m CEO. W. BOWJIAA. NEW SERIES. 5 elect Poetry. POLITIC* L STEAM BOA TS. Alß —Old Dan Tucker. Respectfully inscribed to liev. John Pierpont as a •-Rowland" lor his political "Oliver," recently ex hibited by the New York Tribune JACKSOX. Lot the Democratic steamer! Un't she a perfect '•.-creamer ?" Staunch, and trim, and well provided, She's a beauty that's decided. Get out oi the way I Get out of the way ! Get out ol the way, Jttmes Irnr/irrurtn Hoists tier flag and mounts her cannon. See her engine, always ready, Working stiff, and true, and steady; "15. B." boilers built securely— She's a gallant vessel surely! Get out of the way, &c. Then her crew! each able seaman Is a noble "Union" freeman; If their mind's you've ever sounded, They're lor "country homeward bounded!" Get out oi' the way, &c. Free from sectional pollution. Standing by the Constitution, They're the boys that never falter, And with duty never palter. Get out of the way, fkc. At her peak the staf-flag floating, "I uion ol the Slates" denoting! Thirty-one in the field of glory ; That's the flag that tells the story! Get out of the way, fkc. There's the "steam tug"./'. C. Fremont SU;o would ri-k a pound of steam on't ! Would you know (he weighty reason I All on boaid aie full of treason. Get out ot the way ! Get out of tUe way ? Get out ol the wav, the James Buchanan .Wars her with her ioaded cannon! That old tug moves on the water, Always where she never "orter!" And il you're dispo-ed to mind her 111 her place you'll never find her. Get out of the way, ke. Boilers rusty, old and leaky, I'iank all rotten, loose and creaky, Ciew affected with the scurvy! Jo eiy thing goes "topsy-turve v J" Get out of the way, .Vc. t hen such men as she's enlisting ! <f all sorts or things consi-ting ! I'.lark, white, grey—and "woolly horses !"' .Make the -beet to feed her forces. Get out of tlie way, &c. A! her top her tottered bunting, Sixteen stars atone presenting, Miow - the mutineer-' endeavor, Happy Slates in twain to sever. Get out of the way ! Get out of the w ay ! Get out ol Itip'way, the James Buchanan J.igliis her matches, points her cannon ! All that low black craft is craving, s urely i-not worth the saving! One broadside boys, and we've got 'em ? Heels Ibe old bulk to the bottom! Gift out of the way ! Get out of the way ! Get out ol the way, the James Buchanan •iitiks her vvih her smallest cannon! ADDRESS TO THE I'KGI'LE OF I'EW SILVAMt. IF.LI.OW CITIZKXS : J'he Central Committee, appointed by the Democratic State Convention, have thought I n per to address you on the questions which you a ust decide at the next election. In do s' we shall be candid, frank, and lair. A part from the principle w inch should bind all '••lea to the truth in political discussions, and in every thing else, we are well aware that any ■'• • ' inj t to mislead you would injure our cause, i. is vet nearly three months before the election, :in 'l 'here is no reason to believe that the pub— -I'' mind will not use the intermediate time in ' " :1 v considering the great issue before it.— He are perfectly willing that whatever we n \v say, which is not justified by tact and rea ' ''h s!u,!| be s-t down as so much against us, a gainst our party, and against our candidates. 'lie time has passed for the discussion of baak and Tariff questions. We hear no pro ]*osiis to enact a Bankrupt law—no word of op i dtion to the Independent Treasury. All ''w questions are settled agreeably to the Ce;r,ocia f .ic opinions upon them. Tim rise, the Prosperity, am i tp,. ( a jj p f (he great Whig par are themes for the historian, and full of in tractive lessons: but we will not dwell upon liiem now*. = t is the present duty of the Democratic part v 1 • stand over the Constitution, and "shield it save it, or perish there, too." It is our ' m this campaign to beat its enemies, sepa | or Combined, just as they choose to meet us, 1 C: "M}in r them with ari overthrow which will warning to them for many a year. And ' !r '"st be done, or else this Union is not safe Craday. H- know very w ell how easy it is to sneer ■civ suggestion of danger to tfie Union. But ncnv a l" r that the federal relations of this ' v, riiir:eMt are so delicately constructed, that may le ruptured at any time by aserious ' r,! Hie people in choosing a Chief Magis l?l ' ' ie States of the Union are not held to ot 7* Physical force like the dependencies ■ kingdom, nor even by political power, like " f't parts of the same State. They are in- P r.derit sovereignties, united hv the gentler Uf f mutual attraction. This law operating Tcv ri fc- will, made the Union p and when it ceases to operate the Union will be un made. Let a President ofthe United States be elected exclusively by the votes of one section, and on a principle of avowed hostility to the men, the measures, the domestic institutions, the feelings and the interests, real or supposed, of the other section, and what must be the con sequence ? We do not sav that it would cer tainly or necessarily dissolve the Union. Per haps the good genius of the Republic, which has brought us through so many perils, might save us again. But that man must lie intellectual!}' blind who does not see that it would put us in fearful danger. For this reason the election of a sectional candidate must tie regarded as in it self a great public misfortune. The party that avows opposition and hatred towards a certain class of the States as its motive and rule of ac tion, is entitled to no aid or comlbrt from any man who loves his country, or desires to be faithful to its government. The most illustrious statesmen of later times fell the same fears for the Union, and assigned, for those fears, the same season. Clay and Webster, and their great compatriots, overlook ed all other considerations in the erlbrls they made to avert this one portentous calainiiv.— Even Mr. Fillmore, tire Know-Nothing (but Anti-Abolition) candidate, has not hesitated to say that the Union can not stand in case an Ab olition President, like Fremont, be chosen : and lie lets it he very plainly understood that, in such a case, he would think a dissolution of it perfectly justifiable. When you consider these things in connexion v illi the fact that the ul tla-Abolitionists, most of whom are acting with the so-called Republicen party, open!v [ rofess their desire to bieak up the Union arid to tram ple on the Constitution, how can vou doubt that Fremont's election, or even the castir.sr of a considerable vote for him, would prove to be a fatal mistake ? Vet we are no alarmists. We trust confi dently in the perpetuity of our present Govern ment. But that confidence is based in the con viction that the people will take the advice of Washington, and frown indignantly on the fresh dawninss. The safety of this Union must depend on the triumph of better principles than those of'Gid dinjrs and Sumner, and Garrison, and Hale, and Seward: and upon the election of a Iretter Pres ident than John C. Fremont. These men attempt to justify the miserable crusade which they are preaching against a por tion of their fellow citizens by asserting that the South have encroached on the lights of the North. They have pertinaciously declared that in all controversies on the subject ofSlav TV we of the North have been oveicome hv the superior energy and boldness of those who fa vor that institution. "The Slaveocracy," "the lash of the Slave drivers," "the aggressions of the Slave power,"—these are the phrases with which thev describe the influence of the South in our National Councils. Northern nen who do not join them in their clamorous abuse of the South, are charged with cowardice and habitu ally called "Doughfaces." This has been re peated so continually and so impudently that inanv persons have at length been impressed by it. There are men -among us who actually think that the North has been the victim of grievous wrongs, to which we have been sub mitting with a disgraceful lameness of spirit.— This is an artful appeal to a point of honor on which all men are sensitive, and it is not won derful that those who are weak enough to he de ceived by it should also he weak enough to break out into denunciation of the South, as a cheap and safe way of showing their courage. Candor requires us to say that if there is truth in this the Democracy ought to he defeated. If that party has ever counseled submission to wrong, oppression, and injury, it is not wculbv of your confidence and support. If we have ever yielded to our Southern brethren aright which the Constitution, in its letter or spirit, did not give them —if we have made any conces sion to them in the way of compromise, which was not required by a fair and manlv sense of justice—then we admit that Abolitionism has I he right side of argument. But wv totally deny tin* truth of this iinj)U dent accusation. It is false in the aggregate and false in detail : false in the stun total, and false in every one of its items. We pronounce it a libel on both sections of the t'nion. It colli4. be invented on I v in a spirit of sheer men dacity : it can fie believed only by gross igno rance or childish ciedulity. The fact that {lie J)emncratic partv in the North has behaved with honorable magnanimi ty arid fairness to the weaker section—their brethren in the South this is our ci irr.e—this is the wrong which we and our fathers have been heaping on our own heads for three quarters of a centurv. This is the offence which the Abo litionists would punish by bringing our Govern ment to a violent end, and by covering our whole country with shame and ruin. Before the formation of the Constitution it was feared that the interests, opinions and feel ings ot the different States, were so various and so much opposed, that no general government could possibly he established. Such was the view ol the subject taken by Washington him self. But the effort was made, ft owed its success simply to the fact that the right of each State to manage its own domestic concerns in its own way, was fully conceded. It was easily foreseen that grent difference of opinion—and feeling would exist between the people of the several States, in regard to the treatment that ought to he bestowed on the black The greatest, the wisest and the best men this country ever produced, have warned us that the Union could not last under the control of a ge ographical party. Need we refer you to Wash ington's Farewell Address. Need we remind you of the admonitions which Jefferson and Jackson have given? If the solemn voices which corne fiom the torn!) at Mount Vernon, from the sepulchre at Monticello, and fiom the grave at the Hermitage, have ceased to he re garded, then we are lost indeed. race, who were among us, but not of us—w ho were on our soil, and vet not a port of the peo ple, nor qualified in any way to be our equals, ibis race was then held in slavery,or involun tary servitude, by the laws of all the States ex cept one. But in the .North their numbers were few, and the climate unsuited to them, while in the South it was just the reverse. ]t was utterly out ol the question to expect unanimity on a subject like this. Jt could be managed iii one way only: and that was by agreeing that each Slate should determine the whole matter for itself, and on its own responsibility. It was then solemnly agreed that the* Federal Government should not interfere with Slavery : and that no State should interfere with it in any other State, either directly or indirectly. And all the people said amen ! If the solemn assu rances of mutual forbearance then given and sworn to so often since, have been belied and violated, it lias not been done with the consent of the Democracy. The question of involuntary servitude had en gaged the earnest attention of the sages ofthe revolution. 1 here can be no doubt that ifthev could have provided for its amelioration and gradual emancipation, they would have done so. 1 hey found it, however, incorporated in the social system of ail the Stales but one, and they dealt with it according to the exigencies of the times in \\ tiicfi (hey lived. We all know thai even at that early day it was a subject of mutu al irritation and excitement: and although tlie* wonderful uses to which the cotton plant has been applied, on account ofthe subsequent dis coveries in (he manufacture of machinery, were then scarcely anticipated, it is- enough to sav that the republican fathers could not dispose of fliis- slavery question until they agreed upon the basis which led to the formation of the Con stitution; the recognition ofthe domestic, insti tutions of the South, in the ratio of representa tion and in the provision for the restitution of fugitives from labor. Twelve of the thirteen States that formed the Constitution, held slaves at Ihe time that i ris! iiirn- nt was adopted, ami hv the quirt operation <1 their popular exclusive sovereignty 0 of these States have since heroine free. Ihroughoutal I the action of the framer ol the federal ConstH-tttion, the id. a which pre vailed vi as that which regarded the negro as in ferior to the white, and until Abolitionism is a hle to convince the present veneration that this idea is illogical and untrue, (arid to do this they must agree to the doctrine of a perfect equality hetween the races.) all permanent legislation on the subject of the negro race must and will be controlled by the same sentiment. In the free States, at the present dav, the mgro is subject to a moral, and in manv respects to a physical servitude, quite as injurious to his condition as the most fabulous pictures of Southern slavery represent his brothers" condition in the South to be. We do not call the ,\< rthern negro a slave, but in what free Stale is be the equal of the white ? Ju some States he is prevented from voting, in others he votes upon a propeity qual ification : even in Massachusetts certain dis qualifications are thrown in bis wnv by those I topiari philosophers, who constantly prate of the equality of the rarest in others still be is rr.et by a statute that excludes him altogether from entrance upon their soil, and nowhcrt> is he recognized on tile same level u ith the white. The white who intermarries with the black is everywhere regarded as a degraded being : and in schools and churches there j s almost a uni versal bar between tlm two taces, s.i that the rules of society and the laws of the States, even in the communities of the nnn-slaveholdirig re gion, arc inexorably opposed to the negro.— Why is it that Abolitionism does not begin at home and reform these things ? Hut again, there is no power which can pre vent any State from passing whatever laws it may please under the Federal Constitution, lot its own comfort and protection, and the very same theory which induces us to respect and to recognize the great doctrine of Stale rights in the South, under which it holds its own slaves, compels us to recognize those laws to which we have referred in the.North, in regard to the free blacks. The .North regulates ils colored population as it pleases, and is protected in do ing so |,y the Constitution of the I "oiled Stales. All the negroes of the North are represent, d in the ratio of federal representation, and vt nearly all are disfranchised and alienated bv the laws of the North. The South does as it pleads with its colored population, slave ami free, and is protected under the federal Constitution, hut iis slave? are only represented in the ratio of three-fifths in the Federal representation. Iri a moral point of view, it seems at hast in consistent that these Abolitionists, who ate en tirely silent in reference to the condition of the negroes in the free States, should he so extreim - iv vituperative when they come to treat of the condition of the negroes of the slave Stales.— Both belong to the same inferior class, both aie so regarded in all the States. The South found a legacy in slavery, transmitted to it by its En glish ancestors, and the Constitution respected the institution as it existed when that instru ment was framed. The North, while it has rid itseifof slavery, (so far as the name is concern ed,) still retains the light to protect itself against contact with a race which is stamped as inferior by all classes of whites, wherever tin y are found. The Northern Stales in the exercise of their undoubted constitutional rijlit, consulted what they deemed their own true interest, ami one af ter the other, in their own time and their own way abolished slavery. Against these proceed ings in the Notth Ihe South uttered not a word of complaint. But the views and opinions ol the Southern States were wholly averse to abo lition. They believed it to lie utterly impossi ble, without the greatest danger, not to their properly only but to their very existence. This was an opinion to which t hey had as good a right a< the North had to the opposite one. But they were not suffered to enjoy and to act upon in it quietness and peace. At the very first congress after the government was organized, a petition Freedom of Thought and Opinion. FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. SEPT. 12, 1856. > from the .North was presented, praying for the abolition of slavery by Congress. Treacherous attempts to deprive the South oilier undoubted rights to manage her own afiairs, have been j constantly made. The Trainers of the Constitu tion declared in its preamble, tliutone ot their , great objects in adopting it was "to insure du , mestic tranquility." Hut the "domestic tran quility'''of the South has been constantly and cruelly assailed by Northern abolitionitsls, who ; knew very well that they had no business what . ever with the matter. A majority of the old States made the negroes tree without opposition from abroad. That it j was wise for the North to do so all are agreed : that it was just and proper in the South to make no complaint is equally true. Now let us see whether tiie South has gained any advantages or committed any aggressions with reference to the I new States. Maine ami \ ermont were admitted as free : States, and nobody asked them to put slavery I into their constitutions. This vvasa matter ol ' course, and so treated all around. But witli reference to the Western Stales, their exempt ion from slavery was not a matter ot course. The South might have prevented it if she had seen proper. The whole of the terri tory north and West of the Ohio, and east of , Mississippi, belonged to the State ot V irginia.— ! She owned the land, and had power to control the settlement of every acre. What did she do? She magnanimously gave up not only her political jurisdiction, hut also her proprietary right to the Federal Government, allowing the voters of the North to settle its destiny and all its proceeds to go into the genera! coffers!, Con necticut had a spurious claim to part of it—a claim prieiselv like that which she s-1 up to a part of Pennsylvania, and which was decided against Iwr. But her claim to the Western Re serve, was conceded to her—she kept it, sold if, and put the proceeds into her own treasury. V irginia did not protest even wTien the Ordi nance of 1787 was passed, abolishing Slavery within the territory, whic-h she had thus gener ously giv-n away. Was there any aggresoon in all 11i- ? II there was "encroachment" on either side, who committed it ? If there was unwise concession, from whom did it come? The Territory of Louisiana, including what is now Aikansas, Missouri, lowa, Nebraska, Kan sas, and the unoccupied wilderness beyond, w as purchased from France in 1803. It was all slave territory. V e took it with a Frein h law upon it legalizing slavery. It could not be made tree without repealing that law. Missou ri had been settled long before by persons who owned slaves and who had lie Id them there up on tile faith of that law. They were not dis turbed during Ijer whole existence as an organ ized territory. When she proposed to come in to the t nion as a State, her people, in the ex ercise 01 as plain a right as any people ever pos sessed, made a Constitution for themselves, in which, with almost entire unanimity, they re cognized the rights oftlie slaveholders to retain the propetty acquired under previous laws.— Then arose the wildest yells of fanaticism.— Large masses of people in the North, and espe cially in New England, led on and excited bv the inflammatory appeals of the leaders, grew almost frantic with rage. The sole cause of this outcry was that the people of Missouri had made their own constitution to suit their own views, arid had not permitted it to be made for them by anti-slavery men residing in the north em States. This was the head and front of their oflending. Nothing else was charged against them. Vef every Southern number of Con gress who expressed the opinion that Missouri had a right to make her own constitution was calFd an aggi>s.-or, a slave driver, and a tyrant, while every Northern man who assented to the same simple proposition was denounced and abused as a coward, a doughface, arid a re creant to the rights ot his own section. So fiercely did tills stoim of calumny blow that tile whole government rocked and reeled to it. There seemed no way to avoid a civil war but to corn promise. And such a compromise ! It consist ed in an ngrement that Missouri might exercise Iwr undoubted right, and have her oven consti tution if Congress would abolish the law legal izing .slavery in all of the territory outside of that State and lying north of a certain line.— That Congress had any power to do this is now almost universally doubled, and by a large ma jority ot the people it is totally denied that sla very can be forced, ♦ ither in or out of a territo ry, by the legislation ol the general government. Thus bv mere clamor and abuse the North got an unconstitutional advantage, in return f!>r yielding to a Southern State a privilege which no fair man can deny was plainly her own.— Hut even this did not satisfy the abolitionists.— They continued to insult the South for not giv ing up everything, and vented their abuse and slanderous epithets as vigorously as ever upon the North because it had not insisted on more. Was this Northern or Southern aggression ! In JsoO, this cry of Soul hern aggression on Northern rights again rose to a pitch which seemed to put the Union in extreme danger.— Again the trouble was allayed by a compromise. The nature, character and terms of the Com promise will show how much aggression had been committed then. There were five mea sures included in it. 1. The admission of Cal ifornia as a free State. 12. The territorial or ganization of New Mexico on the principle of non-intervention, which it was known would exclude slavery. 3. The purchase of a large poition of Texas, taking it away from the juris diction of a slave State. 4-. The abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. 5. The fugitive slave law. The first four of these measures were anti-slavery, and were demand ed hy the North. The fifth one (the fugitive slave law) was a concession, not to the South, hut to the Constitution. It was required by its plain and unequivocal mandate, and had been admitted bv every President and every Con gress, from the foundation of the Government, to be an imperative Constitutional obligation.— For this, trie same infamous assaults wcr again ? 1 made on the eminent men who supported it.— s The only measure which the South got was op- I posed and resisted, even after its enactment, 1 and in many p'.tct-s its execution was w holly - prevented. We demand, again, uhere wa r the aggression ? It is on these facts we base if.- assertion that - in every contest where the lights of the North 1 have been entrusted to Democratic protection, ) they have been guarded faithfully and well.— - We have not resisted any just claim which the South ever made : we have meant to treat them > fairly, and to carry out in. good faith the obliga t lions imposed on us by tlit* Coqstif.u'ioii. Hut it there has been any instance in which the • South has got more than its due, the histogy ot ' tiie transaction has escaped our notice. On " tiie contrary, we submit to von, fellow-citizens, ■ whether the South has not got the scantiest measure of justice that could possibly be dealt ■ to Iter. Has not the North had all the prepon derance! lias not our section had the advan f tage of all the important concessions that were ever made ? The States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michi gan and Wisconsin, were slave tmitoiy.— They were presented to us by Virginia as a gracious gift, and we excluded slavery. The Stale of lowa, the Territories of Minnesota and Nebraska, were slave territory under the law of Louisana. We took them because we were strong,and we made them fee soil. Slavery once covered the whole Union. lis represen tatives in the National Government are now in a minority. Could anything but the grossest malice, the most stupid fully,or the most un mitigated knavery, have suggested the idea that slavery was encroaching upon us while these things were going on ? Our limited space will not permit us to re count the unjustifiable injuries which the Abo litionists have perpetrated and attempted to per petrate upon the people of the S iii'h, upon those in the North who do riot unite with them, and upon all the institutions of the country. They have >ought every occasion and taken advan tage of every event which could give them an excuse for pouring out tin ir venomous slanurts upon the fathers of the Constitution, upon the Constitution itself, and upon ail who support it. The agitation began in England among per sons whose gross ignorance of America was the only excuse fm their insane hostility to our I - nion. The-y sent over to this country one fhoriipson, a member of the British I'a: liamerit, a man of ability, hut reckless like his employ ers. I'n ii r his iudupne'e and direction socie ties, modelled after the old, English firm, Were established in New England. The avowed ob ject of these societies was to incite innurrn:tL-:i among the Southern negroes. For this | urpose they distributed among the negroes, bv every means in their power, pictures representing the scenes of violence, murder and si s ui. through which tiie slaves, if they would adept them, might he free. These things were accompan ied by promises of aid and support from British and American leaders. Long subsequent to the time we speak of, Joshua R. (biddings, a mem ber of Congress, and now the leading friend of Col. Fremont, admitted the accomplishne nt of this object, (a servile insurrection led bv British officers,) to be the dearest wish of his heart.— No doubt he spoke the general sentiments of his Think, fellow-citizens, of tiie situati n in which this must have placed the Southern peo ple. They found the institution of negro-sla very fastened upon them without any fault ot their own. Many of them believed it to be an evil, but tbey could not help it. Thev had the wolt by the ears and they cou'd neither hold on with comfort nor let go with safety. A gener al emancipation would have been a virtual sur render of the whole Southern country to the ;jlack race, probably the extinction of the whites in their own blood. The fate of St. Dimingo and the Biitisli West Indies lotbade such a thought. It was in this condition skat th> v w ere assailed by every means which malice and cunning could devise, in order to increase the danger and difficulty of their situation.— Have they not a good right to complain bitt< iiv of a party which was doing all it could to mur der them, their wives and their children ? Tiny did complain. Hut tin ir complaints were uttered in vain. General"Jackson vailed the attention of Congress to the subject, and a bill was brought in to prohibit the transmission of incendiary documents through the mail, hut the South was in the minority and the bill was lost. It was not only lost, but the proposition to prevent the United Stales mail from being prostituted to the purposes of assassination and murder, was made the occasion for a new cry of Southern aggression, ami every northei 11 man who lav. red it was again called a doughface, coward and tiaitor. In the present canvas? the abolition party has a strength which it never had before. The ; dissolution of the Whig party left many men without political connexions, and some of them have a causeless feeling against tiie Democracy which makes them embrace any doctrine, and risk disunion itself, rather than join us. Many ot the adhering Know Nothings were led over bodily, with their eves shut, into the pitfall of Abolitionism. They have,out of these mulen als, formed a party which thev dare to call Re publican. Yes, a combination of men, acting under the influence of opinions formed and de veloped in England—prorogated hy Biitisli emissaries—advocated by the British press, and aiming a direct blow at the only strong republic on earth—such a party adds to its other sins the base hipocrisv of tailing itself by the sacred name of Republican. Their only battle cry at this moment, and for sometime past, has been Kansas! Kansas' Kan sas! Mr. Buchanan w ill be elected President and this Kansas question, with all its inciden tals, will be among the things that were. When 1 that happens, the people ol this country w ill look back with wonder at the scenes now en acting, and thiol; with amazement of a storm TER.7IM, S3 PIIK TEAR. VOL XXV. XO. 2. - which a few fanatics and traitors could raise on a question so simple and so easily adjusted. 0 The Territorial Government of Kansas was V organized on a principle which permitted the lS men who might inhabit the new Slate to deter mine what should he its laws and institutions. >< I bus it expressly declared: "It being the true !l intent and meaning of this act NOT to legislate ' slavery INTO any State or Territory , nor to ex ~ elude it therefrom, Ln; to leave the people there e ot ju'ilectly liee to form ami regulate their ii 11 meMic institutions in their own war", subject " i only to the Cciistitutiori oflhe Initeil States." :t I '-At. te*o, was the vetv principle of the Com l> promise hills of lN.'xj, with reference toCalifor ma and New Mexico, and advocated by Clay n and Cass, ::nJ Webster. Let Whig!!, Demo h - crats, ami Americans, —;.!! men who love the t Lnion, —listen to the language of the patriot ' ; Clay, in ins celebiated report introducing the "! Compromise hills : "It is high time that the ■ | wounds which it \lhi Hit mot Proviso] has iu e ; dieted should be healed up and closed, and that to avoid in a/! future hut , liie agitations whicn must be produced by tin conflict of opinion on - the slavery question—existing, as this institu ;i tiun does, in soirte of the Slates, and prohibited, ' as it i>, in others—the true principle which ■ i ought to regulate tr.e action of Congress in iur \ ming teriitoiial goveinnients lor iach newly l ' acquired domain, is to refrain from all legisla tion e.-i tie subject in tie- teintci v acquired, s.-> long as it retains the teiiitorial form ot govriri -1 no ut, —leaving it to the people of such tenitc -1 ry, when they i ; ave attained to a condition " j which entitles to admission as a State, to decide ' ! tor then,si 1M > the M stion oi the allowance t r ' | ] inhibition of domestic slavery."— [Sre Con yessional (iiolt 1 , Ainv IC. I Sou, page . (; T(i.) - j Certainly no man of ordinary foresight couhl - 1 have believed that ' in- n in the Noitii, af ■ ler cont nding for this doctrine live or six years ' -g ), would turn lound and repudiate it now.— i But theft- hypocritical pretenders complain of the repeal of the known a.; the Missouri • | Compromise, by which Congress legislated sla ' very (slit (.-! Teiritory north oi .'Jo I} ),' arid per - milled it to exist in all Territory south of that ' | line ; and yet, in the platform u hich they have E made lor their can lidates and party, thev sol ; erniiiy resoir , "f! .it v>& 'teny the authority of ' • Congress', of a i rritoriul Legislature. of any ' individual or association of individuals, to give " legal existence to slavery in tiny Territory of ' j tiie Cniteri States, while the present Oonstitu - tion shall be maintained." [fits. dd, Republi ■ can Platform, iSbG.J Thus the very Compromise, which the Ab o' lit i mists at one moment pretend should not have "been repealed, l cause, cs they allege, it was a 1 adding law and compact, they in the next sol -1 ' I nly resolve was no law —no compact: IUIV, more, that it was beyond the power of Congress ' or of any human power to make such a law, while the Constitution .-bail last ! But we pass > i■ m this to another tonic. Some disorders have occurred in the contest of opinion which has i>e-n going on in Kansas ' for two or thr.-e years between the pro-slavery men and the Abolitionists. Whatever thev a mounted to, it is lit that those who committed the- 1 disordeis should take tne responsibility and bear tiie consequences. But no one can fail to see that abolitionism has exaggerated and per verted every incident connected with them in the way which in their opinion was bestcalcu lated to create on'cilice and hatred against the South. Thed o ii share in provoking these quarrels they have tried all they could to con ceal. instead f proposing some mode of set tling the disputes in Kansasamicablv and peace fully, they have art.ully fanned the flame and shown by their whole conduct that they would u iiiinglv spread cicil war fiom Kansas all over the 1 nion. Even an assault and battery committed at Washington viiv has been used as a means of stirring up the bitter waters of sectional strife. IVhen riots have been raised in the North to prevent the execution of the fugitive slave law, a law approved by Washington, voted for by Clay and Webster, am. signed by President . Fillmore, and murdeis committed for the same purpose like those at Carlisle and Christianna, these same abolitionists clapped their hands in exultation, and cried well done 1 When the South complained that her best citizens had been thus slaughtered b.r nooh'ence but deman ding tin if lawful rights, the Abolitionists an swered with insult and ribaldry. But now, when a northern Senator is cam-d by the Rep resentative of a fdave-hddirig-State, the whole Abolition party is thrown into a wild commo tion of excitement. We do not justify or ex cuse Mr. Brooks, but we think that those men who had no sympathy lor Kennedy and (dor such might as well he quiet about Sumner. In conclusion, we will briefly refer to one important fact, which ought to consign the lea ders of the so-called Republican paity to their political graves. Von are all aware thai the Senate of the Kni fed States is laigely Democratic. That body, some time ago, passed a bill for the pacification of Kansas, so just and so equitable, that no fair objection can he made against it. it provides for the admission of Kansas as a State, with such a Constitution as the people themselves shall choose to have : and that the vote upon it inav be taken fairly, the most stringent regula . •• - p e tions are made to prevent any man Irom putting in a ballot who is not a lesulent. It provides that any one who has left the Territory on ac count of the previous troubles, may return and vote a3 it he had not gone away, it abrogates all the laws passed by the Territorial Legislature complained of by the Abolitionists. No man can deny (and so iar as we know it never has oeeri denied,) that this bill, it passed by the oth er House of Congress, would at once settle the whole difficulty in a mariner perfectly fair, — Even one of the Abolition Senators—Mr. Hale ■ —admitted this, for upon the introduction of the bill he said, m the Senate •■But, Kii, I do not want to dwell on that su J'IT. but to SPEAK a v TV !• w words in refer-
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