VOLUME 56. NEW SERIES. NEW AGRICULTURAL SETTLEMENT, TO ALL WANTING FARMS, A RARE OPPORTUNITY IN A DELIGHTFUL AND HEALTHY CLIMATE 25 MILES SOUTH FAST OF PHILADELPHIA, ON THE CAM DEN AND ATLANTIC RAILROAD, NEW JERSEY. An old estate consisting of several thousand of .acres of productive soil has been divided into Farms ,of various sizes to suit the purchaser. A popula tion of some Fif teen Hundred, from various parts of the middle States and New England have settled there the past year, improved their places, and raised excellent crop.e. The price of the land 1 at The low sum of from to $-0 per acre, the soil of the best quality for the production ol Wheat. Clover, Corn, Peaches, Grapes and Vegetables. IT IS CONSIDERED THE BEST FRUIT SOIL IN THE UNION. The place is perfectly secure from frosts— the destructive enemy of the farmer. Crops of grain, grass and fruit are now growing and can be seen. By examining the place itself, a correct judgment can be formed of the productiveness of the land. The terms are made easy to secure the rapid improvement of the land,, which is only sold for actual improvement. The result has been, that within the past year, some three hundred houses have been erected, two mills, one steam, four stores, some •forty vinyards and peach orchards, planted, and a large number of other improvements, making it a pesirable and active place of business. THE.MARKET, as the reader may perceive from its location, is the BEST IN THE UNION, Products bringing double the price than in loca tions away from the city, and more than double the price in the West. It is known that the earliest and best fruits and vegetables in This latitude come from New Jeisey, and are annually exported tothe extent ofmillions. In locating here, the settler has many advantages He is within a few hours ride f the great cities of New England and Middle country where every im prove meat of comfort and rivthzalio't is at haul.— He can buy every article be wants at the cheapest price, an I sell his produce for the highest, (in the Weal this is reversed,) he has schools for his chil dren, divine seruire, and will enjoy an open winter, .and delightful climate, where fevers are utterly un known. The result of the change npon those from the north, has generally been to restore them to an excellent state ol health. la the way of building and improving, lumber enc be obtained at the mills at the rate of $lO to •,?15|ier thousand. Bricks from the brick yard opened in the place, every article can be procured in fte place; good carpenters are at hand, and there iis no place iu the Union where buildings and im •pivjvemen's can be made cheaper. The reader will at once be struck wilh the advantages here presented, and ask himself why the property has not been taken up before. The reason ,'4, it was never thrown in the market; and unless "these statements were correct, no one would be in vited to examine the land before purchasing. This all are expected to do. They w ill seli land under -cultivation, such is the extent of the settlement that they will no doubt, meet persona trom their own . eigkborhood ; they will witness the improvements ar.d can judge the character of the population. It they come with a view to settle, they should come prepared to stay a day or two and be ready to pur chase, as locations cannot be held on refusal. There are two daily trains to Philadelphia, and to all settlers who improve, rue RAU.EOXDCOMPA.NV • C.iVSi A FEEE TICKET FOR SIX MONTHS AND A HALF ..-EICCTICKET TOR THREE YEARS. THE TOWN OF HAMMONTON. In connection with the agricultural settlement, anew and thriving town has naturally arisen, which presents inducements for any kind of business, particularly stores and manulactones. The Shoe ousiness could be carried on in this place and market to good advantage, also cotton business, and man ufactories o! agricultural implements or Foundries for casting small articles. The improvement has .oeeu so rapid as to insure a constant and permanent increase of business. Town lots of a good size, we -do not sell small ones, as it would atiect the im jircveroent of the place, can be had at from SIOO a.:ti upwards. The Hammonton Farmer, a monthly literary and agricultural sheet, containing lull information of .Hammocton, can be obtained at 25 cents per annum. Title indisputable—warrantee deeds given, clear <jt ail incumbrance when money is paid. Route to the land ; leave Vine street wharf, Philadelphia for HammoKton by Railroad, 7i A. M., or I P. M. Faie 90 cents. When there fnquire for Mr. Byrnes. Boarding conveniences on band. Parties had better stop with Mr. Byrnes, a principal until they have decided as to purchasing, a he will show them over the land in his carriage, free of expense. Letters and applications can be addressed to Landis & Byrnes, lUammontan P. 0., Atlantic Co., New Jersey, or B. B. Cougblin, 202 South Fifth Street, Philadelphia. .Maps aud information cheerfully furnished. Aug- 19, 1559-6 m. Allegheny Male and Female Seminary, RAIASISMM.. Pa. FACULTY. E. J. OSBORNE, A. 8., Principal, Prof, of Lan guages and Philosophy. Wm. S. Smith. Prof, of Mathematics. Jas. H. Mill >r, Adjunct Prof, of Mathematics. Rev. B. F. Stevens, Lecturer on Moral Philoso phy &c. Wm. A. Stephens, Prof, of English Grammar &c. Dr. J. Hughes, Lecturer on Anatomy &c. Mrs. F.. V. Osborne, Preceptress, Teacher of Draw ing French, Botauy Jtc. Ji. 'Jt.. Ikott, Prof, of Instrumental Music. iPrice of Tuition for terra of 11 weeks. Ccmmon English Branches S3 23 higher Branches, including common, each 80 •Latin and Greek, each German and French, each - 50 Eoofe-kaeping and Commercial calculations 1 50 ORNAMENTAL. Drawing 2 00 Colored crayon, and water colorß,Jeacb 5 00 •WiJ pairrtsng & •Hair anfi wax flowers, each Pellis work Embroidery s t 00 iPiano music, with use of instrnment 10 fuel, Board $ 1 75 per week including room rent,apest furniture ftc. This is one of the best, and che per institutions in the country. The whole expenses.— term need not be more than twenty-five dollar Second Quarter of summer session commences Cugust 4, 1859. Teachers will be instructed free oi charge in the Normal Department. For particulars, address the Principal. E.J. .OSBORNE, A. P.- Rainsburg, Bedtord co., Aprii 22, 1859. r |3HE II AMNION TON FARMER—A new JL paper dt-voteA to Literature and Agricul ture. also setting foit.. lull accounts of .the new sets dement of Hammonton, in New Jersey, can be sub scribed for at only 25 cents per annum. Inclose postage stamps for the amount. Address to the Editor of the Farmer, Hammonton, P. O. At lantic Co., New Jersey. Those wishing cheap land of the best quality, in one of the healthiest and most delightful climates in the Union, and where crops are never cut down by frosts, the terrible scourge of the north, see advertisement of Hammontoa Lands. THE BEDFORD GAZETTE IS PUBLISHED EVA\' FRIDAY MORNING, BY B. F. MEYERS, At the following terms, to wit: ! $1.50 per annum, CASH, in advance. $2.00 '< " if paid within the year. $2.50 if n o t paid within the year. subscription taken for less than six months. CC?"Xo paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid,unless at the option of the publishers. It has seen decided by the United States Courts, that the stoppage of a newspaper without the payment of ar rearages, is privia facie evidence ot fraud and is a criminal oiTence. [CThe courts have decided that persons are ac countable tor the subscription price of newspapers, if they take them from the post office, whether they subscribe for them, or not. Ail Old liiaie Whim speaks* Address of Ifoii William It Reed, before llic Democ racy of Philadelphia On Monday evening, Sept. 26th, an immense Democrats assembled at Jayne's Hall, when speeches were made by Benj. H. Brewster, W. H. Witte, Wm. B. Reed and others. The speech of Mr. Reed is one of great interest, as he was a strong Whig until I within a short time and is a man ot great ability aod extensive acquirements : Mr. CAitirman and Fellow citizens —lt is now more than two years since I have opened my lips on the subject of domestic politics, and it any one has come here to-night expecting me to say a word about the wretched local squab bles that—it we may believe the newspapers— are agitating the Democratic party, he will be disappointed. But if it will do any good—il it will strengthen any feeble heart, or trembling knees, to have the earne.-t cordial, and I hope disinterested testimony of one who has looked on the home incidents ol the past two years l from a distance, and therefore coolly and with j out prejudice, to the patriotism, integrity and ; ability of the administration ot Mr. Buchanan, ' (ajiplause,) that testimony shall not be withheld. 1 now abstain from discussing the important i question whether the Collector of this Port—a I gentleman ol an entirely irreproachable private character—is a tyrant or not. I l-ave such ; matters to those who have ror them. ar>u with the expression of my fixed belief that nine tenths of the respectable Demociatic voters of this city regard such a strife and such questions precisely as I do—and that the real question for them, as patriots, to consider and decide, is how the Administration of the General Government is worthy of support, and by what means the in tegrity ot that party, on whose success, in my j poor judgment, the stability of the Union de ! pends, is to he preserved. (Immense ap- I plause.) I am quite conscious that ,in appearing here ' to-night 1 expose myself to the imputation oi | the recollection that I otic- was a Whig, an I j very recently an officeholder, f beg it to be i understood tnat I never lose sight of either, j When I remember I once was a Whig, I recall ' days when what was called the Whig party ' did not think its whole end and aim the slavery i question —when Mr. Webster who was called a pretty good whig, supported a Fugitive Slave Law for the protection of Southern property a gainst Northern fanaticism—when Mr. Clayton pronounced the Missouri bill unconstitutional when Mr. Clay, as late as 1850, announced il to be his doctrine, (and we Whigs were very apt to take his notions as law,) that a territorial Legislature could not interfere with slavery, or rather with the tenure of slave pioper'.y —the President's doctrine exactly—when Winfield : Scott, whom Mi. Buchanan is now censured | for employing on an errand specially suited to him. was a Whi<r candidate, and when the boun- dary Treaty of 1816—which the organs of the People's party are denouncing the President for making—was ratified by the votes of 15 Dem ocrats and 23 Uld Line Whigs,among whom I find such names as Berrien, and John M. Clay tor., and John Davis, and William L. Dayton, (then a Whig) and George Evans, and Reverdy Johnson, and Daniel Webster. These are re collections that come thronging back when I am taunted with having been a Whig ; and they teach me one other lesson of respect for the memory of ancient friendships, and of utter abhorrence of that iniquitous, ungentlemanly facility which permits men without a scruple or a blush, to disparage and defame those whom they once pretended to love, and in the sun shine ot whose patronage (which for them seem ed inexhaustible) they were so glad to bask. I leave it to you, gentlemen, to make the appli cation. (Applause.) How and why 1 ceased to be a Whig—and with what welcome I united myseif with the Democratic party, you all know as well as I can tell you. I picked up yesterday a speech of Senator Toombs, and 1 find there a descrip tion of this process of change with which in considerate people often reproach me, which is most accurate. Let me read it to you. It telis my tale for me, and that of thousands like roe. When the Whig party of the North marched over in a body to the Abolition camp, either directly and openly, or covertly and secretly through the American organization, a very large portion ot the old Whigs saw that duty, patriotism, the safety of themselves and country required them to sustain the Democratic party, and they immediately united with it. (Ap plause.) But I have been an office holder ! The Presi dent of the United States thought fit, yielding to an impulse which no one found fault with, to select me for a high and responsible duty. How I discharged that duty it is not for me to say ; but this 1 say, that if any success attended the mission with which I was honored— it was be cause the Government at Washington, aad espe- BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 7,1859. — 1 cially the Piesident and Secretary of State, with whom I was in closest relation, fntn tirst to last, 2ave me a cordial and thorough support, which I could only repay by trying to do that which would redound most to the public benefit and the fame of the Administration, with which, ior weal or woe, I am proud to say my reputation is indissolubly connected. In office and out of office lam the friend of the President. I wish there to be no mistake about this. The eloquent gentleman who has just addressed you, in speak ing of some who acted with you in 135<j, and who are with you now, spoke of them as tured" Whigs; 1 have simply to suggest that tie should have used the term "captivated". (Im mense applause.) But gentlemen, with these feelings—as a con verted V\ hig—a Democrat of yesterday—an officeholder who has resigned his office—a warm personal friend ol the President—and if I know my own heart, one who loves my country and the Constitution,—l come home and lam told there is fatal disorganization arid discord—that there is mutiny in the camp—that with a con test before us more perilous to the Union than any yet waged—for the Fremont fplly of 1856 will be nothing to the fierce fanaticism of 1860, there is danger of division on some such abstrac tion, for such it now is—as slavery in the Ter ritories, I cannot persuade myself ol this. This great meeting does not look like it. The great phalanx of the Southern Democracy seems compact. The cracks are merely on the surface. The minority in the North and East is steadlast and it I mistake not the signs, may in sortie quarters become a majority. The opposition is hopelessly divided, and if it ever unites, can only do so on terms which will drive awav all conservative men from it. In New York all is fanaticism of one sort or the other. In Penn sylvania, or at least in this region of it, judging by the papers, a gentler delusion seems to ore vail—but there is no cohesion and no chance of it. All, then, gentlemen, depends on you —'be resolute firm Democracy of the middle States'. With the United South, the States of Kentucky and Pennsylvania, to whose close sympathy on constitutional principles justice is scarcely done, can save the day. But there must be no more bickering, no mare discord. 1 do not mean, in any tiling I have said, to un derrate the purity or importance of even the great abstract ques lions that divid<* the country. They are worthy ol discussion. Whether, since, according to some, the Supreme U'ourt has fail ed to dec'' 1 rhey a- • —tn uecision, I don't venture to say. But, let them be dis cussed temperately and discreetly. Let there be no vulgar denunciation—no calling nick names or giving the lie—and, above all, let those who have.as much at stake as the democracy of Pennsylvania in the corning contest, as well as 1860, show by their votes that all efforts to divide and disorganize them will fail. Gentlemen, I caine here to night on a few moments' notice, to show bv inv presence and the few words I have uttered, how earnestly I sympathise with you, and how sincerely anx ious I am for the success of the ticket vou have nominated. The immediate future is full of serious por tents. Scarcely has Europe sunk int >as..t ol repose, and nothing agitates the pu die mind there hut a doubt whether freedom or indepen dence in Italy is to be crushed out o. fostered, when the news cotnes —some of ;t today—that war has broken out on one shore of the Pacific and difficulty is threaterie 1 on the other, and the United Stales are in danger of being involved in both. These are obvious reasons that admon ish us to a reserve on one of these subjects at least, but there is no reason that I should refrain from saying that the gravity of these portents, their relations to national and individual inter ests, ought to discourage a factious opposition to the Government of our country at this juncture, and to bid those who are its friends raily as one man to its support. While the Hon. W .i. B. REED was speaking, a large delegation of Democrats of the Filth Ward, entered the room with a band of inusic, and were loudly cheered. Mr. R.'s remarks throughout, were greeted with the most uproarious applause. Thoasms 11 Cochran This gentleman once represented Yorjc Coun ty in the Senate of Pennsylvania. During the session of 1839, when he was a member, the Legislature adjourned without passing an im portant bill, and the Governor of the Common wealth re-assembled that body on the day fol lowing its adjournment. Meeting at the ap pointed time under the call of the Executive the Legislature adjourned from the 17th of A pril untiljthe 12th of May, taking a recess, and returning to their homes, lot a period of twen ty-five days. When the body again met, they remained in extra session until the 12th of June ; and during that session the members vo ted to themselves pay, not only for the extra session, but also for the recess of twenty-Jive days whilst they were at home attending to their own business. Although Mr. Cochran voted against the resolution giving pay for the rec-ss, jet, "notwithstanding his heroic remonstrance, when the bill was passed, he quietly received the full salary, and POCKETED THE LY SULT /" The following letter from the Chief Clerk of the Treasury Department, written and published when he was a candidate for re-e --lection in 1840, fully establishes this fact, which is not "known to every one j Treasury Office of Pennsylvania, ( September 21st, 1810. John W. Forney, Esq. DEAR Slß— Yours of Freedom of Thought and Opinion. the 16th inst., enquiring whether - Thomas E. i Cocliran drew pay as a member of the Senate, irom your district, for the period intervening between, the regular and extra sessions, is re ceived. In reply, I can say HE DID ; he diew lor the extra session, one hundred and seventy-one dollars daily pay, and seven dollars and fifty cents for mileage. Yours, respectfully, JOHN NIELSON, Chief Clerk. It Is an old saying that "curses, like little chickens, always come home to roost," and the Opposition leaders will find out the truth of this adage before they are many weeks older. In the meantime let it not be forgotten, that THOMAS E. COCHRAN', ESQ., who the Op position ask to be placed over the finances of this Commonwealth, received compensation lor twenty-five days, when he was at home enga ged in attending to his own private affairs, al though, by his own vote, HE ADMITTED HE IVJIS JYOT ENTITLED TO IT.—York Gazette. The 4 Extra ? (ieorges. A POOR RULE THAT DOESN'T WORK BOTH WAYS. Last year the great argument made bv the Opposition against DAVID HAY, one of the Dem ocratic candidates lor Assembly, was that he had voted against the "Extra Pay," but never theless had taken it. He was called "Extra Davy," arid was ridiculed and abused without stint, on account of his having received the $7 51) salary. We find in the Bedford Aboli tion organ, of Oct. Sth, 1858, the following ar ticle : David Hay ami Extra Pay! Remember, taxpayers of Bedford County that DAV ID HAY, the Locofoco candidate for the Legislature from Somerset Countv took the two hundred Dollars EXTRA PAY', of the last Lo cofoco Legislature, and applied it to his own use. It you oppose Legislators pocketing your money in the shape <>f EXTRA PAY, vote against In in on next luesday. Oen. m the saint L I VAY DAVY HAY, aua ...u no cn-tiht do all he can 10 get some of the extra too, 111 case he should be elected. CEORGE W. WILLIAM- and GEORGE G. WAL- M.R bav ■ pledget! themselves against extra pay in anv sriape. A Inch will you choose, tax-pa\- "ts O! L--dfjrd County ? HAY, BURNS and EXTRA-PAY" or WJLLUMS and WALKER A GAINST EXTRA PAT ? Now, it IS said triat it is "a poor rule that ■ ijt-Mi tv. irk both ways." By the above arti cle M ssis. Williams and Walker were pledged against "Extra Pay in any shape," which memt, of course, that they would have nothing to i > with it, that they would not only vote igjn.M 1?, hut that if the Legislature appropri atel it to its members, they would refuse to reaive it. By turning to the Pennsylvania ''Ei • Jon mat, for I bod, pages 1159 and 1160, it viII appear that Geo. W. Williams and Geo. G. Walker both received the Extra Pay salary of ) 1 liese men were solemnly iledged to eceive only SSOO, which is the salary "of menbers without the Extra Pay of SOOO added by he Legislature of 1858, but they have not kejt their pledges ; they have deceived the peole, and speculated on their confidence. Wt repeat it, it is a "poor rule that doesn't wok both ways, and if the Extra Pay argu guneiit was good against David Hav last fall, iis en times stronger against Williams and Water, for they had made pledges in regard to it, ad Hay never had. We, therefore, apply theanguage used by the Abolition organ last yea, to its own candidates : QEMEMDER, taxpayers of Bedford county, thatfiEo. (r. WALKER, the Black Republican canidate for tfje Legislature from Somerset couty, look the TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS EX -1 R. PAY, of the last Black Republican. Le gislate, and applied it to his own use. If you opose Legislators pocketing your money in tlitshape of Extra Pay, vote against him.— GEO. V. WILLIAMS, is in the same boat with EXTR PAY GEORCY \Y ALKER, and will, no doubtdo all he can to get some mire of the Extruin case he should be elected." Practice vs- Prcachiitg. Th Montrose Democrat gives the name of a Blaclßepublican Justice of the Peace of. that ( oun who lias been guilty of whipping a ne gro uman nearly to deatfi. This Justice is an invette negro-worshipper, and is always o vertloing with indignation at the Slave-hol ders 1. their cruelty to the blacks. This ex pose (his lashing propensity toward defense less bck servants, is not very consistent with his potical profession. He preaches kindness and pctices cruelty. This is characteristic of ma'more of the same party. We could name prominent Black Republican in this Count who has been guilty of whipping a lit tle cored servant most unmercitully— rumorsays, until the blood ran down his limb s.-Ex. (Trßen,' said a father the other day to bis d elincfnt son, I am busy now—but as sooc as get t IJT, I mean to give you a confounded log - gin.'—)on't hurry yourself, pa, replied the patien&d, 'I can wait' [From the Detroit' Free Press, June 10] A Hard for Old whi;% The black republicans have at last taken open ground against the fugitive-slave/aw, and as a party, demand either its repeal or its nulli fication. This ground was taken in the Ohio State convention last week, where among other things, "they demand the repeal of the fugitive slave act of 1850, as it is subversive of both the rights of the States and the liberties of the peo ple, and as contrary to the plai nest duties of hu manity and justice, and abhorrent to the moral sense of the civilized world." The black-re publican party /s composed largely ot those who formerly acted with the whig party, and we must acknowledge to a curiosity to know how this new test of faith will be received bv such. Will the}' acquiesce in it, or will they rebel ? As whigs they acquiesced in this very law ; it was endorsed in their platform, and supported by their orators and their press. Are these very men now to stultify themselves and their action of iormer years by giving even a tacit acquiescence in this concession to the rampant abolitionism of the party with which thev are now acting ? It is well known that the abolition ists of the Western Reserve demanded this ac tion from the State convention, and it dare not be refused. It was these very abolitionists who in 1841 defeated Henry Clay, the great leader of the whigs, and now the whigs, of to-day are asked to give over almost the last remnant of their conservatism to please them. Will it be done ? The whole biack-repubiican party of Ohio, whigs and ail, are now made to demand the re peal of this law. Let us see what was the ac tion of the whig party in former days. In their national platform in 15;> was the follow ing resolution: "That the series of acts of the Thirty-first Congress— THE ACT KNOWN AS THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW INCLUDED —are received and acr quiesced in by the whig party of the United States as a settlement, in principle and sub stance, of the dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace ; and, so far as they are concerned, we will maintain them, ami insist upon their enforcement, until time and experi enc shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of the hwg on the one hand, and the abuse of their pow the other, not impairing their present efficiency ; and we deprecate att tuither agita tion of the questions thus settled as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever or however the attempt may be made ; and will maintain this system as essentia! to the nationality of the whig party and the integrity ol the 1 nion." The law was passed under a whig Adminis tration, signed t>v a whig President, and advoca ted, in Congress and out, bv Henrv Clay and Daniel Webster—both good whig authontv iu their day. It was voted lor bv as manV whigs as Democrats, among the former of whom were such men as John M. Berrien, John Bell ! • eorge E. Badger, Willie 11.I 1 . Mangum, John A. Pearce, Humphrey Marshall, Edward Stan ley, the late Black-Republican candidate for governor in California, and by W'm. H. Bissell, now governor ot Illinois Danml Webster touch ed the very pith crfthe thing m a -peech which he made in the Senate in the summer of 1860, when the bill was under discussion : "The principle of the restitution ot runaway slaves," saiii he, "is not objectionable, unless the Con stitution is objectionable. If the Constitution is right in that respect (tie principle is right, and the taw providing for carrying it into effect is right." And again at Buffalo the next year, he used the following language : "I was in Congress when the law was pro posed. T was for a proper law. I had indeed proposed a different law. I was of opinion that sutrifnary trial by jury might be had, which would satisfy the prejudices of the people ; but I left the Senate, and went to another station, >efore the law was passed.—The law of 1850 was passed. Now I undertake as a lawyer, ind on my professional character to say to you, njd to all, that the law of 1850 is decidedly nore favorable to the fugitive tfian Gen. Wash ngton's law of 1793, and I tell you why : I he first place, the present law places the power n much higher hands—of independent judges )f the supreme, circuit courts and district :ourts. and commissioners who are appointed to Jtlice for their law learning. Every fugitive ;s brought before a tribunal ol high character, if eminent ability, of respectable .-tatiou. "Do you find among all those peisons who appose this fugitive lave law any admission whatever that any law ought to be i.assed to firry into effect the solemn stipulations ol the Constitution ! Tell me any such case ! T.ell me tl any resolution was passed by the con vention at Syracuse favoring tiie carrying out ot the Constitution ? Not one! The fact is, gentlemen, they oppose the whole—not a man of them admits that there ought to be any law on the subject. They deny altogether that the provisions of the Constitution ouzht to be carri ed into effect. Well, what do they say. Look at the proceedings of tiie anti-slavery conven tions in Ohio, Massachusetts, and at Syracuse, in the State of New York. What do they say' That, so help them God, no colored man shall be sent back to his master in Virginia. Don't they say that! And for the fulfilment ol that they pledged their live.-, fortunes, and ttieir sa ared honor. [Laughter.] Their sacred honor ! [Laughter.] They pledged their -acrid honor to violate the laws of their country; they pledged their sacred honor to commit treason against the laws of their country ! God bless them and help them who pledged their sacred honor in such a cause ?" Such was the action and such were the sen timents ol the whig party, seven, eight and nine years ago. This action and these sentiments were universally received by all the whigs of those days. Since that time the whig party w IIOM: m.tikeEl *B7©. has been diS-clved, and mast of those who ac t'"i with it have united themselves with the Black-Republican party here at the North which is under the influence of the abolitionists as we see it plainly is in Ohio. What are they now asked to do { Simply to declare that "ab hoi rent to the moral sense of the civilized world' of which (hey approved but a few years ago. T his is what li:ey must do if they continue 'o act with the Black-Republican party ; they must condemn their own action and vilify the i men whom they have ever accepted as the right ! fol exponents of constitutional and governmen ' tal questions. Is not thisiikely to prove most too hard a dose tor the old whigs ? Will not they now -'de-countenance all efforts to contin ue or renew tins agitation, whenever, or how ; ei'.'. 1 , the attempt may be made," as they de j clared in 1852 ? .Honey Wanted! .Some time ago we noticed an address issued by the Black Republican National Committee, earnestly calling for money to be used in the printing and distribution of electioneering doc uments. Ihe call must have been a successful one, as a short time since we received two tracts, under the lrank of Jorix COVODE, a Re publican member of Congress from Western Pennsylvania—the one entitled '■• Lund for the Landless ," and the otfier " How we are Govern ed." Both are "catch voters," as their titles clearly indicate. With such stufF, under frau dulent franks of Republican members of Con gress—under the recent decision of the Post master General relusing to send documents with out they have on them the genuine frank of the member—the mails will no doubt be lumbered from now until the Presidential election of 1860, and ii the Post Office Department don't pay expenses, the Democracy will get all the blame. The franking privilege has long been enough abused by members ol Congress themselves, and Republican members should not employ every Pom, Dick and Harry to do the same thing. All the documents not properly franked were tabooed by the Postmaster General, and every good man of every party will give him credit tor lus decision. It is proper that the Opposi tion should have the same facilities through the mails as the Democrats, for the transmission of their heavy electioneering literature, but nei ther party should be allowed to abuse the pri vilege as the Republicans with John Co vode and others at their head, have been do ing. But to return from this digression. The Re publican leaders are beginning to dun the "friends ef freedom"' for money. "Money," "money," say they, "makes the mare go." Here is the form of the demand made by the Republican National Committee: "To give practical eflecl to thpse suggestions an adequate amount of money will be required, tor the legal and faithful expenditure of which the undersigned will hold themselves responsi ble." "Money," for what ? To promote the cause ol* freedom by keeping free States out of the I nion, as was attempted in the cases of Oregon and Minnesota ! "Money" to enable {hem to "resist the laws of the land," and defeat the election of judges "who recognize the laws," as Mr. Giddings and Judge Spaulding of Ohio rec ommend ! "Money" to subsidize the press, and buy J votes \\ bat is the necessity for "money ' Has the Kansas fund become ex hausted ? \\ hit has become of the hundreds of thousands of dollars filched from tfie hands ot honest but unsuspecting industry by the freedom shriekers ot '55 and '56 ? Is the same cheat to be repeated in 'SO ? We apprehend the Re publican masses will demand that these dema gogues render an account of their steward ship before they trust .theni with farther neans. This Republican circular is ap advertisement hat a hrde of idlers, psalm singers, sharpers ind cheats are soon to be commissioned by the Republican National Committee to ransack the and upon an errand of money begging. We raution our Republican friends "to beware of hese wolves in sheep's clothing."— Lancaster Intelligencer. ELECTION in WILMINGTON, DEL.— The Democratic ticket, forjMuntcipa! Officers in Wil mington, Del., was elected on Tuesday last by majorities ranging from 183 lor Mayor, to 50 for Assessor. The opposition elected a Treas urer by 89 majority. Last fall the Opposition carried the city by a decided majority. MUNICIPAL ELECTION in Leavenworth Kansas, has resulted in favor of the Democrats by a small majority. FCR'The Commonwealth ip ? recent suit at llarrisourg, recovered a verdict of $ 11.313 against Schuylkill county, for unpaid taxes. [Gr'A dandy wh a cigar in his mouth, en tered a menagerie, when the clown reques ted him to take it out of his mouth as he might learn the other monkeys had hab its. "Sonny' why don't yuu have your ma wash your face 1" "Couldn't be did, old woman", 'cause dad's a Black Republican."! vol. 3, NO. 10.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers