure of their vessels in a for ' eign port ? To deny this power is to render the navy, in a great degree, useless, for the protection of the Jives and property of Ameri j can citizens - in countries where neither protec tion nor redress can b" otherwise obtained. | The Thirty-Fifth Congress terminated on the third day of March, 1859, without having pass ed the act making appropriations for the. ser vice of the PDst Office Department during tiie fiscal year ending the 30th June, iB6O. This act also contained an appropriation to supply deficiencies in the revenue of the Post Office Department for the year ending the 30th June, 1859. I believe that this is the first instance since the origin of the federal government, now more than seventy years ago, when any Con gress went out of existence without having passed all th gppe.'al appropriation bills ne cessary to carry ou the government until the regular period for the meeting of a new Con gress. This event imposed on the executive a giave responsibility. It presented a choice of evils. Had this omission ol duty occurred at the first session of the iast Congress, the remedy would have been plain. I might then have instantly recalled them to complete their work, and this without expense to the govern ment. But on the fourth of March last, there were fitteen of the thirty-three States which had not elected any representatives to the present Congress. Had Congress been called together immediately, these States would have been virtually disfranchised. If an intermedi ate period had been selected, several of the States would have been compelled to hold ex tra sessions of their legislature, and at great inconvenience and expense to provide for elec tions at an earlier day than that previously fixed by law. In th# regular course, ten of these States would, not elect until after the beginning of Augast, and five of these ten not until October an.d November. On the other land, when 1 came to examine carefully the condition of tne Post Office Department,' I did riot meet as many or as great difficulties as I apprehended. Had the bill which failed been confined to appropriations for the fiscal j ear ending on the 30th June next, there would have been no reason of pressing impor tance tbrthe call ol an extra session. Nothing would become due on contracts, those with railroad companies only excepted, for carrying the mail for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing on the Ist of July, until the Ist oI December, lesstfian one week before the meeting o 1 present Congress. The reason is, tiiat the mail contractors, for this, the current year, did not complete their first quarter's ser ! v ice until the 30th of September last, and, by : the terms of their contracts, sixty days more •ire allowed for the settlement ol their accounts, before the Department could be called upon tor The great difficulty and tht. great hardship consisted in the failure to provide for the payment of the deficiency in the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1859. The department had entered into contracts, in obedience to ex isting laws, for service o(that fiscal year, and the contractors were fairly entitled" to their compensation as it became due. Thedeficiency, as stated in the bill, amounted to $3,838,728, but alter a careful settlement ol all the accounts, it has been ascertained that it amounts to §4,- 296,009. With the scanty means at his com j mam', the Postmaster General lias managed to pay that portion of this deficiency whicn oc curred in the first two quarters of the past fis cal year, ending on the 31 si December last. In the meantime the comractors themselves, under these trying circumstances, have beha ved in a manner worthy of all commendation. They had one resource in the midst ot heir embarrassments. After the amount due to each of them had been ascertained and finally settled according to law thts became a .specific debt of record against the United States, which enabled them to borrow money on this unques tionable security. Still they were obliged to pay interest in consequence of the default of Con gress, and on everv principle of justice ought to receive interest from the government. This I interest should commence from the date when a warrant would have issued for the payment of the principal had an appropriation been made for this purpose. Calculated up to Ist of December, it will not exceed §96,660 a sum not be taken into account when contrasted with the great difficulties and embarrassments of a public and private character, both to the people and the States which would have resulted Irom convening and holding a special ' session of Congress. For these reasons 1 recommend thp passage of an act nt as early a day as may b j practicable to provide for the payment of the amount, with | interest, flue to these last mentioned contiactors, as well as to make the necessary appropria : (ions for the services of ihe Pest Office ; Department for the current fiscal year. The 1 failure to pass the Post Office bill, "necessarily ! gives birth to serious reflection. Congress, bv refusing to pass the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the govern j merit, may not only arrest its action, but j might destroy its existence. The army, the | navy, the judiciary, in short every department of the government can no longer perform their i functions if Congress refuse the money necessa |ry for their support. If this failure should j teach the country the necessity of electing a full Congress in sufficient time to enable the i President to convene them ic> any emergency I even immediately after the old Congress has I expired, it will have been productive of great good. In a time of sudden and alarming dan ger, foreign or domestic, which all nations must ! expect to encounter in their progress, the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon the assembling of Congress without delay. If, under such circumstances the President should find himself in the condition in which he was placed at the close ol the last Congress, with nearly hall the States of the Union destitute of representatives, the consequences might be'dis j astrous; I therefore recommend to Congress to ; carry in to effect the provision* of the Consti ! tution on this subject, and to pass a law appoin , ting some day previous to the 4th ol March in j each year of oi l number, lor (he election of | representatives throughout all th States. I hey have already appointed a dav for the | eleciion of electors for President and Vice-Presi i dent, and this measure has been approved bv I the country. ; I would again express a nvnsf decided opinion ; in favor of the construction of a Pacific rail : road, tor the reasons stated in tny two last annu al messages. V, lien I reflect upon what would be the defenceless condition of our States and Territories west of Ihe Rocky Mountains, in case of a war with a naval power sufficiently strong to interrupt all intercourse with them by the route acrosstbe Isthmus,l am still more convinced than ever ol the vast importance of this railroad. I have never doubted the con stitutional competency of Congress to provide for its construction, but this is exclusively under the war making power, besides, the Constitu tion expressly requires, as an imperative duty, that the United States shall protect each o' the' States against invasion. lamat a loss to con ceive how this protection can be afforded to California and Oregon against such a naval power by any other means. I repeat the opin ion contained}, n my last annual message that it would be inexpedient for the government to undertake this great work by agents ot i's own appointment, and under its direct and exclusive control. This would inert ase the patronage of the executive to a dangerous extent, and would foster a system of jobbing and corruption which no vigilance on the part of federal officers could prevent. 1 he construction of this road ought therefore to be entrusted to incorporated companies, or of, XT agencies, who-would exercise that active and vigilant supervision GV-T it which can be inspired alone by a sense of corporate and indi vidual interest. I venture to assert that the additional cost of transporting troops, munitions of war, and necessary supplies fo r lhp ari a _ cross the vast intervening plains to our possess ions on the Pacific coast, would all be inade quate for their defence and protection. We have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of extravagant expenditure produced by our over flowing treesury during several vears prior to the commencement of my administration. The financial reverses which we have since experi enced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our ex penditures with the greatest vigilance, and to reduce them to the lowest possible point ,p h e executive departments of the government have i devoted themselves to the accomplishment of this object with considerable success, as will'ap pear from their different reports and estimates ' To these I invite the scrutiny of Congress, for ; the purpose of reducing them stfll lower, it this j ! practicable, consistent with tlie^great public j interests of the country. In aid of the police |of retrenchment, 1 pledge myself to examine closely the bills appropriating lands or money ; so that ii any ol these should inaJvertently pasr i both Houses, as must sometimes be the case, I ■ may afford them an opportunity for rec< i.isider- ! ation : at the same time we ought neve.- to for- j get that true public economy consists, not in j wilfinojding tlie means necessary to accomplish important national objects confided locs by the Constitution ; but in taking care that the mon ey appropriated for these purposes shal I i>e f d ifh- j fully and frugally expended. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of the Treasu ry, that it is extremely doubtful, to say the least, whether we shall be able to pasu through the present and the next fiscal year without ad ditional revenue. This can only be accom plished by strictly confining the appropriations within the estimates ol theditferent departments • without making an allowance fur ar v addition- I al expenditures, which Congress may think ' proper in their discretion to authorize, and i without providing for the redemption of any ! portion of the §20,000,000 of treasury note's j which have been already issued. In the event i of a deficiency, which 1 consider probable, this j ought never to be supplied by a resort to addi tional igans. It would be a ruinous practice in the days o! peace and prosperity to go on increasing the ; national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of ' the government. This policy would cripple! "tir resources and impair our credit in ca-e the j existence of war should render it .necessary to i | borrow money. Should such a deficiency ac- 1 cur as I apprehend, I would recommend that i the necessary revenue be raised by an increase i of our present duties on imports. I need not ! repeat the opinions expressed in my lad annual message as to the best mode and manner of ac- I ! complishing this object, and shall now merely j observe that these have since undergone no! ; change. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury j will explain in detail tile operations ol that De partment til the (J ivernment. Tile receipts m'o the treasury from all sour- \ ces during the fiscal year ending 331h June, ! 1859, including the loan authorized by the act I ot 14-tti June, 18:>o, and the issue ol treasury notes authorized by existing laws, were eighty one million six hundred and inaeiv-two thou sand four hundred and seventy-one dollars ami one cent, ($8L,692,47i 01) which sunt with j the balance of six rtulion three hundred and ■ ninety-eight thousand three hundred and six teen dollars and ten cents, ($6,398,316 10) re maining m the treasury al the commencement of that fiscal year, made an aggregate for the service of the year ol eighty-eight million nine ty thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven! dollars and eleven cents (888,090,787 i I.) ) Ihe public expenditures during the fiscal j ear ending 30th June, 1559, amounted to j eighty-three million seven hundred and filtv one thousand five hundred and eleven dollars | and fifty-seven cents, (§83,751,511 59.) Of this sum seventeen rmliiun four hundred and five thousand two hundred and eighty-five dol lars and fortjfr-four cents, (§17,4.05,285 44) were applied to the payment of interest on the j public debt and the redemption of the issues of treasury notes. The expenditures for all other branches of the puoiic service during that t,s cal year were therefore >ixtv-.\ix milii m three i hundred and forty-six thousand two hundred | twenty-six dollars and thirteen cents, i§66,j 346,226 13.) The balance remaining in the treasury on I the Ist July, 1859, oemg the commencement I |of the present fiscal year, was four million j j ttiree hundred and thirty-nine thousand two ; hundred and seventy-five dollars and filtv-lour I j cents (§4,339,275 54.) Ihe receipts into the treasury during the I fir-t quarter of the present fi-cal year, coin j 'tie.icing Ju.y Ist, were twenty million ! | six hundred and eighteen thousand eight hun- ; I di ed and sixty-five dollars and eighty-five cents ! i§2o, 618,865 85.) Of tliis amount, three mil- | lion eight hundred and twenty-one thousand I tiiree hundred dolims (§3,821.300) was re-j ceived on account of the loan and uie issue of , treasury notes—the amount of sixteen million : j seven hundred and ninety-seven thousand five ' j hundred and sixty-five dollars and eigh'v-liv. i j (§16,797,565 85) having been~received j I during the quarter front the ordinary sources ci 1 I public revenue. The estimated receipts for the | remaming tiiree quarters of the pre.-' nt fiscal , year to.iJtli June, iB6O, are fifty million four hundred and twenty-six thousand four hundred d >1.ar5,(§.>0,426,400.) t)l this amount it is estimated tiiat five million seven hundred and | fifty-six thousand four hundred dollars (5,756, 400) will be received for Treasury notes which may be re-issued under the filth section ol the act of 34 March last, and one million one hun- i dred and seventy thousand dollars (§1,170,000) i >n account of the loan authorized by the act o! | June 14, 1858—making six million nine hun dred and twenty-six thousand four hundred dol ; 'ars (§6,926,400) horn these extraordinary sources, and forty three million five hundred 1 thousand dollars (§43,500,000) from the crdi- I nary sources ot the public revenue—makin an j aggregate, with the balance in the Treasury on ! the Ist July, 1859, of seventy-five million three hundred and eighty-four thousand five hundred and forty-one dollars and eighty-nine cents, (§75,384,541 89) tor the estimated means ol the present fiscal year ending 30th ot June, i S6l). the present fiscal year wrc twenty million sev en thousand one hundred and seventy-four dol lars and seventy-six cents, ($20,007,174 76.) l our million six hundred and sixty-four thou sand three hundred and sixty-six dollars and seventy-Six cent5(53,664,366 76) of this sum were applied to the payment of interest on the pubuc debt and the redemption of the issues of treasury notes, and the remainder, being Glteen mi hon three hundred and forty-two thousand cig.it hundred and eight dollars, (§15,342,808) were applied to ordinary expenditures during the quarter. 1 lie estimated expenditures durin" the remaining three quarters, to June 30, 1860 are for'y million nine hundred and ninety-five thousand five hundred and tiftv-eitrfu dollars anc. twenty-three cents, (§40,995,558 23.) Oi which sum two million eight hundred and eighty-six thousand six hundred and twenty one dollars and thirty-four cents (§6,886 62 I ."' ar? estimated for the interest on the public < ebt. The ascertained and estimated expendi tures for the fiscal year ending 30th June 18- 60, on account of the public debt, a:e, accor dingly, seven million five hundred and fifty thousand nine hundred and eightv-ei 'ht dollars and ten cents, (§7,550,988 30 ;) and Tor the or dinary expenditures of the Government fifty- Ibree million four hunured and filty-oae thou- -and seven hundred and forty-fo,, ] [ j eighty-nine cents, (153,451,744 89 JJJ•° d a " "*"* of sixty-one million two ih™ I seven hundred and thuty-t wo dollars and* i '- v ~ mn " c " n! (§61,002 732 99 i leavinl " JW, mo, 01 four!oon million it;,,, , j JI ! and eighty-one thousand j lUri ,i r i j eight dollars and forty en's, (§l4, 381,SOS 4o"! I Ihe estimat-d receipts during the next fi . j . *., 30,h Juno, 1831, L lion two hundred and twentv-fiv h nt, mated, a, before stated, as remaining? : 1 reasary on the 30th June, |6u wiq f jan aggregate for the serv.ee of the' J*** j year ol eighty million six hundred and ? r ; thousand eight hundred and eight dollars ar , forty cents, ($90,606,808 40.) " _ I ' ,e estimated expenditures during the nn„ ascal year ending 30th June, 1861, are m(v , six millions seven hundred and fourteen thou sand nine hundred and twenty-eight dollars ami seventy nine cents, ($66,714,928 79.) Ofthm amount, three million three hundred and eigh ty-six thousand six hundred and twenty one* dollars and thirty-four cents '(53,386,6*21 3| will be required to pay the interest on the pub lic debt; leaving the sum of sixty-three million ihiee hundred arid twenty-eight thousand three hundred and seven dollars and forty-five i (§63,328,397 45) for the estimated ordinary e X , penditures during the fiscal year ending 30,fi June, 1801. Upon these estimates a balance I WMII be left in the Treasury on the 39th June j 1861, of thirteen million eight hundred and ! nine; v-one thousand eight hundred and seventy nme dollars and sixty-one.cents, ($13,891.8^9 Hut this balance, as well as that estimated (o remain in the treasury on the Ist July, will be reduced by such appropriations as shall je made by law to carry into effect certain In | dian treaties during the present fiscal year ask ed tor by the Secretary of the interior, to' the amount of five hundred and thirtv-nine'thousan 1 ihree hundred and fifty d011ar5,(5539,350,j and upon the estimates of the Postmaster General for the service of his Department ttie last fiscal V-ar, ending 30th June, 1859, amounting p, I ;ur million two hundred and ninety-six thou sand and nine dollar*, ($4,296,009,) together with the further estimate of that office: tor the service of the present fiscal year, pnding 39th June, 1860, being five millions five hundred and twentv-six thousand three huadred and t ventv-four dollars, ($ >.526,324,) making an aggregate often million three and stMy-one thousand six hundred arid eiMilv threedollars, ($10,361,683 ) ° ' Should these appropriations be marie as re quested by the proper Departments, (he bal ance in the Treasury on the 30lh June, 1861 will not, it is estimated, exceed three million five hundred and thirty thousand one hundred and ninety-six dollars and sixty-one cents 83 53 1,196 61 ) ' I transmit herewith the reports of the Secre taries of War, ofine Xnty.cf -he Inferior, and cl the Postmaster General, They each con tain valuable information and importart r®corr men iations we 1 worthy of the serious cos-idera* tion of Congress. It will appear from fhe report nf the Serrefa rv of ar that the army expenditures have 1 pen materially reduced bv a system of rm::i economy, which, in his opinion, offers every guarantee that the reduction will be permanent The estimates of the Depaitment jfnr the next year have been reduced nearly two millions cf dollars bplow the estimates for the present fiscal year, and half a million of dollars below the a mount granted for this year at the last session ot Congress. The expenditures of the Post Office Depart ment during the fiscal year, ending on the 30th June, 1859, exclusive of payments for mail ser vice specially provided by Congress out of the general treasury, to $14,954,493 33 and its receipts to $7,968,484 07:' showing a deficiency to be supplied from the treasury 3 of *6.996,009 26, against $5,235,677 15 for' the year ending 39th June, ISSS. The increased cost of transportation growing cut of the expan sion of the service required by Congress ex plains this rapid augmentation of the expendi tures. It is gra'iKing, however, to observe an increase of receipts for tfie rear ending on the 30th June, 1859. equal to $181,691 21, com pared with those in the year ending on 30th June. 1858. It is estimated that the deficiency for the current fiscal year w ill be §5,989,424 04, but that for the year ending 30th June, IS6!, it will not exceed $ 1,342,473 90, should Congress adopt the measures of reform proposed and ur sed by the Posfmaster General. Since the month of March retrenchments have been trade m the expenditures amounting to $1,826,471 annually, which, however, did not take effect until alter the commencement of the present fiscal year. The period seems to have arrived lor determining the question whether this De partment shall become a p-rmanent and ever increasing charge upon the Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the self-sustaining poli cy which had so long controlled its administra tion. The courses of legislation recommended by the Postmaster General for the relief of tv Department fiom its present embarrassment--, and for restoring it to its original independence is deserving of your early and earnest consider ation. In conclusion, T would again comrner d to th? just liberality of ( nngress the local m'.eres's ft the District of Columbia. Surely the citv bear mg the name of Washington, and destined, I trust lor ages 'o be the capital of our united, fr j e and prosperous Confederacy, has strong chrns on our favorable regard. , , D JAMES BUCHANAN- Washington City, Dec. 19. 1859. .7 fact worth pondering c,n. — fhe Certificate of the world.—A universal Medicine. —For the investigation of truth or for testing the merit' ola fact, three things are necessary—univer sality, authentic document?, and personal obser vation ; all of which Holfoway's Pills and Oint ment possess in an eminent degree—they are u ni versa I by being advertised in every printed language and used by all nations throughout the world ; their authentic documents are the millions of certified cures HI aii climes and a mong ali peoples ; and personal observation of the thousands who daily witness the immedi ate relief they are giving in coughs, colasth ma, bronchitis, wheezing in ihe chest, and dif ficult breathing ; a'so the radical cures >n neu ralgia, tic-doloreux, rheumatism, lumbago an i sciatica. Bedford Lyceum Hill mept in the Court house, on Saturday evening, 8*64 o'clock. Declaimed|G. H. Spang. Essayist, A. King. Question for debate: Ougnt the tonnage tax be repealed f A AT., C. N. Hickok. Neg., Jno. Palmer.