BV EO. W. lIOW MAV. NEW SERIES. sclc c t $) oet rn. THE POLITICAL RIDE. A CAMPAIGN" SONG. AlR —Den rest May. A sight I sawthe other night, When all the worlil was still. For then i saw the Woolly Horse, A going down the hill. lie looked as if he wanted feed, And drink from out the fountains, And olt turned back his eager gaze Toward- the Rorty Mountain. Oh. Buck and Breck, You'll surely win the day, The Woolly Horse has gone to grass, So all the people say. He drew a curious tooling chaise, And Fremont -at therein. With Horace~Gxee|y by his side, Both on a friendly grin. '•The horse is getting very tired" Quoth Greeley, then, sub rosa, <•! think we'll surely need some aid. From out your Mariposa." Oh, &c., Arc. Fremont replied, "/ have it there, With that we'll male a spec Anil talk Ol valor, gold rind snow. And .-lander Buck and Breck." •Said Greeley, "that will never do Without some other figures And, rioting, both at once cried out, "We have it with the niggers." Oh, Arc., Arc. Thus onward rode tint gallant pair. On humbug matters Talking, Of tariff, haul , and special bills, For bonus and defaulting. When lo! they saw far in advance Old Bur! was going iu , "We'll lose," cried Greeley, in de-pair, Our horse can never win." Oh, Arc., Arc. "In spite of mountain*, gold and snow, I tell you now 'tis fiat, Old Buck and Breck will win the day, And I shall lose that hat. 1 he White House then came full in view, And Buck and Breck rushed in. While all the people loudly cried, "Fremont, yon cannot win '" Ob. Buck arid Breck, You'll surely win the day, The Woolly Horse has gone to grass, So all the people say. ITCongres? adjourned at noon on Monday, in accordance with (tie previous resolution of the two Houses, liut having failed lo pass the jury appropriation bill by reason of the House pertinaciously clogging it with provisions in ref n r.ce to Kansas, which the Senate deemed irreleveiit and arbitrary, would not therefore a greeto, the President of the United States has promptly issued his pioclamation callitig an Extra Session, to convene at the Capitol on Thursday next, (tomorrow ). It appears that all the jjetieial appropriation bills were passed, ex cepting the one for the armv, which embraced ■ riie fj 11,000,000. The Pr esident, accompa nied bv some members of the Cabinet, being in attendance in the ante-rooms of the Senate, these and other important bills were duly sign • i, hut many private bills, for want of time, it e said failed to receive the President's signa ture. The entire amount of appropriations so far t e'ie is nearly $00,000.000, arid with the sum 4 r.-e(ie() for the army, the swell up to between 63 and s(>4-,000, Ine follow rug is the proclamation ol the Pres ident : o'y the President of the United State* of .1- meriea : A PROCLAMATION* .* Whereas, whilst hostilities exist with various Iwdran tribeson the remote frontiers of the Uni ted States, and whilst in other respects the pub he p.-ace is seriously threatened, Congress has 2'jouroed without granting the necessary sup plies fir the Armv, depriving the Executive of 'he power to perforni his duty in relation to the 1 inmon def'ncc and security, and an extra-ui diiiary occasion has yhu3 arisen for the assem bling ol the two H •OSes of C(*igress, I do there -I,! V, by this my Proclamation, convene said Houses to meet at the Capitol, in the city of Washington, on Thursday*. the 21st day of -"d instant, hereby requiring the regjiective s nators and Representatives then and there assemble, to consult and determine on such as s , a , e of the Union may seem lo fquire. In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal °l the United States to be hereunto affixed, and signed the same with tnv hand. Hme at the citv of Washington, this lSth a V of August, in the year of our Lord 18r>6 ''J the Independence of the United States the 81st. By FRANKLIN PIERCE. Hy order, W. L. MABCV, Secretary of Slate. K ' VOLITION ARI ACTION OF Till: BUCK KfiPIBLICAN PARTY IN THE IIOISE OF REPRESENTATIVES- In our paper of yesterday we published the Proclamation of the President convening the ' u ° '"'Uses of Congress to nieet on Thursday, instant. H is understood that all the members who Uf Te here on Monday at the hour of adjourn 'neathad notice on that day at three o'clock. e a!s took a passing notice of the cause A "ch led to this state ofttiings—the loss of the jr my appropriation hill. It was the initiative '• Hie first practical triumph ever obtained in * oited States, of that character, by a polit fil action. Our present form of government 13 cbfii rft tfvau*tt\ has endured since 1787. It is now sixty-nine years. We have heretofore passed through al most every form and shade of national parties, i but each seemed to vie with the other in steady attachment to the constitution and the Union. It was immaterial whether Hamilton or Jeffer scn, or Adams, or Madison, led—whether . Adamsor Jackson, or Van Buren or Harrison, or Folk or Taylor, triumphed. It was ail the same. Their differences, their contests, and their triumphs, were either as to the policy to be pursued in the administration of our national affairs, or the construction of constitutional pro visions. In these conflicts there was even a line of demarcation which limited both parties, and beyond which, as a whole, they never ven tured to pass. The people participated, and i looked with interest on the exciting events of the day, and at the height and termination of the bitterest rivalry, always congratulated | themselves that ours was the government of a : written constitution, and that this Union was safe, because there stood not in the ranks of i either party a solitary press, or one single lead ; ing man, who cunningly devised schemes to dis solve it, or plotted the shedding of American blood to obtain power. During this long peri j od ot political contest no such attempt was J made. If there arose the solitary hydra-head of abolitionism, it was no bigger than a hand's ! breadth, and the patiiotism of both great parties ; repressed its fury, and consigned it to insignifi cance and helplessness. In all this time, there was no Congress which failed to make appro priations for the support of all the branches of the government. But now a new state ot things has taken place. Men calling themselves patriots and statesmen have devoted their time, their mo ney, and their talents to fan the flame of fanat icism. The most hateful and dangerous of all ! combinations—t hat of religion and politics—has ; been restored with an intensity which has been unparalleled, except in the daysof our mother ' country, when heretics were burned, and in our own, in which witches were drowned. By a sudden, vigorous, and wide-spread mis representation, made to the honest people of America, they succeeded in deceiving a great body of patriotic, men in the Noith under false pretences, and obtained their support, and came into the Congress of the United States with a majority. Their first step, outside of that body, they took in the name of the Emigrant Aid So ciety. The result was the shedding ofthe first American blood bv American brethren in Kan sas. Men went ttiere armed to do that very deed. In the midst of it, and when the hopes of the black-republicans were running high, when it seemed as if war would spread hv de grees, until, like the undulations it: a lake from the casting of a stone, the waves would be re peater) and extended, until they reached the utmost extremities of our country. It was that moment that tried the strength ot tlm const ruc tion of our government. Mobs and military associations bad resisted and defied the civil pow. r. The Chief Magistrate of the republic, w itli a firm and patriotic hand, tempering jus tice with mercy, and executing the laws with vigor but moderation, put an end to the shed ding of the blood of hn-thern, and vvith the re-_ turn of peace in Kansas the ambitious hopes of the Black Republicans began to u ither. The spirit of desperation seized them. In this spir it they hnre laid violent howls upon the const 1- tution , and perpetrated a revolutionary net in order to ennblethem to recommence a civil war, and arrav one vast section of this union against the other, for the sole purpose of obtaining the possession of supreme power. The process was obvious, and was to be short. They voted against the appropriations for the support of the armv in order to compel the President to disband it. If this could he effect ed, then that howl for which Mr. Sumner hop ed and prophesied against South Carolina might have come, like the sad wail ot the suffering and dying, first from Kansas and Missouri, and next from the border States. Revolution would then have become fierce and universal. Tfce dread of the executive arm of this country was felt by every man, from whatever quarter he might come, whose secret wishes and designs were blood and plunder. The act refusing, un der the circumstances, support to the army, was not only revolutionary, but was moral trea son against the government. Besides,, it had another aspert : In order to effect so profligate a purpose, they were willing to clothe the Pre sident with dictatorial powers—to put Kansas under martial law—to place the highways of our country by land and l>v sea at his single will—in effect, to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and to allow no man the right of appeal from his will. But this is only a part of the mischief contemplated. The black-Republican party never believed that the Senate of the U nited States would concur in such a proposition, and, therefore, it is plain that their true pur pose was to compel the President to disband the army, and to let anarchy come with all its horrors. II this is not so, then they are play ing puerile and fantastic tricks with edged and dangerous weapons. If they pretend to say that the President could still maintain the army, and keep it in efficient condition, then their act was useless arid nugatory, and it would have been more graceful and dignified for them to have done that which could accomplish noth ing except the gratification of their pride and the expression of their malice. But our President cannot fashion his opinions by a black-republican standard. He will, no doubt, preserve the constitution by setting the example of respecting it himself, and will take care to preserve the Union against all attempts at its overthrow. Let our countrymen cry aloud and spare not. There can be no doubt that the blow has been struck by the black-republican party wiih a view to revolution,anarchy, and disunion. Let no man spare them from this out. Let the people be warned. VVe have but commenced this subject. We shall publish, in a day or two, extracts from FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. AUG. 29, 1856. the interesting debate in the Senate on the bill making appropriations lor the army for the year ending ttie 30th of June, 1850. It w ill gratify and enlighten our readers. It oc curred upon the amendment rejiorted by the finance Committee of the Senate to strike out the revolutionary proviso passed bv the black i republicans.— Washington Uniyn, hig. 20. From the Boston Courier. | SBoit. Biufiis C lioaJe on (he l'res itliiitiaf The Whigs of Maine held a grand mass meet ing in tiie town of Waterville yesterday. Hon. Rufus Choate was invited tube present, but be ing unable to attend, he sent a letter, in which he defined his own position on the Presidential question; and avowed his intention to vote ll>r Mr. Buchanan. We give it below. BOSTON, Saturday, Aug. 9, 1856. Gentlemen: Upon my return last evening, after a short absence from the city, I found your I letter of the 30th ult., inviting me to take part in the proceedings of the Whigs of Maine, as sembled in mass meeting. I appreciate most highly the honor and kind ness of this invitation, and should have had true pleasure in accepting it. The Whigs of Maine composed at all times so important a di- I vision of the great national parly: which un der that name, with or without ofiicial power, as a lesponsible administration oras only an or ganized opinion, has done so much lor our i country —our whole country—and your respon sibilities a! this moment are so vast and pecu liar, that I acknowledge an anxiety to see—not wait to hear—with what noble bearing you meet the demands of the time. If the tried legions, to whom it is committed to guard the fiontier of the Union, falter now, who, any where, can be entrusted ? My engagements, however, and the necessity ! of expediency ot abstaining from all speech re quiring much effort, w ill prevent rny King with vow. And vet, invited to share in your coun sels, and grateful for such distinction, I cannot wholly decline my own opinion on one of the duties of the Whigs in what v>u well describe as "the present crisis in the political affairs of the country." I cannot now, and need not, ' pause to elaborate or defend, thern. What I think, and what 1 have decided to do, peimit me in the briefest and plainest expression totell i you. The first dutv, then, of Whigs, not merely as patriots and as citizens, — loving, with a large and equal love our whole native land, —but as Whigs, and because we are Whigs, is to unite with some organization of our countrymen, to defeat and dissolvethe new gengraphii al party, calling itself Republican. 'I bis is our fiit du ty. it would more exactly express my opin ion to say, that at this moment, it is our only duty. Certainly, at least, it comprehends or suspends all others: and in my judgment, the question fi>r each and every one of us is, not whether this candidate or that candidate would he otir first choice : not whether there is some good talk in the worst platform, and some bad talk in the best platform : not whether this . man's ambition, or that n an's servility, or bold ness, or fanaticism, or violence, is responsible for putting the wild waters in this uproar;— but just this, —bv what vote can Ido most to prevent the madness of the times from working its maddest act,— the very ecstacy of its mad ness, — the permanent formation and the actual present triumph of a party which knows one half of America only to hate and dread it : from whose unconsecrated and revolutionary banner fifteen stars are erased or have fallen : in whose national anthem the old and endeared airs of the Eutnw Springs, and the King's Moun tain, and Yorktown, and those, later, of New Orleans, and Buena V ista, and Chapnltepet, breathe no more. To this duty, to this ques tion, all others seem to mv to stand for the pres ent postponed and secondary. And whv ? Because, according toour creed, it is onlv the United America which can peace fully, gradually, safely, improve, lilt up and hbss with all social and pttfsonal and civil blessings, all the races and all the conditions which compose our vast and various family—it is such an America, only, whose arm ran guard our flag, develop? our resources, extend our trade, and fill ttie measure of our glory; and, because, according to our convictions, the tri umph of such a Party puts that Union in dan ger. That is my reason. And for you, and for me, and (or all of us, in whose regards the Union possesses such a value, and to whose fears it seems menaced bv such a danger: it is fen son enough. Believing the noble ship of state to he within a halt cable's length of the lee shore of rock, in a gale of wind, our first busi ness is to put her about, and crowd her off, into the deep, open sea. That done, we can regu late the stowage of her lower tier of powder, and select tier cruising ground, and bring her offi cers to court-martial at our leisure. It there are anv in Maine—and among the Whigs of Maine 1 hope there is not one—but if there are ativ, in whose hearts strong passions, vaulting ambition*"f ealotisy of men or set lions, unreasoning and impatient philanthropy, or whatever else have turned to hate or coldness the fraternal blood and quenched the spirit ol national life at its source ; with whom the un ion ol slave States and free States undef the ac tual Constitution is a cuise, a hindrance, a re- > proach ; with these of course our view of our duty and the reason of if, are a stumbling block and foolishness. To such you ran have noth ing to say, and from such you can have noth ing to hope. But if there are those again who love the Union as we love it, and prize it as we prize it ; who regard it as we do, not merely a* a vast instrumentality fir the protection ot our commerce and navigation and lor achieving jioiver, eminence and name among the sover eigns of the earth—but as a means of improving (lie material lot, and elevating the moral and mental nature, and insuring the personal happi ness of the millions of many distant generations ; Freedom of Thought and Opinion. I. if there are those who think thus justly of it— • and vet hug the fatal delusion that, because it is good, it is necessarily immortal; that it will thrive without care; that anything created by man's will is above or stronger than His will: that because the reason and virtue of oui age of reason and virtue could build it, the passions and stimulations of a day of frenzy cannot pull it down ; if such there are among you, to them address yourselves, with all the earnestness and all the eloquence of men who feel that some greater interest is at slake, and some mightier cause in hearing, than ever yet tongue had pleaded or trumpet proclaimed. Ifsueh minds and hearts are reached, all is safe. But how specious and how manifold are the sophisms by which they are courted ? They- hear and they read much ridicule of those who fear that a geographical party does endanger the Union. But can they forget that our greatest, wisest, and most hopeful statesmen have always fell, and have all, in one form or another, left on record their own fear of such a party? The judgments of Washington, Madi son, Clay, Webster, on the dangers of the A merican Union—are they worth nothing to a conscientious love of it? What they dreaded as a remote and improbable contingency—that against which they cautioned, as they thought, distant generations— that which they were so happy as to die without seeing—is upon us.— And yet some men would have us go on laugh ing and singing, like the traveller in the satire, with his pockets empty, at a present peril, the mere apprehension of which, as a distant and bare possibility, could sadden the heart of the Father of his Country, and dictate the grave and grand warning of the Farewell Address. They hear men say that such a party ought not to endanger the Union ; that, although it happened to he formed within one geographical section,and confined exclusively to it : although its end and aim is to rallv that section against the other on a question of morals, policy and feeling, on which the two differ eternally and unappeasibly ; although, from the nature ol its oiigin and objects, no man in the section out side can possibly join it, or accept office under it without infamy at home : although, therefore, it is a stupendous organization, practically to take power am! honor, and a full share ol thv Government, from our whole family of States, and bestow them, substantially, all upon the an tagonist family ; although the doctrines of hu man rights, which it gathers out of the Declara tion of Independence— that passionate and elo quent manifesto ola revolutionary war—and a dripts as its fundamental ideas, announce to any Southern apprehension a crusade of government against slavery, far without and beyond Kansas; although the spirit arid tendency of its elec tioneering appeals, as a whole, in prose and the hading articles of its papers, nnet the speeches of its orators, are to excite conten.pt and hate, or fear of our entire geographical sec tion, and ha*e or dread or contempt is tlm nat ural impression it all leaves on the Northern mind and heart yet, that nohodv anywhere ought to be angry, or ought to be frightened; that the majority must govern, and that the North is a majority : that it is ten to one noth ing will ha; pen ; that, if worst comes to worst, the South knows it is wholly to blame, and needs tfie Union more than we do, and will be quiet accordingly. But do they who hold this language forget that the question is not what ought to endanger the Union, hut what will do it ? Ts it man as he to be, or man as he is, that we must live with or live alone? In appreciating the influences which may disturb a political sys tem, and especially one like ours, do you make no allowance for passions, for J tide, for infirm- I itv, lor tfie burning sense of even imaginary wrong i Do you assume that all men, or all masses of men, in all sections, uniformly obey reason, and uniformly wisely see and calmly seek their true interests? Where on earth is such a <b Us Paradise as that to be found ? Con ceding to the pople of the fifteen States the ordinary and average human nature, its good and its evil, its weakness and its strength, I for one, dare not sav that the triumph of such a parly ought not to be expected naturally and prohai ly to disunite the States. With my undoubting convictions, I know that it w <i)l(i be folly and immorality in men to wish it. Certainly there are in all sec tions and in all States those who love the I - nion, under the actual Constitution, as Wash ington did, as Jav, Hamilton, and Madison did —as Jackson, Clav and Webster loved it. Such even is the hereditary and the habitual senti ment ol the general American heart. But he has read life and hooks to little purpose who has not learned that "bosom friendships" maybe "to resentment soured," and that no hatred is so keen, deep, and precious as that. "And to be wroth with one we love Will work like madness in the brain." He has read the book of our history to still less purpose, who has not learned that the friend ships of these States—sisters, but rivals—sover eigns each, with a public life,and a body of in terests, and source sof honor and shame of'its own and within itself, distributed into two great opposing groups, are of all human lies most ex posed to such rupture and such transformation. I have not time in these hasty lines, and there is no need, to speculate on the details of the modes in which the triumphs of this party would do its work of evil. Its mere struggle to obtain the government, as that struggle is con ducted, is mischievous to an extent incalcula ble. That thousands of the good men who have joined it deplore this is certain, hut that does not mend the matter. I appeal to the con science and honor of my country, that if it were the aim of a great party, by every species of access to the popular mind—by eloquence, by argument, bv taunt, by sarcasm, bv recrimi nation, by appeals to pride, shame, and natural right—to prepare the nation for a struggle with Spain or England, or Austria, it could not do its business more thoroughly. Many persons— many speakers—many, very many, set a high ! tT and wiser example, but the work i 3 doing. If it accomplishes its object, and wives the government to the North, I turn my eyes from the consequences. To the fifteen States of the South, that Government will appear an alien Government. Tt will appear worse. It will appear a hostile Government. It will repre sent to their eye a vast region of States, organ ized upon Anti-Slavery, flushed by triumph, tribune and press: its mission to inaugurate Freedom and put down the oligarchy : its con stitution the glittering and sounding generali ties of natural right which make up the Decla ration of Independence. And then ami thus is the beginning of the end. If a necessity could be made out for such a party we might submit to if as to other una voidable evil, and other certain danger. Hut where do they find that? Where do they pre tend to find it ? Is it to keep slavery out of the Territories? There is not one but Kansas in which Slavery is possible. No man fears, no man hopes for Slavery in Utah, New .Mexico; Washington or Minesota. A national party to give them to Freedom is about as needful and about as feasible as a national party to keep Maine for Freedom. And Kansas! Let that abused and prof3ned soil have culm within its borders: deliver it over to the natural aw of peaceful and spontaneous immigration : take off tfie ruffian bands : strike down the ritle and the bowie knife : and guard its strenuous infancy and youth till it comes of age to choose lor it self— and it will choose freedom li>r itself, and it will have forever what it chooses. When this policv, so easy, simple and just, is tried and fails, it will be time enough to re sort to revolution. It is in pait because the duty of protection to the local settler was not performed that the Democratic party has al ready by the action of hs great representative ' convention resolved to put out of office its own administration. That lessori will not and must not be lost on anvbodv. The comntrv demands that Congress, before it adjourns, give that Ter ritory peace. If it do, time will inevitably give it freedom. 1 have hastily and imperfectly expressed my opinion through the unsatisfactory fbrp;s of a letter, as to the immediate dutv'of Whigs. We are to do what we can to defeat and t this geographical party. But hv what s|>ecifjp action we can most effectually contriWHc losuch a result is a question of more difficulty. It | seems now to be settled that we present no can- j didate of our own. If we vote at all, then, we - votefor the nominees ol'the American or the j nominees of the Democratic party. As between them I shall not venture to counsel the Whigs of Maine, hut I deem it due to frankness arid honor to say, that while I entertain a high ap preciation of the character and ability of Mr. Filhnore. I do Tint sympathise iri any d"gret with the objects ami creed of the [articular par ty that nominated him, and do not approve of their organization and their tactics. Practically, too, the contest, in my judgment, is between Mr. Buchanan and Col. Fremont.— In these circumstances I vote lor Mr. Buchan an. He has large experience in public affairs ; bis commanding capacity is universally ac knowledged ; his life is without a- stain. lam constrained to add that he seems af"this moment, by the concurrence of circumstances, more com pletely than any other, to represent that senti ment of nationality,—tolerant, warm and com prehensive,— without which, without increase of which, America is no longer America; and to possess the power, and I trust, the disposition to restore and keep that peace, within our bor ders and without, for which our hearts a!! yearn, which all our interests demand, through which arid by which alone we may hope to grow to the true greatness of nations. Very respectfully, your fellow-citizen, RIFUS CIIOATK. To E. W. Farley and other gentlemen of the Maine Whig State Central Committee. Ait Abolitioii (haior. One of the self-constituted delegates to the Black Republican Convention, which nomina ted Col. FREMONT, was Dr. JOSEPH E. S.XOP- j GRASS. He is afso a leading Black Republican orator. He has spoken for FREMONT already at a number of places, and we undeistand that he may shortly be expected in Pennsylvania. He is particularly famous for his attacks 011 slavery, and terribly vindictive against the Democratic j party, because it is willing to allow the people of the Territories the right enjoyed by the citi zens in all the States, of regulating the charac ter of their domestic institutions ii_r themselves. No doubt he descants with all the eloquence of a SUMNER, the venom of a G HIDINGS, or pleads with all the pathos of a Mrs. STOWE, fiu the slave, and waxes fierce and indignant as a GREELEY, at the hare mention of "slave-hol ders," "slavery aggression," and at the idea of "traffic in human flesh and blood," etc., etc. We wish, however, to call attention to a circumstance which will serve as an admirable prelude to this virtuous gentleman's oratorical performances, and which will be published wherever he undertakes to mislead the public; on this question. We allude to the fact that he was formerly a slave-holder himself, and that instead of manumiting his slaves, he sold them and jiut the money in his pocket ere he undertook the business of preaching Black Re publicanism. In reply to the request of a gentleman in Washington, the following letter, with an ac companying bill of sale, h}' which Dr. Sxorv- i GRASS conveyed two negroes to Mr. ButusußT, was furnished, and the correspondence placed at our disposal ; HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES I August 11, lßDfi. J SIR : —ln compliance with your request, I forward to you a copy of the bill of sale from i Dr. Joseph E. Snodgrass, the travelling Aboli- j tion orator, conveying to Daniel Bui khart two j slaves. I cannot comply with yout further re- ! quest to have it certified under the seal of the ! TEK.HN, S3 PER YEAR. VOL XXIV, NO. 5L Clerk of -the County Court. It has never been ■ recorded, as rt is not usual in Virginia, to re cord such instruments, nor does the law require jit where the sai- of a slave, or other peioonal chattle, is accompanied by the transfer of pos session from grantor to grantee, as was the case i in the transfer of the slaves bv Dr. Snodgraua to ; Mr. Hurkhait. The copy 1 send to you is in the hand-writing of Mr- Burkhart, with which I am well acquainted, anil who in person han : ded it to me. Mr. Burkhart is a gentleman of great intelligence ami worth. He was for n.a -; ny years a magistrate of the county of Berkley, and is at this time the Cashier of the Bank of | Berkley, Virginia. Dr. Snodgrass w ill not dare to deny that he first made sale ot all tin slaves which he inherited from his lather, and put the price of flesh and blood info his pocket, before he assumed the vocation of teaching his | fellow men w hat an atrocious crime it is to hold a human being in bondage. Such hypocrites | and impostors should be srounted from every stand from which they attempt to address the people. Know all men by these presents, That 1, Jo ph E. Snodgra>s, of the city of Baltimore, in the State of Mary land, tor and in consideration of the sum of eight hundred dollars to me in hand, paid by Da.iiei Burkhart—the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have bargain ed and sold, and by tb*-s- pres-nls, do bargain and sell unto the said D. Burkhart. a negro man named Charles, of about the age of thirty-six | years; also, a negro woman, wife of the said Charhs, named Emily, aged about nineteen years, together with the natural increase of the said Emily. And I, the said Joseph il Snod grass, for myself and rr.v heirs, executors and administrators, do herehv warrant the sard ne ' groes and their increase to be slaves for iife.— J testimony whereof! have hereunto set my band and seal this Ist dav of Dei ember, IS4S. (A copy.) JOSEI'II S.\ ODC RASS. NAL.] from the Hollidaysburg Standard oi Aug. *-' B. ■" Pol. David 1!. liolius and Moit. Charlex Simmer. This martyr to free Kansas, tree speeclV jyirf free./tiggers, as we stated in onr last, is, mfiate ly has been, rusticating at the house of DnJack j at Cresson. Since his arrival, what little sympathy was manifested for him in this neigh borhood has entirely given way to feelings of deep disgust. There is nothing whatever, the matter with him. He is hale and hearty, jp* a I good appetite, and talks politics u ith all ter vindictiveness that a Yankee fanatic can command. One dav last week, Col. D. H. H>- ' tins, an Old Line Whig, and J. Blair Moore, Democrat, and Col. J. J. Patterson, Republican, on- of the editors of the Harrishurg Telegraph, visited Cressan. In company with a man named Gemruit, at the invitation of Dr. Jack son, they called upon Mr. Sumner, who re ceived them very cordially. He soon aki d Mr. Ilofius how Mr. Ford had succeeded here. The Colonel told him frankly thai he did net succeed vet y w ell that his meeting was com posed of Democrats and Fillmore men—that very few Fremont men were present in conse quence of there being hut few in the place.— This frank avowal irritated the gentleman with the soft brain, and he poured forth a perfect torrent of invectives against Pennsylvanians.— While emptying his vials of Republican wrath, he declared that the Whigs and Democrats of Pennsylvania were white slaves, and that he should glory in seeing them brought to the block, and disposed of under the auctioneer's i hammer. This unqualified assertion of the j Yankee fanatic did not fail to arouse the indig nation of the pennsylvanians, and Col. Hofius made some tart reply, which only aggravated the martyr the more, and he showered abuse of the foulest kind upon pennsylvanians indis criminately, and when the party attempted to vindicate their State, the dignified Yankee Ab olitionist cooly opened a Boston paper, and commenced reading. The | artv came awav completely disgusted, and Col. Hi fins, who previously felt great sympathy for the man be f>re he uttered such atrocious sentiments, de clares openly that his Honor tamed a great many more eaneings than he has ever re !ceived. It is intimated by one of the rigger sheets that Mr. Sumner is about to traverse Pennsyl vania to make niggerite capital. If so, we ad vice him not to make use of such language.— The people ftf Pennsylvania are freemen—he who says to the contrary i-' a black hearted liar —they love the Constitution, the Laws and the ("nion—they are law abiding, too, and they will not suffer any Yankee Abolitionists to come from the slaves of the cotton mills of Mas sachusetts, and heap villainous abuse upon them with impunity. THE FREMONTERS ASP OUR NATURALIZED CITIZENS The sudden and hypocritical regard of the Fremonters for our naturalized citizens is ■ unmercifully exposed in the subjoined extract 1 from the A'ew Haven Register: "The Hartford Times says that Gov. Dui ton, on taking the chair of the Know Nothing Convention, made a few remarks, in which he said that "the more he reflected the more he became convinced that unless the foreigners among us—the agents and auxiliaries of despot ism in Europe—were met and put down , we i were no longer safe.' | The speak er continued, saying that the foreign element in our population w as a BRUTAL, unenlightened, I IGNORANT agency.' This must have been very 'gratifying to the 'Fremont (Herman Club,' which the Courunt claims exists in Hart lord. — ; Where is Ole Bull 7 Where is Hoffman ? where ; is flecker ?" | Gov. Dnttnn is one of the most promi nent and influential suj.portt rs o! Fremont in j New England.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers