BY GEO. W. ROW HAY. NEW SERIES. Sclf £ t $3 oet rn . From the Pittsburg Union. IHRBAII FOR Bll'K AM) BRECK. BY It. M. m'IC'RE. AIR —" Cirry Mr bacL to Old Virginny." Fling out. Fling out with song and shout. Our banner to the breeze ; That same obi flag—the stars and stripes That floats o'er land and -Pas. A' ' w rite our standard bearers' names, Upon each lleecv fold; tie brave, the just, the good and true, Who ne'er were bought or sold. CKGRVS— liiirmh I hurrah! for Btirk and Breefc, We'll give them three cheers more; And carry them tip to the old White House By lair Potomac's shore. We know* no North, we know no South, We know no East or West. But go for the whole United State?— The land we love the best. Then down with the Abolition crew", Who'd let the "Union slide;"' And rally around old Buck and Breck, I ne noble, true, and tried ! t'horus—Hurrah, hurrah, &c. The Keystone gives her noblest son, And o does old Ken tuck : And the Fremont men turn pale with fear, When they hear the -hout for Buck 5 l or the gallant -hoot is ringing out, From .Maine to Georgia's strand ; Wherever there beats a freeman's heait, For h's whole—his native land ! Chorus—Hurrah, hurrah, Xsc. AN HONEST ARGI AIENT- Freemen of Bedford County Rend it with Core. LCMVK'K, WESTMORELAND, CO., PA. ) August 30, I 3. r )ti. \ U. M. RIDDLE. Esq.— Dear Sir : — I recog nize and appreciate vour courteous notice of the speed) recently delivered by nie in Pittsburgh, lis admitted fairness, the result of confidence ami runvicfiun, is a characteristic which it •arcs with numerous addresses by mv Denio (•;,iic brethren, w lio, lor the temperate utter ed undoubted truths, have been assailed uiliiafurv of invective novel in its intensity, unknown in Pennsylvania politics until 'li e iccent atte;rpt (o subject onr good old Com i: nuealth to subserviency to the vagaries of Vw England fanatics and the interests of New Kng .nri sp- dilators. Your impulses as a gen •i: an I ave constrained your columns to Jorrti [exception to 'he con mou course ol the part i ..a press. I complain not, however, even of ' ■* vilest v irluperalion. for slander, injures on ;v the slanderer, and the freedom of the press i r.ctrns greater interests than touch the pri va> sensibilities of any man. \ni; poiilu ! v put thiee questions, and diiect ine as to the manner of reply. Not being a •mru'late for anv office and asking no man's vffc or \< ice, 1 an. not hound to answer ; and 'crtair.lv it I waive n.v privilege and respond ' y ur inter rogatories, I am the proper judge ol !!■•* mode of doing so. But I waive this also, : I agree to \* ur strongly slated suggestion f ' it • v* fc answered, "plainly and lauh. not ' v elaboration or evasion, or by homilies on gu<(i breediog or metaphysical abstractions or •ire drawn law pleadings." We shall then "whether the results" (as von predict) "dif l-r widely from those which seemed to follow," what y u a:e pleased to term "specious specola t'".*. ui regions too exalted lor the practical sub jects before ttie American people." In my judgment whatever is incornprehensi <* in politics is false. The extent of popular iiiteliigetice is the limit of legitimate power, r t!••• servant cannot be greater than his mas 'r:, and those who administer the government arrtl... servants of tile people. 1 our questions are : "Are you ir. favor of excluriins Pennsylvania bite it en from Kansas by filling Ike Territory with oeholdeis and slaves ?" 'n which I answer NO! "Do you deny the assertion in the Declaration Independence ihut, -ail men are created free and ill'" If not. how can you interpose to extend fur t The subjection of one race to the enslavement by another ?" fo which I answer NO! I assent to the -tuiient quoted, and also to the declaration in ** i-'fi.e instrument, that 'governments derive ■■'"i " }ii&t powers from the consent of the gov "Tii-il."- I would not, therefore, ' interpose ' to '■steiid uvvr a State or Territory, of which I ain : 1 a citizen, any law whatever, but would : ivcthe making of the entire domestic code to He who live under it. ■ "Dn yon nstrpp that 'the North should be sub et' in the sense of Steven A. Douglas' insolent threat'?'* lo which 1 answer NO ! And I deny that ••• • Douglas Uei'd the language imputed to inm. Having thus categorically replied to all your ''"j'hiies, allow me to observe, — That I am not in favor of excluding ■ f rom Kansas,because, as citizens 1 'be Republic, they have tiie tight fo go M. "re they choose and do what they please, ex ' "pt so far as restrained by law. The Const it U !|ofi provides that "the citizens of each State ' be entitled to all the privileges and imniu r>dies of citizens in the several States." and this 1 "iliite equality among the people of tile U '•'oii compels us to recognize the same right of 'Migration and settlement bv those in the South " those in the North. We hold by a common ' and if we deny the right of the South we admit the invalidity of our own claim. That a man is a slaveholder, does not affect his charac ter as a citizen, and as it is in his character of a citizen that he may perform any act which we can perform, he may, like ourselves, choose his home in any State or Territory. He must sub— ! Mit to the local law, whatever it may he, for when he selects his abode he must he assumed jto accept all the consequences of the act. A : slaveholder entering any State or Territory may J bring his slaves with him—whether they will I remain subject to his service depends on the i law to which he thus voluntarily subjects him i self. This is the risk which he must incin*.— ; But it is a hazard confined to the action of the ; people of the community into which he thus enters, and does not extend beyond. Jt is a | submission to the sovereignty of the people | which is not confined to anv one subject, hut | extends to all matters of legislation. A .New Yorker, at home, may lawfully pass one dollar hank notes. We cannot prevent Ins coming into Pennsylvania, hut we can forbid his putting these bank notes into circulation, and any organized attempt in New York to sub j vert onr laws in this particular, or to limit their application would he repelled and resented as an insult to this commonwealth. If a man i comes into Pennsylvania his right of property are dependent on Pennsylvania law, except tin der the special restiainls of the Federal Consti tution. If his own notions, wishes, or interests i could make the law, we should have either the despotism of dictation of a single man, or the I anarchy of rules ns various and discordant as the I men who make them. Do not these principles applv everywhere ?—would not these fata! con > sequences follow, from like causes, anv where ? Suppose the inhabitants of Kansas were unan imous in favor of the exclusion of slaves, would it not he monstrous for one immigrant to assume that he could take slaves there and keep them in defiance of the lawfully expressed will of ! the rest. It would be monstrous, only, because in derogation of the rule that the majority gov ern, for the extent of the majority does not de termine the application of the doctt ine. If, on the other hand, a majority of the people declare I by law, that this or any other species of proper ty shall be recognized and protected, can it he maintained that a minority can at once annul : the will of the majority and destroy the rights of property by limiting according to their views t he applicat ion of t he term ? These principles were settled long ago, w hen the blood of the Revolution baptized everv A me.-ican into the family of freemen. The sword of onr soldiers crowned the people with the supreme sovereignly. The chief argument for the Revolution was the omnipotence of the ; public voice, and by consequence the right of the people to make the laws under which they live. Can those wise say that Congress mav make laws for Kansas, deny the power of the English Parliament of 177(i to make laws for the Colonies ? Where would those who seek to force laws on the Territories against their will, have been found if they had lived in the 'days of the Revolution am! been called on to , i'sist laws forced on the Colonies against their will? Would they have refused or obeyed this British tyrant's call? Would they have been patriot whig? or torv traitors ? This sovereignty, in which each citiz°n shares, is a personal right older than the Consti tutiori and higher than the law ; which lie car lies about with him wherever he goes within the broad hounds of our glorious Republic; which is not lost by passing from one State to another nor limited by territorial lines. It is our most precious birthright will he the rich est heritage of our children—shall we abandon it to the bidding of a desperate hand of clisor ganizers, or swear never to surrender it but W it It life itself ? Either popular sovereignty is true and safe, or it is false and dangerous. The whole struc ture of out government assumes the former, and fie w ho denies it is no Republic an—he who as serts by force is a traitor. Why is it not to be applied as well in Territories as in States ? Tosav that the Missouri Compromise has de stroyed this right is to assume that Congress may after the radical relations which connect the citizen with the State, and that one Con gress may divest at their pleasure the constitu tional powers of all surrounding Representatives of the people. There is no such grant of pow er in lh<* Constitution, and what is not found there arid is- not necessary, does not exist, be cause. bv the terms of that instiument, the powers not delegated are reserved. To assume that an act cannot be repealed is to limit each succeeding Congress at the pleasure of all pie ceding Congresses, and thus gradually t:> dimin ish tiie legislative power until finally present popular will would be wholly controlled by the sentiments of former generations. All laws are compromises, hut the gn at compromise is the agreement to submit to the will of the ma jority. This is the only inept alahle law, for it is the human recognition of Cod's truth of man's equality—in organized Government equality before the law. If Congress may interfere to exclude slavery tiiey may with equal warrant interfere to intro duce it. And thus in either way, destroy po litical liberty by destroying popular sovereign ty. If so we have a new species of slavery in troduced— the political slavery of the white ir.au and a new master created the Congress of the Union. To assume that unlimited control over inhabi tants of Territories is conferred by the clause, "Congress shall have jxiwer to dispose of and make all needful rules and legnlations respec ting the Territory or other property belonging to the United States," is to confound the dis tinction between persons and things, and con vert citizens into chattels to be " disposed of" at the pleasure of the Federal Government. Horrible distortion of language—miserable ne cessity of subterfuge—which seeks by subjec ting those of our own flesh and blood to worse than Egyptian bondage, to assert for the degra ded creatures of a servile race an equality, irn- FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. SEPT. 19, 1856. -practicable, because forbidden by nature's eter nal decree. As plenary ptiw*er of legislation is granted only in regard to the seat of govern ment, it is virtually withheld elsewhere. The Constitution is reconcilable in its several parts, and each of these with the great motive and chief object of its formation. It is true that Congress may interfere to se cure this right where an attempt is made to vi olate it, for a Republican form of government is guaranteed by the Constitution to all the peo ple of the Union. This is not in derogation but in support of popular sovereignty, which is the principle which brings Republics into being.— And as Congress must judge on application for recognition as a Slate, of the freedom and fair ness of the exercise of the popular will, they may legitimately use the necessary means to secure this independence of action. Jt is in both aspects the power to preserve, not the right to destroy, this principle of Freedom. 2. To your second question I have also an swered NO. In the fair sense intended by Mr. .Mferson I agree that all men are "horn equal." That is to say, each citizen of the State may justly claim to be, in his political character, e qual to all his fellow citizens, it cannot be pretended but that both Nature and Fortune unite in creating beings as various, in all the accidents of humanity, as their own numbers. If of that race of man which formed the Slate, they must he recognized by the Slate of which they are citizens, without regard to those ine- qualities. But such recognition depends on, and is to be controlled by, the object f.>r which the State exists. By common consent and gen eral necessity large cln.-ses are excluded liom direct political action. It is with consistency therefore, that many of those who favor the ex tension of the elective franchise to negroes ad vocate also its extension to women. Certainly no argument can lie presented in favor of the former which has not increased force applied to the latter. The answer to all these visionary projects is, that social order, without which there is universal anarchy, demands a rule for the practical application of abstract principle, and ibis rule can he found oniy in the will ol the body of the nation. Such was the view held by our fathers who declare in tire preamble of the Constitution. "We establish it Insecure the blessings of liber ty to ourselves and orr. posterity. Not to the negro, nor to bis blood, but to the white race, which alone created th<* Constitution and can alone control its action." You ask. would "you interfere to extend fur ther the subjugation of one race to another?" so! I would leave all this, as a political ques tion, to the several States, arid ns a mural ques tion to the disposal of a higher than any mortal power ; content to perform mv duty as a man by resP'-ntinp- the rilit nfntlie' t • deity -> = aritizen bv obeying the law s, alvvavs observing tha* Christian charity which "benreth all things, lieiieveth all tilings, hopeth all things, enduietb all things." 3. In reply In vnnr other qupslion 1 say that neither the North nor the South can he subdued, so lonnr a S thi>v are in the rigid. The roc ko( refuge for weakness—sure shield against supe rior force—is the Constitution. The charge tf>at .Mr. Douglas ever used the language impu ted to him bv ferocious fanatics, is cumulative proof cit'the madness oft hose whose moral sense and political creed is bounded by the one in definite idea of the excellence of the m gro race. The abstract question of negro slavery is one on which there may be a fair difference of opin ion, but the founders of our freedom unanimous ly united in declaring that, as n political meas ure, it belonged exclusively to the several sov ereign States: and the trainers of the Consti tution, with Washington, himself a slaveholder, at their head, expressly provided not only for the exercise of entire control of the subject by the States, but even extended into non-slave holding States the rights of owners of slaves for purposes of reclamation of fugitives. Bv the example of our fathers, and the sa cred compact into which they entered, we are hound bv every consideration of reverence lor the past and hope for the future. What modern man dare proclaim himself pu rer than Washington, wiser than Franklm, more patriotic than Henr\ < The great con servative doctrines which they taught should he indelibly engraven on our hearts,. It is the glory erf Pennsylvania that, calm in conscious strength and rectitude of purpose, she stands immovable as her own mountains, between those in the North who are preverted by fanati cism, and those in tin* South who are inflamed by prejudice. Devoted to the common inter ests of our common country and ready to put down, with a quick will and a strong arm, all that may assail the integrity of the I nion, whi< h is the palladium of our freedom, of weaken the bonds v. hicli bind us together as a banc! of broth ers, which alone makes us an example to the nations of the earth. The price of political freedom is the sacrifice of private predilection for the general good.— On this basis—by conciliation, concession, arid compromise—our constitution w as constructed : and it can be preserved only by the perpetual practice of these cardinal republican virtues.- — No delusive phantom ot impracticable perfec tion should divert us from the plain path pointed out bv those wise and virtuous men in whose footsteps we may safely tread. Resolved to transmit 1" our children the blessings which ourselves enjoy, we should de card temptation to infidelity, and disown the tempter who would, under any pretence how ever specious, Seduce us from our duty I" the great Republic, of which we are citizens, equal in onr obligations as in our rights. The chief reply to all allegations of the dan cers which now threaten the T nion is, that the South is too weak for resistance to the will of the North. Is this the answer of a brother to a brother ! Is it the answer of an honest man Is it not on the contrary the proclamation of the tyrant's law 7 Is this what the T nion lias come Freedom of Thought and Opinion. | to? No, it is not, for the North will never sus tain the assumptions ol those who insolently as sume to speak in her name the language oftiea son. In every state of the confederacy a pow erful party still stands by the Constitution, and, discarding sectional distinctions, upholds the rights ol each State to perfect internal indepen dence and absolute external equality. This is (he true conservative attraction which holds to gether the political system aud keeps the stars of the Union within their spheres, all revolving round a common centre, without confusion or danger—a harmonious whole. The American people will visit withsignal vengeance those who may diminish, hv one ray from one star, the light of Liberty which streaming from this Western Continent penetrates the darkness of despotism and kindles hope in the heart of hu manity throughout the world. I write hastily and briefly for I cannot com mand my time and must not further intrude on your space. I will therefore pursue these sub jects at a meeting in Wilkins Hall on Tuesday evening next, which you are invited to attend. Doubtless the Democratic citizens of Allegheny county will he glad to see you there. For my self I assure you ola cordial welcome, a fair hearing of any reply you may see fit to make and a respectful rejoinder by Your obedient servant, WILL. A. STOKES. From the X. V. Commercial Advertiser. FREMONT AM) HIS RELIGION. INTERVIEW WITH COL. FREMONT. — We give elsewhere in to-day's Commercial, an interes ting account of an interview with Col. Fre mont on the subject ol his alleged Papal ten dencies, by a gentleman well known as aw hole sale stationer in this city, and a resident at Fac loryviile, Statin Island. No one who knows i the narrator wiil question the entire veracity and moderation of his statement. We have been for sometime cognizant of all the circum stances of the interview, and of the causes also that led to it. But as they were mentioned to us without any permission to publish, we have : not felt at liberty to make 'hem the subject of I editoiial comment. The gentleman himself very properly stated them publicly on Satur day night, as will be seen by our report of a spontaneous Fillmore meeting on the Island, and vve need not therefore impose any further restraint upon ourselves respecting them. Had the whole story been told all the antecedents of the actual interview—it would have been decidedly amusing, revealing how c'osely every access to the distinguished Republican candi date is carefully and jealously watched by the "friends" who seem to have been appointed his custodian?. •Be . F. Cook made some interesting and important statements respecting an interview he had with Col. Fremont on the subject of his al leged Romanism. It was in substance this: Some friends having desired to enlist the speak er in the cause ot so called Republicanism, he expressed a desire to have all doubts removed on this mooted question, but said that nothing short of an assurance from Col. Fremont's own lips would satisfy him. An interview was ar ranged for. The object of the visit being un deistood i v the Colonel, he avowed himself readv to answer any questions proposed. Mr. Cook proposed the following and received to each the answer annexed : "Were you mar tied hy a Roman Catholic priest ?'' / "rs," the Colonel's lip quivering as he spoke. "Did von at the time believe in, or profess to believe in, the Roman Catholic religion ?" "/ did not."'' "Have you before or since, or at any time, pro fessi d the Catholic religion?" "/ have vol." Here Mr. Cook bowed, to signify that he had no more questions to ask. Col. 1 remotit then volunteeied some remarks to tlie following ef fect: that while in California he attended no church, and that he occupied his Sundays in reading and writing, and in attending to such matters of business as bethought of importance. Mr. Fremont further soid : "I am frequently interrogated by all parties on this subject. I presume tlm delegation now waiting forme np staiis wish to interrogate nm on this point.— When tlrnv do, I shall put the most lavqrahle construction on the matter that I can. 1 wish to "(lend none, hut to secure the votes of all.— Only this veiy morning 1 have a letter from Maine, saving that unless I make a personal de nial of Romanism, and that iam or have been a Roman Catholic, that Stat.- will he lost to the Republicans; and another letter from Indiana, telling me that if I will authorize my friends there to say 1 am a Roman Catholic, they can secure for me a large German and Irish vote. 1 have to fiame my replies so as to secure the votes of all. There is now a deputation wait ing for me, whose errand, 1 doubt not, is the same. It is best to say as little about this mat ter as possible, and we must manage the thing as well as we can, so as to get the votes ol both sides." Here the interview terminated. Mr- Cook's statement was listened to wit It profound interest*, and after heartily cheering for the; American candidate, and a very cordial vote of thanks to Col. Barrett for his courtesy, the meet ing sepaiated a little before ten o'clock, but would gladly have remained an hour longer, had there not been a scarcity of speakers. Sev eral ladies from the surrounding residences were present and evinced a lively interest in the proceedings. Upon this statement tlie Commercial com ments : If the interview with him elsewhere spoken of to have been the only occasion on which he had been interrogated, and that interview had been closed immediately after the answer to the third question, we should have reached a different conclusion, We should then have been compelled, in all courtesy, to accept Co!. Fremont's point blank denial of his Romanism as conclusive upon that point, and should have placd it upon record a thousand fold more gladly than we do the conclusion which his sub sequent remarks to his calechist, and the unsat isfactory results of other interrogatories, have forced upon our minds. This is not a pleasant train of remark to pursue, and we deeply regret that there is occasion for it. But we ask any fair and candid man what value can he attach ed, under all the circumstances ol the case, to the seemingly direct and unequivoral answers to Mr. Cook's equally direct and pointed inqui res? When the interrogator appeared satisfied wit!) the answers, and even, as we understand, expressed himself so, (as who would not that was not himself incapable of duplicity?) and seemed to have been converted into a political friend and ally, then Oil. Fremont deliberately avowed that his allegation of Romanism hail been his principal difficulty, and that his policy was to give suck answers to the querists res pectively as would secure the votes oj all. No wonder it the gentleman to whom this revelation was made, from (hat moment felt that the answers which he had supposed had been given to him in good faith w ere of no value whatever; that tfie motive which prompted them had been unwittingly betrayed : that their design was to obtain the votes ol the interroga tor ami the Protestants lie represented ; and that tile deputation then waiting for an intei view might, if Romanist*, receive answers just the reverse, so that their votes also might he ob tained. "1 have to frame my replies so as to g"t the votes of both." "We must say as little about the matter as possible, and manage Che thing the best way we r an, so as to secure the votes of both sides." That Col. Fremont and his advisers have thus "managed the matter," we think is capable ol demonstration ; and il it he demonstrated, we respectfully submit that "both sides" must feel that the Republican can didate for the Presidency has no claim upon the support of either. We repeat, however, that a man s religious creed, i r his being without s creed, is no con stitutional disqualification for office. But his fellow-citizens have an undoubted right, when he solicits their suffrages, courteously to ask for information respecting his views upon questions which enter largely into the popular view ola man's qualifications for office, and to receive un equivocal and consistent replies; especially when the ollire involves such an i:r mense pow er of patronage and other means of influencing the masses of the people as does tiie Presidency of these United .States. Horrible Barbarity. Rminrkubte Heroism of a Ley Seven 1 curt, oj "% f> . fonder this heading the San Francisco True California!!, of June 14th, has the following nar rative : The Cnited States sloop-of-war Decatur, which arrived in this port yesterday, has bro't intelligence of one of the most inhuman attroci ties that can be found in the annals of Indian warfare. On the morning of the Bth of Octo ber, 1855, while Mr. Harvey H.Jones, a set tler on the White River, in Washington Terri tory, was lying sick in his bed, a party of Indi ans commenced tiring on his house, and killed Mr. Jones at the first volley, Mis. Jones, who was eating breakfast at the time of the assault, immediately returned the fire of the Indians with a navy revolver, and after having suc ceeded in wounding one of them in the foot, was shot in the side, and thereby disabled from making any further resistance. Immediately on her ceasing to fire upon them, the Indians approached and set fire to the house. At this juncture, a lad named John J. King, w ho w as a child of Mrs. Jones by a former mar riage, and hut seven years of age, inquired ol his mother what he should do. She directed him to take his brother and sister—the former two, and the latter four years old—and endea vor to find shelter in the house of a Mr. Thom as, who resided two miles distant. The little fellow complied with the request of his mother, taking the infant on his back and his sister by the hand, and although an Indian exploded four caps in endeavoring to shoot him. and w as only prevented from further efforts bv a popular su perstition of his tribe, succeeded in leaching his destination,only to he disappointed by find ing that Mr. Thomas had fled with his lamily, and w as no where to be found. The brave bnv then continued his way down the river for another mile, when he was met by a friendly Indian, who took the children in his canoe: covering the two younger with his hlan lo-ts, proceeded to Seattle, where they arrived next day, and was received on boauf the Deca tur, which brought them to this place. After the escape ot the children, the Indians diagged Mrs. Jones from the house by the hair, and killed her hy the blow of an axe on the temple. The body of Mr. Jones was consumed with the house. This statement lias been furnished us bv Mr. John Stria if, a brother of Mrs. Jones. The children were treated with the greatest kind ness by Captain Gansevoort, Lieuts. Morris and Drake, and the officers and crew of the Decatur. TERMS. S'-i I>ER TEAR. VOL XXV. NO. 3. By this Parly misfortune these children are left entirely destitute, and but for the friendship of their uncle, would be thrown upon the charity ol the world for protection. BEDFORD CO. TEACHERS' ASSOCIATION'. Agreeably to the call of The Superintendent, a meeting ot Teachers was held in the basement of the Lutheran C'nurcb on .Monday the Ist Sept. iti~t. fhe -meeting was organized by appointing Mr. .tames Allison, of Napier, President, and Mr. 'J'. U. V ickroy. Secretary. Mr. Gettys stated the object of the meeting, read quite an interesting address, and concluded by making sense r.eat. appropriate and practical remarks, which were received with lavor. Among other things lie remarked that it is as im|ior tant lor a teacher to have the "Pennsylvania School Journal," or some work on education, a-> it is for the Divine to have the bible. On motion the Secretary read the Constitution, which vves drafted at a meeting held herd in April, '8.34, together with the bye-laws, which weie adopt ed. The follow]:; e persons signed their names to the Constitution a- members of The A<-ociation: -Rev. John H. Pollock, T. R. Gettys, T. R. \ ick roy, Rev. 11. Ueckerniau, 'J'homa- C. Schoolev. Jas. Alli-on, Samuel Longenect.er, William A. Clark, Thomas Allison, JamesS. Tussey, !). 1). Kshelman, line- Edwards, Hemv 11. Mock, >. 11. Keplogle, (>. Sigutoos. .". K. G.ld-, Ybee I'restJent; John Mower, Esq., Treasuter; J. S. Tussey, Serre ?ary. and 'aid gentlemen were unanimously elected to said olfices; On motion of Geo. Sigafoos, T. R. Gettys and Samuel l.ongenecker were appointed a committee to report the names ol five persons to compose a "fciisi ness committee" for the ensuing year, who reported the names of Messrs. Schooley, Sigafoos, James Al lison, Barton, and Totnliuson, and the gentlemen named were unauimou-ly elected said committee. On motion of Mr. Getty- Mr. Vicktoy and James Allison were appointed to prepare the exercises of Ihe second day. TUESDAY MORNING SESSION*. The President being absent, the Chair was again occupied by Mr. Allison. The Teachers present proceeded in a plain, familiar, but interesting way. to give their view-and experience OR the subject of teaching the several primary branches ol common school educat ion. Mr. Sigafoos then explained his method of teaching the alphabet. Mr. Pollock rial the same upon the inflections of the voice. AF I LKNOOX SESSION. At the request of the Countv Superintendent. Rev. .'ohn Pollock, principal ot' the Allegheny Male ami Ft-male Se on nary at Ilainsburg, delivered an address on the subjert of education. He gave his experi ence first in the common school, then in those of a higher grade, liis remarks on irAoeZ-government. the influence of .iW/'-governmenT, the importance 01 regular system, love, and respect gained by polite ness, good humor; kindness, ,S;c. were very appropri ate. He was listened to with much attention, and no doubt those who heard him were much benefitted by bis able lecture. Reading was then taken up in which all freely par ♦ vit.rri reimrLvnii this important branch ol education were n sup oy Messrs. Pollock, (terry* and Sigatnos. An interesting address was then deli vered bv Mr. SigafoOs on The subject of schools and the common school master. He pointed out very ciearlv that the teacher should be the life and the soul of the school. That the teacher is dealing with youthful ar ' pliable materials; that he can give •.hap** and form to the youthful mind, 'hat will he in d'dhbly impressed during life. 'How mportarit then, that the right kirtr! of impress he made at the right time and in the right way. He concluded bv re questing teacher* to use their influence to correct pupils the pernicious habit of using tobacco. WF.DNFSPAY MORNING" SESSION. Rcv.Mr. Htokeiman presiding. Alter SO~TP ap propriate remarks he addressed The Throne of Grace in prayer. Ihe minutes were then read and adopt ed. Bus IIP.V committee reported The Pillowing sub pets: Classification ot schools, seliooi government, Peiiniansinp. Fundamental rules ot Arithmetic, Geo graphy and Grammar. Rev. Mr. Ileckerman made some very interesting remarks on the importance ol teaching Grammar 'nidi'rstotidnigly tii-tead ot' reciting and repeating parrot-like, the various rules and exercises laid down in the school books. Mi. Ttissey made some re marks which were interesting, beneficial, arid in structive. \vi:n\i:sDA\ AFTERNOON' SESSION. The subject of tractions was taken up by."Mr. Sig at'oos, who occupied The black-board, and, lor halt* an hour, gave evidence that lie is full" rompetent to instruct in that very useful branch ol education. On motion the following resolutions wele adopted : Resolved, That we earnestly call upon the friends of education •throughout the county of Bedford to n nite with us in otir endeavors to elevate the standard of teachers, and the condition of our common schools. Resolved, That we recommend To all the Teachers of the county to subscribe to the "Pennsylvania School Journal." Resolved, That the reading the Scriptures, with out comment, and singing, ought to be introduced into all the scnools of the county. Resolved.That this Institute recommends that the Teachers in the different Districts form themselves into auxiliary associations tor their ovrn common improvement. Ue-oived, That our next meeting be held in St. Clairsville on Monday the 10th day of November next,cud continue at least three days. Look on this future: Ex-President Van Buren and sons support Buchanan. Ex-President Harrison's son supports Fill more or Buchanan. Ex-President Tyler and sons support Buch anan. Ex-President Fillmore opjioses Fremont. President Pierce supports Buchanan. John C. Calhoun's sons support Buchanan. Daniel Webster's sons support Buchanan. Ilenrv Clay's sons support Buchanan. Commodore Stewart (Old Ironsides) supports Buchanan. Commodore Perry support Buchanan. Commodore Stockton opposes Fremont. General Cadwalader supports Buchanan. Genera! Scott opposes Fremont. Colonel Benton supports Buchanan. \ou on This: William H. Seward supports Fremont. Horace Greelv supports Fremont. Henrv Ward Beech'-r supports Fremont. Frederick Douglas supports Fremont. Thurlow Weed supports Fremont. Thaddeus Stevens supports Fremont. Stump Preacher Tyng supports Fremont. And all the Abolition and Disunion crew.