BY GEO. W. BOWMAN.
NEW SERIES.
Select Poetrn.
"TAKE .11 EII 011 ETODI E. "
This land is very bright, mother,
The flowers are very fair,
There is magic in the orange groves
There is fragrance in the air :
But take me to rny good old home
Where the brook goes bubbling by,
I.et ns go home again mother—
Oh! take mc home to die.
Let my father's hand but rest mother—
In blessing on my head,
Let my brothers and my sisters dear
But throng around my bed ;
Oh. let nut feel that loved ones near
Received my parting breath,
"When I bid you all good night, mother
And sleep the sleep of death !
• Dear mother lam weeping
1 cannot stop The tears,
They're swelling at the thought of home,
And of my early years.
But i am getting faint, mother,
Oh take nie to your breast,
And let me feel your lip, mother,
Again my forehead press.
There's dimness on my sight mother,
1 cannot g p t mv breath ;
Is >t your sobs 1 hear, mother;
Oh ! tell me—is this death ?
Vou'll tell my father how I yearned
Once more to see him near;
You'll kiss my hiothers each for me;
They will lorget, I fear.
You'll tell my si-ters. mother dear,
I have gone up on high,
And il they are good children here,
They w ill see me when they die;
I fee 1 I'm going now mother—
One ki-s ere life is riven;
And row farewell, rny own mother,
I'nti! we meet in heaven.
I B li R E S S
OK THE
STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, No. 2.
To the People of Pennsylvania:
Frr.Low-Ciciztixs :We shall now ask your
attention to the character, claim, and qualifica
tions of the Democratic nominees, and the mea
sures and merits of the Stale Administration,
having the more abstract and distant questions
of discussion for future consideration.
But little need be said at this day of the mer
its and abilities of Governor BIGLEE. His per
sonal history has become familiar to the people
of the Stale, and his official acts furnish abundant
evidence of his eminent and rare qualifications
to discbarge tiie duties ofthe office he now holds.
From the humblest rank in society, unaided by
wealth or influential friends, he rose, when vet
in his minority, to the dignity of a practical
printer and editor; arid at a very early age, the
tconfrol of an extensive and useful business. He
< ameinto th" State Senate in 1842. Though
Young, modest and retiring, he soon made a fa
vorable impression on the members of that body.
It was the remark of a venerable Whig Senator,
ON hearing Gov. RIGGER'S maiden speech in the
Senate, which was on the question of the re
sumption of specie payments by the Banks,
"That man will some day be Governor of Penn
sylvania." He served six years in that bndv,
and few of its- members have left behind them
so good a record or a more spotless moral career.
He was distinguished for his- industry, his devo
tion to duty, and his entire fairness as a parti
zan. In the gr-at financial crisis of 1843, that
so sorely affected the credit of the State, his
services were ofthe most eminent character.—
He v.as constant! v at his post, to meet and repel
ail attacks upon Hie honor ofthe State, fearless
ly voting for and sustaining every practical
scheme for the maintenance of her fidelity, re
gardless of consequences personal to himself.—
We recur to the part which our candidate act
ed in those critical times with pride and pleasure,
and we are confident that thousands of our po
litical opponents at Philadelphia and elsewhere
will join with us in this feeling.
He was the early advocate of engrafting the
principle of individual liability on bank charters
—of the abolition of imprisonment for debt, and
of every measure intended to do justice to the
laboring masses, and elevate their condition in
life.
His report on the Tariff in 1847 stands in proud
contrast with the feeble and abortive efforts of
his enemies in the Senate, who attempted to
break him down on that question. It was a
masterly production, eloquent in language and
sound in doctrine
As much may he said of his speech made the
same session on tfie policy of constructing the
Pennsylvania Railroad. When Representa
tives from Philadelphia and Pittsburgh denounc
ed the project as impracticable, as a ruse and a
trick, Gov. BIGGER advocated the feasibility of
the route, and the utility of the work, foretelling
what has since taken place, with remarkable
accuracy. And it may not be improper at this
juncture to remind the people of Philadelphia
and Pittsburgli of the significant fact, that when
'"v. RIGLER was advocating the construction
"I a Railroad bv a direct route from one city to
the other, through our own State, a portion of
the Representatives from both those cities, ad
vocated the policy of making this connexion by
a circuitous route, passing through two other
States. Indeed, in every exigency that has
arisen in the dast ten years, Governor Rigler has
been the staunch advocate of the true interests
of our great commercial emporium, and ner ci
tizens will not, we ttust, forget this fact on the
day o| the election.
His election in 1 S3l was a triumph of broad
State and National policy, fully and fairlv de-j
clared. He was presented to the people as the
advocate ofthe Compromise measures of 1850— !
as the friend of the Tariff of IS-1-G—against the
Tariff of 1842—the friend of economy in pub
lic affairs—the advocate of a sound currency—
—the opponent of an increase of banking capi
tal, and the advocate of the fullest liability that
could be imposed on corporations.
His administration has been eventful, and
distinguished by energy, ability and prudence.
At the time of his induction into office, the Leg
islature were indulging in the practice of'grant
ing special privileges to corporations, to carry,
on mere business transactions, and to compete
with individual enterprise. This species of
legislation had been indulged in to an alarming j
extent. Gov. Bigler immediately took ground
against il, and by a series of veto messages, em- I
bodying the soundest doctrines, sustained by the
clearest and most forcible arguments, soon suc
ceeded in parties, that such special j
privileges should not be granted; that those who
seek to enjoy the profits of a business enter
prize, under an act of corporation, should be j
required to bear all the responsibility. This :
doctrine is now the settled policy of the State. !
It is a remarkable fact, that whilst Governor j
Bigler's vetoes in the session of 1852, were j
numerically greater than all that had emanated j
from any one of his predecessors in a full term
of service, not one measure was sustained hv the
General Assembly against his objections. In
deed, such is the fact in reference to all bis veto ]
messages up to the present time. When the
Legislature attempted to create a brood of new !
banks, and to extend irr.providently paper issues, I
the fatal step was arrested by the veto power,
and eleven hanks were rejected at one time.— \
When, again, it was attempted to give the Penn
sylvania Railroad Company entire control of the
termini of the State v/orks at West Philadelphia,
the measure was promptly arrested bv a veto:
and recently, when it was proposed by the Gen
eral Assembly, to relieve this same corporation
and the Pennsylvania and Ohio Railroad Com
pany, from the penalties imposed by, and incur
red under, the laws against the circulation of
foreign small notes, thereby establishing a most
dangerous and prejudicial precedent in legisla
tion, the evil was averted by the same means.
The policy indicated by Gov. Bigler in his
first message, after his induction into office, con
tained many wise suggestions, and amongst these
was the cancellation of the six per cent, bonds
of the Commonwealth then standing, by the
creation of five per cent bonds. This measure
was adopted, and a large sum of money saved
annually to the treasury. The policy of cash
payments and short settlements on the public
works, suggested iu tile same document, had it
been fully carried into effect by law, could not
have failed to exercise a most healthy influence
upon that branch of the public service.
His predecessor, William F. Johnston, was
the author of the relief currency. Under the
administration of Gov. Shunk, measures had
been adopted to withdraw from circulation and
cancel this noxious medium. Very soon after
the Whigs came into power under Gov. John
ston, this process of cancellation, so wisely be
gan, was arrested, and provisions made to con
tinue this depreciated and unconstitutional cur
rency in circulation, bv paving the barms a
large compensation, from time to time, for re
issuing the defaced notes. Amongst the first
measures of the present administration, was to
make provision for the final withdrawal and ex
tinction of this currency, and the work of can
cellation is again in operation.
In this single item of State policy, fellow
citizens, we have a verv striking illustration of
the difference between Federal arid Democratic
measures. It is for you to determine which
are right, and the best adapted to promote the
prosperity of the State.
Hut in nothing has Gov. Digler rendered a
more important service to the people, than by
his constant and untiring efforts to break down
the pernicious system of omnibus and special
legislation. This was among his earliest recom
mendations, and in the session of 18b3, a lew
gen>-ral laws were adopted on the report and re
commendation of commissioners appointed by
him for that purpose under an act of the legis
lature, and much good was thus effected.
In the Governor's Message of 1854, however,
he placed the axe at the root of this tree of evil,
this spreading Upas, by declaring most/ emphat
ically, that he should no longer participate in
that offensive system of legislation: and that the
whole power of the Executive Department
should be wielded against it. This sentiment
received the universal approbation ofall parties.
The General Assembly acted on the suggestion,
and. the people are presented with the laws of
1854, each separate from the other, and stand
ing on its own merits. This has never occur
red before, since the organization ofthe Govern
ment. Had the present administration no oth
er claim, this alone should command the favor
able judgment ofthe people.
The policy ofthe adininistrnion, is now well
defined on all subjects, and its continnaoce can
not fail to promote the substantial welfare ofthe
people. At the time of its induction into pow
er, a number of improvements were in progress
of construction, which have cost a much larger
sum than had been anticipated, and this circum
stance, it is true, has to some extent embarrass
ed the policy of the administration. Hut it must
be remembered, that these schemes were not
commenced at the instance of Governor Rigler.
They had been undertaken before he came into
office: and the wise policy seemed to be to prose
cute them to an early completion. Indeed it
has been declared as a fixed policy of the ad
ministration, that no new schemes of improve
ment shall be commenced.
Nor has the honor and diginty of the State
been permitted to suffer in any insfance. When
the executive of a neighboring state refused to
surrender a fugitive from justice, against whom
a true bill of indictment for kidnapping bad been
found in the county of Chester, the right and
dignity of the Commonwealth was vindicated
BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 11, 1854.
in a paper of surpassing power and ability.—
Long after its author shall have retired from
public life—yea, after his head shall be pillow
ed beneath the sods of the valley, this document
will be referred to in the archieves of Pennsyl
vania, as a model lor other Executives, and con
tinue to excite the pride and admiration of her
people.
When again at a subsequent period, an exi
gency arose at the city and county of Erie, in
volving to no inconsiderable extent the honor
and dignity of the State, he was not found want
ing, but came up fully to public expectation.—
His energy and firmness in this crisis command
ed tile respect of all. When told, as he was
frequently, that the measure he deemed expedi
ent to adopt, would pnjudice his political pros
pects in this or that locality, Ins uniform reply
was—"it mattered not, he had the honor of the
State to protect, and that should be done at all
hazards."
Fellow-citizens: shall an officer thus honest,
devoted, prudent and able, be discarded, or
stricken down, fur light and imaginary causes ?
Shall a policy in State affairs so wise, be aban
doned to give place to Federal Rule ! We hope
not; and we would be doing injustice to the peo
ple to even entertain the thought for a moment.
We believe you will retain Gov. Bigler as you
have done all his Democratic predecessors, for
the constitutional term. We do not claim per
fection for his administration, nor for the man.
There are, doubtless, grounds for honest differ
ences of opinion, whether the wisest policy has
at all times been pursued, but we do claim that
the good greatly preponderates, and that his pur
poses have been universally pure and patriotic.
In the distribution of executive patronage, every
one who applied could not be appointed, and al
though this w as necessarily so, and is a difficulty
which must be encountered by all administra
tions some worthy citizens may have felt that
they had just cause for complaint—but so long
as the publi". service be w ell performed you will
agree with us, that it is of minor importance
who shall be the agent of the work—and cer
tainly no man will lot sake bis principles and
party, for reasons so untenable and results so
unavoidable.
The Hon. JEREMIAH S. BLACK, the Demo
cratic candidate tor judge of the Supreme Court
requires no recommendation at our hands. He
hail been weighed in the balance and not found
wanting. His eminent qualifications for the
place, his profound schorla ship, his fine literary
attainments and his unsullied moral character,
are the theme of general admiration, among men
ofall parties, lawyers and laymen. Indeed, these
qualifications, his entire and peculiar fitness,
his honesty and great moral worth, will not he
gain-saved by the most violent partizan. It
would baffle the most prolific brain to produce
one well founded reason against his re-election.
The numerous opinions he has u ritten since he
has been the Chief Justice of the present very
able and learned Bench, not long since chosen
by the people of Pennsylvania under their re
modiiled constitution, by which they are per
mitted to choose, as is their right, the adminis
trators as well as the makers of the laws, and his
literary productions at an earlier period of his
life, have distinguished lorn as a man ot
extraordinary powers of mind, and have made
t<>r him a reputation of which his native State
mav justly boast.
Fellow-citizens, such distingushfd men a
rnong you, should lie cherished and sustained.—
They are your jewels above all price, above all
tempoiary considerations, and among a great
people, constitute much of your celebrity and
power. VVe say, therefore, it is obviously your
interest to retain this able and just judge in your
service. We know that republics are sometimes
charged with being ungrateful, and if you
repudiate Judge Black, it would give color to
the accusation. Such a result, however, we
have not the slightest reason to apprehend.
HENRY S. MUTT, Dsq., the Democratic can
didate for Canal Commissioner, is likewise emi
nently worthy of your confidence and support.
He has heretofore filled several public stations,
in addition to that of Representative in the
lower branch of the Legislature. In the dis
charge ofthe duties devolved upon him in these
respective stations, he has given evidence, that
he is possessed of a clear mind, of a sound,
practical judgement, of habits of industry and
principles of strict integrity. He is well quali
fied by education and experience to perform the
duties ofthe office for which he is named. Of
his personal merits and excellent qualities of
head and heart, vou could have no stronger ev
idence, than is furnished in the united and
zealous support extended to him by his neigh
bors and those who knew him most intimately.
We do not doubt his triumphant election.
But let us, fellow-citizens, in addition to the
views presented for your consideration in our
last address, again ask your attention for a mo
ment, to the aspect of the opposition to Demo
cratic nominees. The Whigs as a party have
no principles to hind them together: neither
State nornational policy on which to rally.—
One after another, in rapid succession, their
measures of public policy have been rejected by
the people and utterly abandoned by themselves.
The operations of time and experience have
falsified all their former dogmas. The Bank of
the United States—the Bankrupt act—the dis
tribution of the proceeds of the sales of the pub
lic lands—the tariff of 184-2 or indeed any tar
iff avowedly for protection—have all become
"obsolete" ideas"—descended to "the tomb of
the Capulets." Hostility to territorial exten
sion in general,, including the acquisition ot
Louisiana and Texas—hostility to the Indepen
dent Treasury—the tariff of 184ti—to the war
with Mexico—to the acquisition of California—
to the liability of stockholders in banks and cor
porations generally, together with their terrific,
descriptions of the usurpations and tyranny of
the one man or qualified veto power, with
which the constitution of the general govern
ment, and the constitutions of the several States,
have wisely clothed the chief magistrates of the
States and the nation—have become dead stock
Freedom of Thodglit and Opinion.
in the political market. Never was a party
before, so barren of all the elements of existence
of power. There is, we assert, without fear of
contradiction, no instance to be found in the
modern history of a political party, that has
been so uniformly wrong on every question,
and against which time and experience have
spoken in such terrible tones of condemnation
-fwhose follies and errors have recoiled with
siich a fearful and bitter retribution. There is
now aot a vestige of Federal or Whig policy to
he found in the country, and not an accusation
has made against democratic policy and
nieasifres that has not been shown to be unfound
ed anjl been properly rebuked by the people.—
As atf organization they it'Snd before Hie coun
try condemned and demoralized.
This position is felt and acknowledged hv a
large portion, the moderate men, of the Whig
party. But the lessons of experience have
never taught many of their leaders wisdom, and
we now find them indulging in the grievous
error of attempting to reconstruct that party on
false and fleeting ideas, without any of the prin
ciples of their former creed on which to base an
organization. It is a dangerous experiment,
and it will prove an entire failure, as many
sensible and candid Whigs are free to acknowl
edge. The rank and file are boldly asked to
accept the current isms of the day as their po
litical creed. But the effort is vain, for these
harebrained crotchets are openly rejected by
some, and quietly despised by others. Nor is
the alliance spoken of entirely agreeable to the
new parties. They wisely dread the fatal in
fluence of Whig antecedents, arid are shrewdly
insisting, that if an alliance effectual is to be
formed, Whiggery must be an unseen element
—that [Militical temperance, Nativeism, or Ab
olitionism may triumph, but Whiggery never!
They think it an uripropitious time to join that
disintegrated party.
Yet reduced ty.such a hopeless position these
leaders manifest a willingness to fall in with
"every wind of doctrine" that may promise to
result in temporary success. Hence we find
them ready to tamper with sectarian prejudices
—to excite one sect of professing christians
against another—to array one class of citizens
against another—to prostitute the cause of tem
perance and tlie sacred cause of education to
mere partizan ends—and thus minister to the
worst passions that have ever enslaved the hu
man heart and brought strife and contention in
to the world—to disregard the admonitions and
teachings to George Washington, and tiample
under foot the obligations to the constitution of
our common country. Arid all this they do, to
promote no great end of public policy, but to
gain political power.
Fir. Webster predicted on his dying conch,
amp sent the prediction to his friend Rufus
Ohoate, that after 185:2 the Whig party would
exist only in history. The facts we have de
tailed verify that prophecy. If that great man
and his still greater compeer in statesmanship,
Henry Clay, were permitted to return amongst
us, they would asseverate that the present Whig
party is not that which they were accustomed
to advise and counsel. The respectable and
high toned, though often mistaken gentlemen,
who used to rally under the lead of these great
statesmen, would never condescend to such a
humiliating, dishonorable and anti-republican
position as that now assumed by some of their
former political associates.
It constitutes one branch of the present tac
tics of the opposition to the democracy to raise
a clamor about the supposed diversion ol the
common school fund to sectarian purposes—and
this matter has not been deemed beneath the
dignity of a notice by the Whig State Central
Committee. We will give you, fellow-citizens,
in answer to this charge of the opposition, a
plain statement of facts, and a brief history of
theirown conduct 011 this school question.
In 1836 when Joseph Ritner was Governor,
and both branches of the Legislature were com
posed of a majority of Whigs, the common
school law was re-enacted, and a feature en
grafted thereon, giving .1 portion of the fund to
endowed schools, and also to the schools of re
ligious denominations on certain conditions,
which can he seen in all the school laws, as we
will detail from that time until a change was
trade by the law of the last session of the gen
eral assembly. In 1849, when YVm. F. John
ston was Governor, and the legislature was
composed of a majority of Whigs, the school
law was again revised, and the feature provid
ing for a distribution of the fund to religious
sects was retained, and the law was approved
hv the then Executive of the State. In the
course of (he last session of the legislature,
when both branches were Democratic, with a
democratic Governor, the school law was again
revised and re-enacted, but all the sectarian
features were stricken out. In the face oi this
record, showing that they and they only as a
party when in power,have engrafted this feature
on the system, they have the hardihood to come
before the public and attempt to make a false
issue against the Democratic party on this ques
tion. Rangling demagogues attempted last w in
ter to excite prejudice on the subject and raise
an alarm as to the action of the legislature,
when not a single petition was presenter! asking
for the measure, nor a motion made to that ef
fect. Comment is unnecessaiy. \Vt only ask,
if the democracy be not friendly to the school
system, how it comes that it has Teen so long
cheiished and perfected under Democratic rule.
The effort of our opponents to excite ieh 2 -
ious prejudices against us is no new thing. \on
will all remember that when that good and
pure man, Francis R. Shunk, was the Demo
cratic nominee for Governor, the Whigs at
tempted to raise a sectarian prejudice against
him. He was charged with submission to Cath
olic influence, and with trampling upon the
American flag while walking in a Catholic pro
cession at Pittsburg. But this shameless expe
dient failed, and iMr. Shunk was elected ahd
lived long enough to live down all these slan
derous accusations.
We need not reiterate the system of tactics
| adopted by the Whigs in the Presidential con
test of 1852, in which they courted the Catho
lics and foieigners with the same sincerity
that they had previously denounced and revil
ed them. And now with a foreigner on their
ticket, they have the hardihood to change their
policy again, and have commenced to fan the
flames,of prejudice against adopted citizens, and
those professing a certain religious belief, whe
ther native or foreign born. They wish to cre
ate the impression, that every adopted citizen
who happens to hold an office under a demo
cratic administration, has been selected because
he was such—that every man of the Catholic
faith was selected because he was of that sect.
It is not for us to say why the Whigs have so
long continued Jos. R. Chandler, a Catholic, in
important otliccs, or why they have nominated
Mr. Darsie an adopted citizen for Canal Com
missioner—but we do say that the Democratic
party, treating all classes of" citizens and all re
ligious sects alike, adhere toffie constitution and
reward men according to their merits and qual
ifications. Some Catholics and adopted citizens,
it is true, have been appointed to office under
(he present State administration-, and some of
both these classes have been turned out—hut
the religious views of either the applicant or in
cumbent were not considered in any case. If
it was contended that too many Methodists and
Presbyterians had been appointed, and that this
fact was the consequence of religious bias, the
charge would have quite as much the appear
ance of truth.
This, we believe, is equally true of the Na
tional Administration, as by authentic statistics
it appears, that out of four thousand three hun
dred and three office holders in the employ of
the General Government in the various depart
ments at Washington, and acting as Ministers
Plenipotentiary and Consuls, and In the Custom
Houses, &.c., in the-"-several States, there are
hut four hundred and one of foreign birth, be
ing hut nine and three-tenths per cent.. *of the
whole number. The white population of the
United States by the census of 1850, which we
take for illustiation, was twenty-one millions,
seven hundred and ninety-three thousand six
hundred and three. Of this number, two mil
lions two hundred and forty thousand five hun
dred and thirly-five were foreign born, being
ten and two-tenths per cent, of the whole white
population.
Out of one hundred and fifty-two appoint
ments in the Custom Houses of Pennsylvania, but
eighteen are of foreign birth, being but seven
per cent, of all the appointments.
The whole white population of Pennsylvania
amounted by the same census to two millions
two hundred and fifty-eight thousand one hun
dred and sixty. Of this number three hundred
and three thousand one hundred and five were
of foreign birth, being thirteen and two-tenths
per cent.
So that according to a mathematical calcula
tion it is shown that our adopted citizens have
not received that proportion of the offices either
in the State or Nation, to which they are enti
tled bv their numerical strength.
Besides, of the eighteen adopted citizens em
ployed in any kind of official capacity in Penn
sylvania, connected with the collection of the
customs, it appears that two receive three dol
lars per day, and the others acting merely as
night inspectors or watchmen, only one dollar
and fifty cents per day each—that nearly, if not
all of them, came to this country before they
were of age, have lived here from twenty to
thirty years, and have children and some of
them grand children, born herp.
In the army and navy of the country, the
foreigner*' furnish most of the rank and hie, but
verv few officers indeed of foreign birth are now
in the public service. The disparity in this
particular is marked and manifest, in faVor of
the native horn citizens.
Is it not, then, beneath the dignity of what
was once a great political party, to set the coun
try in a roar over these things?
Jll conclusion, fellow-citizens, we must ask
vou to guard against the devices of an artful
and unscrupulous enemy. Do not be misled.
This horror of foreigners, and this sectarian
clamor are to get votes. It is one of the means,
as the most available for the time being, which
the leaders adopt to deceive the honest masses.
Let Gov. Bigler and his administration stand on
their own merits. Look at these, not at extra
neous questions over which he has had and can
have no control, and which cannot he affected
either hv his election or defeat. Having done
this, you cannot fail to rally to his support, and
to that of the whole ticket presented for your
consideration and approval.
J. ELLIS BON HAM, Chairman
GEOROE C. WELKER, Secretary.
August 3, 1854.
SINGULAR OCCURRENCE. —The following is
from the CVntreville Times: —"Under the obit
nary head in to-day's paper will be found the
death of Mr. Jacob Reese. On the day of his
death, Mr. Reese was engaged in seeding oats,
and towards evening was startled by a voice,
apparently at his elbow, saying, 'Von may sow
but shall not reap!' He looked around, and
seeing no one, continued his work of seeding,
attributing it, as he afterwards stated, to his im
agination. At every step, however, the warn
ing was repeated, end at last, unable to bear it,
lie proceeded home to his wife. He was per
suaded bv her that it was only imaginable, and
finding that lie had no fever, and did not com
plain of any unusual indisposition, she induced
him to return to the field. There, however,
the same solemn warning voice attended him
at every step—'You may sow, but you shall not
reap! ' and in a state of extreme agitation, he
again ceased work and went home. He took
an early supper, was shortly after attacked with
a swelling in the throat, and before sunrise next
morning was a corpse."
The Cape Fear Bill. —Tn the Senate, on Sat
urday, a message was received from the Presi
dent, stating that he approved and signed the
TERMS, 8 2 PER YEAR.
VOL. XXIII, NO. 1.
bill making appropriations for the removal of
obstructions at Cape Fear River, but that he
had approved the tame on the ground that the
obstructions to be removed Were placed there by
the Government ofthe United States.
Tlie Devotion of Foreigners.
During a debate in the United States Senate,
week before last, on the Homestead Bill, Gen.
Shields, in answer to a question put by Mr.
Mallory, (says the Valley Spirit), stated that a
majority ofthe men in the regular army, dur
ing the war with Mexico, were foreigners. And
Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, who opposed
granting foreigners the same privileges Under
the bill as Americans, candidly said that "the
truth of history required him to state, that when
the officers of the Palmetto regiment were all
shot down at Churubusco, the flag of the re
giment was tied around the body of a gbiiant
Irishman, and was thus carried on through the
battle to victory."
Is there a genuine American living tvho would
restrict the privileges of any man, no matter
where he was born; who fought in the ranks of
our army in Mexico ? Never did a braver,
truer band than the handful of regulars we sent
to Mexico, go to battle: and yet a majority of
their, come under the ban of Know Nothingism,
the new adjunct of Whiggerv. Even the gal
lant Irishman who tied the American flag
round his body and carried it before the enemy,
would not be permitted by Know Nothingism t<>
share all the privileges of an American citizen.
(Jen. Scott stated, during the late Presiden-
tial campaign, that foreigners had followed him
to every battle-filed on which he had fought,
and that he never led braver men into action. —
The great Washington also leaned on the arms'
of foreigners when he battled for his" c'dffntryV
independence, and the patriotism ofa foreigner
enabled him to capture the Hessians at Tren
ton, an event which electrified and inspired the
whole country. We present an extract from a
a letter written by Washington to Robert Mor
ris :
"My army is encamped on the Delaware, op
posite Trenton, where our foes are cdncentrated;
our wants are great—slo,ooo is necessary to
gain the proper information and place me in
a position to justify an offensive tnovement a
gainst the enemy to you, Robert Morris, can I
only look for assistance."
And Robert Morris, who was not born in this
country, rendered that assistance ! On his otrn
note he borrowed the sum asked for by the
"Father of his Country," and the victory of
Trenton Speedily followed. If Robert Morris
were now living in the city in which he borrow
ed ten thousand dollars to enable Washington
to capture the Hessians at Trenton, the Whig
and Know Nothing Mayor of that city would
not appoint him a Policeman. Indeed, there
must have been Know Nothings there at the
close of the Revolution: tor after Morris had
bankrupted hirnsell to save America from the
British yoke, he was imprisoned for debt.—lf
the names of the persons who oppressed him af
ter he had saved them from oppression could be
obtained, they ought to be enrolled as honorary
members of every Know-Nothing association.—
They are entitled to rank as Patriarchs of the
Institution.
MAKING LOVETO THE WRONG PEE SON. —A
Cincinnati paper is responsible tor the follow
ing :
"A young gpntlerran, who had been paying
his addresses in propria ptrsofta io a young la
dy in this city, left a few months ago, and went
down the river on business. A correspondence
was immediately opened between the enamor
ed pair, and after exchanging several letters, the
young lady was mortified To find that her let
ters were unanswered, andj fconSequently, she
ceased; writing. But thb real Sefcret of her re
ceiving no letters was thb fact that another
young lady of the same name, Supposing they
were intended for her, took them from the post
office and opened a correspondence with the
proxy lover. Some two hmnths passed away,
when the young man wound tip by a direct an
swer, averring at the same tirriethat he thought
the tone of her letters very ditferent from those
received when he first left Cincinnati, and up
braided his fair love with inconstancy. This
last epistle was too much for our romantic incog
nito, and being conscience smitten for the part
she had been acting, and fully persuaded that
some other lady had been pining for the man
she was wooing, sought her out, and delivered
up the letters to their rightful ovvner. The mat
ter was speedilv arranged, and the real lovers
have since become united in the bands of wed
lock."
ARRISON IN IOWA. A correspondent of the
St. Louis Intelligencer, living at Croton, Lee
county, lowa, writes under date of the 18th, as
follows, concerning the appearance at that place
of Dr. Arrison, the supposed murderer of Mr.
and Mrs. Allisoc, of Cincinnati, his attempted
art est and subsequent escape :
Our little village has been distracted with the
most intense excitement since Saturday evening
last, bv the arrival of Win. 11. Arrison, from
Cincinnati, who it is supposed, caused the de
struction ot Mr. Allison and wife, on the 26th
ult. It is reported that Arrison left debts to be
collected, and the amount forwarded in draft to
this office. Expecting to receive the draft, he
called at the post office, and was supplied with
the letters that had arrived, one of them con
taining the draft. From information that had
been received with respect to Arrison, some of
the citizens were prepared to take action to
wards securing him. Accordingly, quite a
number started in pursuit. They found him at
his father's, who lives some three miles from
this place, but, from some cause, allowed him
to escape, which he did in the most precipitate
manner, nothing definite being heard from him
since. The conclusion is that he has made for
his brother's, living in Apponnoose county, and
from thence further west.