BY GEO. W. ROW HAY.
NEW SERIES.
Sclf £ t $3 oet rn .
From the Pittsburg Union.
IHRBAII FOR Bll'K AM) BRECK.
BY It. M. m'IC'RE.
AIR —" Cirry Mr bacL to Old Virginny."
Fling out. Fling out with song and shout.
Our banner to the breeze ;
That same obi flag—the stars and stripes
That floats o'er land and -Pas.
A' ' w rite our standard bearers' names,
Upon each lleecv fold;
tie brave, the just, the good and true,
Who ne'er were bought or sold.
CKGRVS—
liiirmh I hurrah! for Btirk and Breefc,
We'll give them three cheers more;
And carry them tip to the old White House
By lair Potomac's shore.
We know* no North, we know no South,
We know no East or West.
But go for the whole United State?—
The land we love the best.
Then down with the Abolition crew",
Who'd let the "Union slide;"'
And rally around old Buck and Breck,
I ne noble, true, and tried !
t'horus—Hurrah, hurrah, &c.
The Keystone gives her noblest son,
And o does old Ken tuck :
And the Fremont men turn pale with fear,
When they hear the -hout for Buck 5
l or the gallant -hoot is ringing out,
From .Maine to Georgia's strand ;
Wherever there beats a freeman's heait,
For h's whole—his native land !
Chorus—Hurrah, hurrah, Xsc.
AN HONEST ARGI AIENT-
Freemen of Bedford County Rend it with
Core.
LCMVK'K, WESTMORELAND, CO., PA. )
August 30, I 3. r )ti. \
U. M. RIDDLE. Esq.— Dear Sir : — I recog
nize and appreciate vour courteous notice of the
speed) recently delivered by nie in Pittsburgh,
lis admitted fairness, the result of confidence
ami runvicfiun, is a characteristic which it
•arcs with numerous addresses by mv Denio
(•;,iic brethren, w lio, lor the temperate utter
ed undoubted truths, have been assailed
uiliiafurv of invective novel in its intensity,
unknown in Pennsylvania politics until
'li e iccent atte;rpt (o subject onr good old Com
i: nuealth to subserviency to the vagaries of
Vw England fanatics and the interests of New
Kng .nri sp- dilators. Your impulses as a gen
•i: an I ave constrained your columns to Jorrti
[exception to 'he con mou course ol the part i
..a press. I complain not, however, even of
' ■* vilest v irluperalion. for slander, injures on
;v the slanderer, and the freedom of the press
i r.ctrns greater interests than touch the pri
va> sensibilities of any man.
\ni; poiilu ! v put thiee questions, and diiect
ine as to the manner of reply. Not being a
•mru'late for anv office and asking no man's
vffc or \< ice, 1 an. not hound to answer ; and
'crtair.lv it I waive n.v privilege and respond
' y ur inter rogatories, I am the proper judge ol
!!■•* mode of doing so. But I waive this also,
: I agree to \* ur strongly slated suggestion
f ' it • v* fc answered, "plainly and lauh. not
' v elaboration or evasion, or by homilies on
gu<(i breediog or metaphysical abstractions or
•ire drawn law pleadings." We shall then
"whether the results" (as von predict) "dif
l-r widely from those which seemed to follow,"
what y u a:e pleased to term "specious specola
t'".*. ui regions too exalted lor the practical sub
jects before ttie American people."
In my judgment whatever is incornprehensi
<* in politics is false. The extent of popular
iiiteliigetice is the limit of legitimate power,
r t!••• servant cannot be greater than his mas
'r:, and those who administer the government
arrtl... servants of tile people.
1 our questions are :
"Are you ir. favor of excluriins Pennsylvania
bite it en from Kansas by filling Ike Territory with
oeholdeis and slaves ?"
'n which I answer NO!
"Do you deny the assertion in the Declaration
Independence ihut, -ail men are created free and
ill'" If not. how can you interpose to extend fur
t The subjection of one race to the enslavement by
another ?"
fo which I answer NO! I assent to the
-tuiient quoted, and also to the declaration in
** i-'fi.e instrument, that 'governments derive
■■'"i " }ii&t powers from the consent of the gov
"Tii-il."- I would not, therefore, ' interpose ' to
'■steiid uvvr a State or Territory, of which I ain
: 1 a citizen, any law whatever, but would
: ivcthe making of the entire domestic code to
He who live under it.
■ "Dn yon nstrpp that 'the North should be sub
et' in the sense of Steven A. Douglas' insolent
threat'?'*
lo which 1 answer NO ! And I deny that
••• • Douglas Uei'd the language imputed to
inm.
Having thus categorically replied to all your
''"j'hiies, allow me to observe, —
That I am not in favor of excluding
■ f rom Kansas,because, as citizens
1 'be Republic, they have tiie tight fo go
M. "re they choose and do what they please, ex
' "pt so far as restrained by law. The Const it U
!|ofi provides that "the citizens of each State
' be entitled to all the privileges and imniu
r>dies of citizens in the several States." and this
1 "iliite equality among the people of tile U
'•'oii compels us to recognize the same right of
'Migration and settlement bv those in the South
" those in the North. We hold by a common
' and if we deny the right of the South we
admit the invalidity of our own claim. That a
man is a slaveholder, does not affect his charac
ter as a citizen, and as it is in his character of a
citizen that he may perform any act which we
can perform, he may, like ourselves, choose his
home in any State or Territory. He must sub—
! Mit to the local law, whatever it may he, for
when he selects his abode he must he assumed
jto accept all the consequences of the act. A
: slaveholder entering any State or Territory may
J bring his slaves with him—whether they will
I remain subject to his service depends on the
i law to which he thus voluntarily subjects him
i self. This is the risk which he must incin*.—
; But it is a hazard confined to the action of the
; people of the community into which he thus
enters, and does not extend beyond. Jt is a
| submission to the sovereignty of the people
| which is not confined to anv one subject, hut
| extends to all matters of legislation.
A .New Yorker, at home, may lawfully pass
one dollar hank notes. We cannot prevent Ins
coming into Pennsylvania, hut we can forbid
his putting these bank notes into circulation,
and any organized attempt in New York to sub
j vert onr laws in this particular, or to limit their
application would he repelled and resented as
an insult to this commonwealth. If a man
i comes into Pennsylvania his right of property
are dependent on Pennsylvania law, except tin
der the special restiainls of the Federal Consti
tution. If his own notions, wishes, or interests
i could make the law, we should have either the
despotism of dictation of a single man, or the
I anarchy of rules ns various and discordant as the
I men who make them. Do not these principles
applv everywhere ?—would not these fata! con
> sequences follow, from like causes, anv where ?
Suppose the inhabitants of Kansas were unan
imous in favor of the exclusion of slaves, would
it not he monstrous for one immigrant to assume
that he could take slaves there and keep them
in defiance of the lawfully expressed will of
! the rest. It would be monstrous, only, because
in derogation of the rule that the majority gov
ern, for the extent of the majority does not de
termine the application of the doctt ine. If, on
the other hand, a majority of the people declare
I by law, that this or any other species of proper
ty shall be recognized and protected, can it he
maintained that a minority can at once annul
: the will of the majority and destroy the rights
of property by limiting according to their views
t he applicat ion of t he term ?
These principles were settled long ago, w hen
the blood of the Revolution baptized everv A
me.-ican into the family of freemen. The
sword of onr soldiers crowned the people with
the supreme sovereignly. The chief argument
for the Revolution was the omnipotence of the
; public voice, and by consequence the right of
the people to make the laws under which they
live. Can those wise say that Congress mav
make laws for Kansas, deny the power of the
English Parliament of 177(i to make laws for
the Colonies ? Where would those who seek
to force laws on the Territories against their
will, have been found if they had lived in the
'days of the Revolution am! been called on to
, i'sist laws forced on the Colonies against their
will? Would they have refused or obeyed
this British tyrant's call? Would they have
been patriot whig? or torv traitors ?
This sovereignty, in which each citiz°n
shares, is a personal right older than the Consti
tutiori and higher than the law ; which lie car
lies about with him wherever he goes within
the broad hounds of our glorious Republic;
which is not lost by passing from one State to
another nor limited by territorial lines. It is
our most precious birthright will he the rich
est heritage of our children—shall we abandon
it to the bidding of a desperate hand of clisor
ganizers, or swear never to surrender it but
W it It life itself ?
Either popular sovereignty is true and safe,
or it is false and dangerous. The whole struc
ture of out government assumes the former, and
fie w ho denies it is no Republic an—he who as
serts by force is a traitor. Why is it not to be
applied as well in Territories as in States ?
Tosav that the Missouri Compromise has de
stroyed this right is to assume that Congress
may after the radical relations which connect
the citizen with the State, and that one Con
gress may divest at their pleasure the constitu
tional powers of all surrounding Representatives
of the people. There is no such grant of pow
er in lh<* Constitution, and what is not found
there arid is- not necessary, does not exist, be
cause. bv the terms of that instiument, the
powers not delegated are reserved. To assume
that an act cannot be repealed is to limit each
succeeding Congress at the pleasure of all pie
ceding Congresses, and thus gradually t:> dimin
ish tiie legislative power until finally present
popular will would be wholly controlled by the
sentiments of former generations. All laws
are compromises, hut the gn at compromise is
the agreement to submit to the will of the ma
jority. This is the only inept alahle law, for it
is the human recognition of Cod's truth of man's
equality—in organized Government equality
before the law.
If Congress may interfere to exclude slavery
tiiey may with equal warrant interfere to intro
duce it. And thus in either way, destroy po
litical liberty by destroying popular sovereign
ty. If so we have a new species of slavery in
troduced— the political slavery of the white
ir.au and a new master created the Congress
of the Union.
To assume that unlimited control over inhabi
tants of Territories is conferred by the clause,
"Congress shall have jxiwer to dispose of and
make all needful rules and legnlations respec
ting the Territory or other property belonging
to the United States," is to confound the dis
tinction between persons and things, and con
vert citizens into chattels to be " disposed of"
at the pleasure of the Federal Government.
Horrible distortion of language—miserable ne
cessity of subterfuge—which seeks by subjec
ting those of our own flesh and blood to worse
than Egyptian bondage, to assert for the degra
ded creatures of a servile race an equality, irn-
FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. SEPT. 19, 1856.
-practicable, because forbidden by nature's eter
nal decree. As plenary ptiw*er of legislation is
granted only in regard to the seat of govern
ment, it is virtually withheld elsewhere. The
Constitution is reconcilable in its several parts,
and each of these with the great motive and
chief object of its formation.
It is true that Congress may interfere to se
cure this right where an attempt is made to vi
olate it, for a Republican form of government
is guaranteed by the Constitution to all the peo
ple of the Union. This is not in derogation but
in support of popular sovereignty, which is the
principle which brings Republics into being.—
And as Congress must judge on application for
recognition as a Slate, of the freedom and fair
ness of the exercise of the popular will, they
may legitimately use the necessary means to
secure this independence of action. Jt is in
both aspects the power to preserve, not the
right to destroy, this principle of Freedom.
2. To your second question I have also an
swered NO. In the fair sense intended by Mr.
.Mferson I agree that all men are "horn equal."
That is to say, each citizen of the State may
justly claim to be, in his political character, e
qual to all his fellow citizens, it cannot be
pretended but that both Nature and Fortune
unite in creating beings as various, in all the
accidents of humanity, as their own numbers.
If of that race of man which formed the Slate,
they must he recognized by the Slate of which
they are citizens, without regard to those ine-
qualities. But such recognition depends on,
and is to be controlled by, the object f.>r which
the State exists. By common consent and gen
eral necessity large cln.-ses are excluded liom
direct political action. It is with consistency
therefore, that many of those who favor the ex
tension of the elective franchise to negroes ad
vocate also its extension to women. Certainly
no argument can lie presented in favor of the
former which has not increased force applied to
the latter. The answer to all these visionary
projects is, that social order, without which
there is universal anarchy, demands a rule for
the practical application of abstract principle,
and ibis rule can he found oniy in the will ol
the body of the nation.
Such was the view held by our fathers who
declare in tire preamble of the Constitution.
"We establish it Insecure the blessings of liber
ty to ourselves and orr. posterity. Not to the
negro, nor to bis blood, but to the white race,
which alone created th<* Constitution and can
alone control its action."
You ask. would "you interfere to extend fur
ther the subjugation of one race to another?"
so! I would leave all this, as a political ques
tion, to the several States, arid ns a mural ques
tion to the disposal of a higher than any mortal
power ; content to perform mv duty as a man
by resP'-ntinp- the rilit nfntlie' t • deity -> =
aritizen bv obeying the law s, alvvavs observing
tha* Christian charity which "benreth all things,
lieiieveth all tilings, hopeth all things, enduietb
all things."
3. In reply In vnnr other qupslion 1 say that
neither the North nor the South can he subdued,
so lonnr a S thi>v are in the rigid. The roc ko(
refuge for weakness—sure shield against supe
rior force—is the Constitution. The charge
tf>at .Mr. Douglas ever used the language impu
ted to him bv ferocious fanatics, is cumulative
proof cit'the madness oft hose whose moral sense
and political creed is bounded by the one in
definite idea of the excellence of the m gro
race.
The abstract question of negro slavery is one
on which there may be a fair difference of opin
ion, but the founders of our freedom unanimous
ly united in declaring that, as n political meas
ure, it belonged exclusively to the several sov
ereign States: and the trainers of the Consti
tution, with Washington, himself a slaveholder,
at their head, expressly provided not only for
the exercise of entire control of the subject by
the States, but even extended into non-slave
holding States the rights of owners of slaves for
purposes of reclamation of fugitives.
Bv the example of our fathers, and the sa
cred compact into which they entered, we are
hound bv every consideration of reverence lor
the past and hope for the future.
What modern man dare proclaim himself pu
rer than Washington, wiser than Franklm,
more patriotic than Henr\ < The great con
servative doctrines which they taught should he
indelibly engraven on our hearts,. It is the
glory erf Pennsylvania that, calm in conscious
strength and rectitude of purpose, she stands
immovable as her own mountains, between
those in the North who are preverted by fanati
cism, and those in tin* South who are inflamed
by prejudice. Devoted to the common inter
ests of our common country and ready to put
down, with a quick will and a strong arm, all
that may assail the integrity of the I nion, whi< h
is the palladium of our freedom, of weaken the
bonds v. hicli bind us together as a banc! of broth
ers, which alone makes us an example to the
nations of the earth.
The price of political freedom is the sacrifice
of private predilection for the general good.—
On this basis—by conciliation, concession, arid
compromise—our constitution w as constructed :
and it can be preserved only by the perpetual
practice of these cardinal republican virtues.- —
No delusive phantom ot impracticable perfec
tion should divert us from the plain path pointed
out bv those wise and virtuous men in whose
footsteps we may safely tread.
Resolved to transmit 1" our children the
blessings which ourselves enjoy, we should de
card temptation to infidelity, and disown the
tempter who would, under any pretence how
ever specious, Seduce us from our duty I" the
great Republic, of which we are citizens, equal
in onr obligations as in our rights.
The chief reply to all allegations of the dan
cers which now threaten the T nion is, that the
South is too weak for resistance to the will of
the North. Is this the answer of a brother to a
brother ! Is it the answer of an honest man
Is it not on the contrary the proclamation of the
tyrant's law 7 Is this what the T nion lias come
Freedom of Thought and Opinion.
| to?
No, it is not, for the North will never sus
tain the assumptions ol those who insolently as
sume to speak in her name the language oftiea
son. In every state of the confederacy a pow
erful party still stands by the Constitution, and,
discarding sectional distinctions, upholds the
rights ol each State to perfect internal indepen
dence and absolute external equality. This is
(he true conservative attraction which holds to
gether the political system aud keeps the stars
of the Union within their spheres, all revolving
round a common centre, without confusion or
danger—a harmonious whole. The American
people will visit withsignal vengeance those
who may diminish, hv one ray from one star,
the light of Liberty which streaming from this
Western Continent penetrates the darkness of
despotism and kindles hope in the heart of hu
manity throughout the world.
I write hastily and briefly for I cannot com
mand my time and must not further intrude on
your space. I will therefore pursue these sub
jects at a meeting in Wilkins Hall on Tuesday
evening next, which you are invited to attend.
Doubtless the Democratic citizens of Allegheny
county will he glad to see you there. For my
self I assure you ola cordial welcome, a fair
hearing of any reply you may see fit to make
and a respectful rejoinder by
Your obedient servant,
WILL. A. STOKES.
From the X. V. Commercial Advertiser.
FREMONT AM) HIS RELIGION.
INTERVIEW WITH COL. FREMONT. — We give
elsewhere in to-day's Commercial, an interes
ting account of an interview with Col. Fre
mont on the subject ol his alleged Papal ten
dencies, by a gentleman well known as aw hole
sale stationer in this city, and a resident at Fac
loryviile, Statin Island. No one who knows
i the narrator wiil question the entire veracity
and moderation of his statement. We have
been for sometime cognizant of all the circum
stances of the interview, and of the causes also
that led to it. But as they were mentioned to
us without any permission to publish, we have
: not felt at liberty to make 'hem the subject of
I editoiial comment. The gentleman himself
very properly stated them publicly on Satur
day night, as will be seen by our report of a
spontaneous Fillmore meeting on the Island,
and vve need not therefore impose any further
restraint upon ourselves respecting them. Had
the whole story been told all the antecedents
of the actual interview—it would have been
decidedly amusing, revealing how c'osely every
access to the distinguished Republican candi
date is carefully and jealously watched by the
"friends" who seem to have been appointed his
custodian?.
•Be <!ei? of the Commercial will henr ns wit
ness that, with the exception of one very slight
allusion to the subject—and even that studious
ly avoided any expression ofour own belief in
the premises—the religious creed of Colonel
Fremont lias not in any way been referred to
in our columns. We have no relish for, We
have indeed a strong aversion to, personalities
of any kind, and especially'of that kind, in po
litical warfare; and to the latest time (hat the
Commercial pays its daily visits.-fq its readers,
vve trust it will preserve this rub*.of propriety
and contfesv. We have more than once said,
and now* repeat, that we find no warrant in the
constitution ol the United States, or in the ge
nius of American institutions, lor excluding a
citizen from any public office on the ground of
his religious faith, any more than therein is
found any exclusive right to public office, groun
ded upon religious creed. The constitution
knows no distinction of this kind.
The follow ing is the statement to which the
Commercial refers:
Mr. I>. F. Cook made some interesting and
important statements respecting an interview he
had with Col. Fremont on the subject of his al
leged Romanism. It was in substance this:
Some friends having desired to enlist the speak
er in the cause ot so called Republicanism, he
expressed a desire to have all doubts removed
on this mooted question, but said that nothing
short of an assurance from Col. Fremont's own
lips would satisfy him. An interview was ar
ranged for. The object of the visit being un
deistood i v the Colonel, he avowed himself
readv to answer any questions proposed. Mr.
Cook proposed the following and received to
each the answer annexed : "Were you mar
tied hy a Roman Catholic priest ?'' / "rs,"
the Colonel's lip quivering as he spoke. "Did
von at the time believe in, or profess to believe
in, the Roman Catholic religion ?" "/ did not."''
"Have you before or since, or at any time, pro
fessi d the Catholic religion?" "/ have vol."
Here Mr. Cook bowed, to signify that he had
no more questions to ask. Col. 1 remotit then
volunteeied some remarks to tlie following ef
fect: that while in California he attended no
church, and that he occupied his Sundays in
reading and writing, and in attending to such
matters of business as bethought of importance.
Mr. Fremont further soid : "I am frequently
interrogated by all parties on this subject. I
presume tlm delegation now waiting forme np
staiis wish to interrogate nm on this point.—
When tlrnv do, I shall put the most lavqrahle
construction on the matter that I can. 1 wish
to "(lend none, hut to secure the votes of all.—
Only this veiy morning 1 have a letter from
Maine, saving that unless I make a personal de
nial of Romanism, and that iam or have been
a Roman Catholic, that Stat.- will he lost to the
Republicans; and another letter from Indiana,
telling me that if I will authorize my friends
there to say 1 am a Roman Catholic, they can
secure for me a large German and Irish vote.
1 have to fiame my replies so as to secure the
votes of all. There is now a deputation wait
ing for me, whose errand, 1 doubt not, is the
same. It is best to say as little about this mat
ter as possible, and we must manage the thing
as well as we can, so as to get the votes ol both
sides." Here the interview terminated. Mr-
Cook's statement was listened to wit It profound
interest*, and after heartily cheering for the;
American candidate, and a very cordial vote of
thanks to Col. Barrett for his courtesy, the meet
ing sepaiated a little before ten o'clock, but
would gladly have remained an hour longer,
had there not been a scarcity of speakers. Sev
eral ladies from the surrounding residences
were present and evinced a lively interest in the
proceedings.
Upon this statement tlie Commercial com
ments :
If the interview with him elsewhere spoken
of to have been the only occasion on which he
had been interrogated, and that interview had
been closed immediately after the answer to
the third question, we should have reached a
different conclusion, We should then have
been compelled, in all courtesy, to accept Co!.
Fremont's point blank denial of his Romanism
as conclusive upon that point, and should have
placd it upon record a thousand fold more
gladly than we do the conclusion which his sub
sequent remarks to his calechist, and the unsat
isfactory results of other interrogatories, have
forced upon our minds. This is not a pleasant
train of remark to pursue, and we deeply regret
that there is occasion for it. But we ask any
fair and candid man what value can he attach
ed, under all the circumstances ol the case, to
the seemingly direct and unequivoral answers
to Mr. Cook's equally direct and pointed inqui
res? When the interrogator appeared satisfied
wit!) the answers, and even, as we understand,
expressed himself so, (as who would not that
was not himself incapable of duplicity?) and
seemed to have been converted into a political
friend and ally, then Oil. Fremont deliberately
avowed that his allegation of Romanism hail
been his principal difficulty, and that his policy
was to give suck answers to the querists res
pectively as would secure the votes oj all.
No wonder it the gentleman to whom this
revelation was made, from (hat moment felt that
the answers which he had supposed had been
given to him in good faith w ere of no value
whatever; that tfie motive which prompted
them had been unwittingly betrayed : that their
design was to obtain the votes ol the interroga
tor ami the Protestants lie represented ; and
that tile deputation then waiting for an intei
view might, if Romanist*, receive answers just
the reverse, so that their votes also might he ob
tained. "1 have to frame my replies so as to
g"t the votes of both." "We must say as little
about the matter as possible, and manage Che
thing the best way we r an, so as to secure the
votes of both sides." That Col. Fremont and
his advisers have thus "managed the matter,"
we think is capable ol demonstration ; and il it
he demonstrated, we respectfully submit that
"both sides" must feel that the Republican can
didate for the Presidency has no claim upon
the support of either.
We repeat, however, that a man s religious
creed, i r his being without s creed, is no con
stitutional disqualification for office. But his
fellow-citizens have an undoubted right, when
he solicits their suffrages, courteously to ask for
information respecting his views upon questions
which enter largely into the popular view ola
man's qualifications for office, and to receive un
equivocal and consistent replies; especially
when the ollire involves such an i:r mense pow
er of patronage and other means of influencing
the masses of the people as does tiie Presidency
of these United .States.
Horrible Barbarity.
Rminrkubte Heroism of a Ley Seven 1 curt, oj
"% f> .
fonder this heading the San Francisco True
California!!, of June 14th, has the following nar
rative :
The Cnited States sloop-of-war Decatur,
which arrived in this port yesterday, has bro't
intelligence of one of the most inhuman attroci
ties that can be found in the annals of Indian
warfare. On the morning of the Bth of Octo
ber, 1855, while Mr. Harvey H.Jones, a set
tler on the White River, in Washington Terri
tory, was lying sick in his bed, a party of Indi
ans commenced tiring on his house, and killed
Mr. Jones at the first volley, Mis. Jones, who
was eating breakfast at the time of the assault,
immediately returned the fire of the Indians
with a navy revolver, and after having suc
ceeded in wounding one of them in the foot,
was shot in the side, and thereby disabled from
making any further resistance. Immediately
on her ceasing to fire upon them, the Indians
approached and set fire to the house.
At this juncture, a lad named John J. King,
w ho w as a child of Mrs. Jones by a former mar
riage, and hut seven years of age, inquired ol
his mother what he should do. She directed
him to take his brother and sister—the former
two, and the latter four years old—and endea
vor to find shelter in the house of a Mr. Thom
as, who resided two miles distant. The little
fellow complied with the request of his mother,
taking the infant on his back and his sister by
the hand, and although an Indian exploded four
caps in endeavoring to shoot him. and w as only
prevented from further efforts bv a popular su
perstition of his tribe, succeeded in leaching
his destination,only to he disappointed by find
ing that Mr. Thomas had fled with his lamily,
and w as no where to be found.
The brave bnv then continued his way down
the river for another mile, when he was met by
a friendly Indian, who took the children in his
canoe: covering the two younger with his hlan
lo-ts, proceeded to Seattle, where they arrived
next day, and was received on boauf the Deca
tur, which brought them to this place. After
the escape ot the children, the Indians diagged
Mrs. Jones from the house by the hair, and
killed her hy the blow of an axe on the temple.
The body of Mr. Jones was consumed with the
house. This statement lias been furnished us bv
Mr. John Stria if, a brother of Mrs. Jones. The
children were treated with the greatest kind
ness by Captain Gansevoort, Lieuts. Morris and
Drake, and the officers and crew of the Decatur.
TERMS. S'-i I>ER TEAR.
VOL XXV. NO. 3.
By this Parly misfortune these children are left
entirely destitute, and but for the friendship of
their uncle, would be thrown upon the charity
ol the world for protection.
BEDFORD CO. TEACHERS' ASSOCIATION'.
Agreeably to the call of The Superintendent, a
meeting ot Teachers was held in the basement of
the Lutheran C'nurcb on .Monday the Ist Sept. iti~t.
fhe -meeting was organized by appointing Mr.
.tames Allison, of Napier, President, and Mr. 'J'. U.
V ickroy. Secretary. Mr. Gettys stated the object
of the meeting, read quite an interesting address,
and concluded by making sense r.eat. appropriate and
practical remarks, which were received with lavor.
Among other things lie remarked that it is as im|ior
tant lor a teacher to have the "Pennsylvania School
Journal," or some work on education, a-> it is for the
Divine to have the bible.
On motion the Secretary read the Constitution,
which vves drafted at a meeting held herd in April,
'8.34, together with the bye-laws, which weie adopt
ed.
The follow]:; e persons signed their names to the
Constitution a- members of The A<-ociation:
-Rev. John H. Pollock, T. R. Gettys, T. R. \ ick
roy, Rev. 11. Ueckerniau, 'J'homa- C. Schoolev. Jas.
Alli-on, Samuel Longenect.er, William A. Clark,
Thomas Allison, JamesS. Tussey, !). 1). Kshelman,
line- Edwards, Hemv 11. Mock, >. 11. Keplogle, (>.
Sigutoos.
<in motion, Messrs, Gettys, Sigafous, Schooley,
I.ortgenecker, and James Allison were appointed a
committee tt present the names of persons to till the
several offices ol the Association during the ensuing
year, which committee reported Rev. 11. Hecker
n:ll President; Rev. >.". K. G.ld-, Ybee I'restJent;
John Mower, Esq., Treasuter; J. S. Tussey, Serre
?ary. and 'aid gentlemen were unanimously elected
to said olfices;
On motion of Geo. Sigafoos, T. R. Gettys and
Samuel l.ongenecker were appointed a committee to
report the names ol five persons to compose a "fciisi
ness committee" for the ensuing year, who reported
the names of Messrs. Schooley, Sigafoos, James Al
lison, Barton, and Totnliuson, and the gentlemen
named were unauimou-ly elected said committee.
On motion of Mr. Getty- Mr. Vicktoy and James
Allison were appointed to prepare the exercises of
Ihe second day.
TUESDAY MORNING SESSION*.
The President being absent, the Chair was again
occupied by Mr. Allison. The Teachers present
proceeded in a plain, familiar, but interesting way.
to give their view-and experience OR the subject of
teaching the several primary branches ol common
school educat ion.
Mr. Sigafoos then explained his method of teaching
the alphabet. Mr. Pollock rial the same upon the
inflections of the voice.
AF I LKNOOX SESSION.
At the request of the Countv Superintendent. Rev.
.'ohn Pollock, principal ot' the Allegheny Male ami
Ft-male Se on nary at Ilainsburg, delivered an address
on the subjert of education. He gave his experi
ence first in the common school, then in those of a
higher grade, liis remarks on irAoeZ-government.
the influence of .iW/'-governmenT, the importance 01
regular system, love, and respect gained by polite
ness, good humor; kindness, ,S;c. were very appropri
ate. He was listened to with much attention, and
no doubt those who heard him were much benefitted
by bis able lecture.
Reading was then taken up in which all freely par
♦ vit.rri reimrLvnii this important branch
ol education were n sup oy Messrs. Pollock, (terry*
and Sigatnos. An interesting address was then deli
vered bv Mr. SigafoOs on The subject of schools and
the common school master. He pointed out very
ciearlv that the teacher should be the life and the
soul of the school. That the teacher is dealing with
youthful ar ' pliable materials; that he can give
•.hap** and form to the youthful mind, 'hat will he in
d'dhbly impressed during life. 'How mportarit then,
that the right kirtr! of impress he made at the right
time and in the right way. He concluded bv re
questing teacher* to use their influence to correct
pupils the pernicious habit of using tobacco.
WF.DNFSPAY MORNING" SESSION.
Rcv.Mr. Htokeiman presiding. Alter SO~TP ap
propriate remarks he addressed The Throne of Grace
in prayer. Ihe minutes were then read and adopt
ed. Bus IIP.V committee reported The Pillowing sub
pets: Classification ot schools, seliooi government,
Peiiniansinp. Fundamental rules ot Arithmetic, Geo
graphy and Grammar.
Rev. Mr. Ileckerman made some very interesting
remarks on the importance ol teaching Grammar
'nidi'rstotidnigly tii-tead ot' reciting and repeating
parrot-like, the various rules and exercises laid down
in the school books. Mi. Ttissey made some re
marks which were interesting, beneficial, arid in
structive.
\vi:n\i:sDA\ AFTERNOON' SESSION.
The subject of tractions was taken up by."Mr. Sig
at'oos, who occupied The black-board, and, lor halt*
an hour, gave evidence that lie is full" rompetent to
instruct in that very useful branch ol education.
On motion the following resolutions wele adopted :
Resolved, That we earnestly call upon the friends
of education •throughout the county of Bedford to n
nite with us in otir endeavors to elevate the standard
of teachers, and the condition of our common schools.
Resolved, That we recommend To all the Teachers
of the county to subscribe to the "Pennsylvania
School Journal."
Resolved, That the reading the Scriptures, with
out comment, and singing, ought to be introduced
into all the scnools of the county.
Resolved.That this Institute recommends that the
Teachers in the different Districts form themselves
into auxiliary associations tor their ovrn common
improvement.
Ue-oived, That our next meeting be held in St.
Clairsville on Monday the 10th day of November
next,cud continue at least three days.
Look on this future:
Ex-President Van Buren and sons support
Buchanan.
Ex-President Harrison's son supports Fill
more or Buchanan.
Ex-President Tyler and sons support Buch
anan.
Ex-President Fillmore opjioses Fremont.
President Pierce supports Buchanan.
John C. Calhoun's sons support Buchanan.
Daniel Webster's sons support Buchanan.
Ilenrv Clay's sons support Buchanan.
Commodore Stewart (Old Ironsides) supports
Buchanan.
Commodore Perry support Buchanan.
Commodore Stockton opposes Fremont.
General Cadwalader supports Buchanan.
Genera! Scott opposes Fremont.
Colonel Benton supports Buchanan.
\ou on This:
William H. Seward supports Fremont.
Horace Greelv supports Fremont.
Henrv Ward Beech'-r supports Fremont.
Frederick Douglas supports Fremont.
Thurlow Weed supports Fremont.
Thaddeus Stevens supports Fremont.
Stump Preacher Tyng supports Fremont.
And all the Abolition and Disunion crew.