BY GEO. W. BOWMAN. NEW SERIES. Select Poetrn. "TAKE .11 EII 011 ETODI E. " This land is very bright, mother, The flowers are very fair, There is magic in the orange groves There is fragrance in the air : But take me to rny good old home Where the brook goes bubbling by, I.et ns go home again mother— Oh! take mc home to die. Let my father's hand but rest mother— In blessing on my head, Let my brothers and my sisters dear But throng around my bed ; Oh. let nut feel that loved ones near Received my parting breath, "When I bid you all good night, mother And sleep the sleep of death ! • Dear mother lam weeping 1 cannot stop The tears, They're swelling at the thought of home, And of my early years. But i am getting faint, mother, Oh take nie to your breast, And let me feel your lip, mother, Again my forehead press. There's dimness on my sight mother, 1 cannot g p t mv breath ; Is >t your sobs 1 hear, mother; Oh ! tell me—is this death ? Vou'll tell my father how I yearned Once more to see him near; You'll kiss my hiothers each for me; They will lorget, I fear. You'll tell my si-ters. mother dear, I have gone up on high, And il they are good children here, They w ill see me when they die; I fee 1 I'm going now mother— One ki-s ere life is riven; And row farewell, rny own mother, I'nti! we meet in heaven. I B li R E S S OK THE STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, No. 2. To the People of Pennsylvania: Frr.Low-Ciciztixs :We shall now ask your attention to the character, claim, and qualifica tions of the Democratic nominees, and the mea sures and merits of the Stale Administration, having the more abstract and distant questions of discussion for future consideration. But little need be said at this day of the mer its and abilities of Governor BIGLEE. His per sonal history has become familiar to the people of the Stale, and his official acts furnish abundant evidence of his eminent and rare qualifications to discbarge tiie duties ofthe office he now holds. From the humblest rank in society, unaided by wealth or influential friends, he rose, when vet in his minority, to the dignity of a practical printer and editor; arid at a very early age, the tconfrol of an extensive and useful business. He < ameinto th" State Senate in 1842. Though Young, modest and retiring, he soon made a fa vorable impression on the members of that body. It was the remark of a venerable Whig Senator, ON hearing Gov. RIGGER'S maiden speech in the Senate, which was on the question of the re sumption of specie payments by the Banks, "That man will some day be Governor of Penn sylvania." He served six years in that bndv, and few of its- members have left behind them so good a record or a more spotless moral career. He was distinguished for his- industry, his devo tion to duty, and his entire fairness as a parti zan. In the gr-at financial crisis of 1843, that so sorely affected the credit of the State, his services were ofthe most eminent character.— He v.as constant! v at his post, to meet and repel ail attacks upon Hie honor ofthe State, fearless ly voting for and sustaining every practical scheme for the maintenance of her fidelity, re gardless of consequences personal to himself.— We recur to the part which our candidate act ed in those critical times with pride and pleasure, and we are confident that thousands of our po litical opponents at Philadelphia and elsewhere will join with us in this feeling. He was the early advocate of engrafting the principle of individual liability on bank charters —of the abolition of imprisonment for debt, and of every measure intended to do justice to the laboring masses, and elevate their condition in life. His report on the Tariff in 1847 stands in proud contrast with the feeble and abortive efforts of his enemies in the Senate, who attempted to break him down on that question. It was a masterly production, eloquent in language and sound in doctrine As much may he said of his speech made the same session on tfie policy of constructing the Pennsylvania Railroad. When Representa tives from Philadelphia and Pittsburgh denounc ed the project as impracticable, as a ruse and a trick, Gov. BIGGER advocated the feasibility of the route, and the utility of the work, foretelling what has since taken place, with remarkable accuracy. And it may not be improper at this juncture to remind the people of Philadelphia and Pittsburgli of the significant fact, that when '"v. RIGLER was advocating the construction "I a Railroad bv a direct route from one city to the other, through our own State, a portion of the Representatives from both those cities, ad vocated the policy of making this connexion by a circuitous route, passing through two other States. Indeed, in every exigency that has arisen in the dast ten years, Governor Rigler has been the staunch advocate of the true interests of our great commercial emporium, and ner ci tizens will not, we ttust, forget this fact on the day o| the election. His election in 1 S3l was a triumph of broad State and National policy, fully and fairlv de-j clared. He was presented to the people as the advocate ofthe Compromise measures of 1850— ! as the friend of the Tariff of IS-1-G—against the Tariff of 1842—the friend of economy in pub lic affairs—the advocate of a sound currency— —the opponent of an increase of banking capi tal, and the advocate of the fullest liability that could be imposed on corporations. His administration has been eventful, and distinguished by energy, ability and prudence. At the time of his induction into office, the Leg islature were indulging in the practice of'grant ing special privileges to corporations, to carry, on mere business transactions, and to compete with individual enterprise. This species of legislation had been indulged in to an alarming j extent. Gov. Bigler immediately took ground against il, and by a series of veto messages, em- I bodying the soundest doctrines, sustained by the clearest and most forcible arguments, soon suc ceeded in parties, that such special j privileges should not be granted; that those who seek to enjoy the profits of a business enter prize, under an act of corporation, should be j required to bear all the responsibility. This : doctrine is now the settled policy of the State. ! It is a remarkable fact, that whilst Governor j Bigler's vetoes in the session of 1852, were j numerically greater than all that had emanated j from any one of his predecessors in a full term of service, not one measure was sustained hv the General Assembly against his objections. In deed, such is the fact in reference to all bis veto ] messages up to the present time. When the Legislature attempted to create a brood of new ! banks, and to extend irr.providently paper issues, I the fatal step was arrested by the veto power, and eleven hanks were rejected at one time.— \ When, again, it was attempted to give the Penn sylvania Railroad Company entire control of the termini of the State v/orks at West Philadelphia, the measure was promptly arrested bv a veto: and recently, when it was proposed by the Gen eral Assembly, to relieve this same corporation and the Pennsylvania and Ohio Railroad Com pany, from the penalties imposed by, and incur red under, the laws against the circulation of foreign small notes, thereby establishing a most dangerous and prejudicial precedent in legisla tion, the evil was averted by the same means. The policy indicated by Gov. Bigler in his first message, after his induction into office, con tained many wise suggestions, and amongst these was the cancellation of the six per cent, bonds of the Commonwealth then standing, by the creation of five per cent bonds. This measure was adopted, and a large sum of money saved annually to the treasury. The policy of cash payments and short settlements on the public works, suggested iu tile same document, had it been fully carried into effect by law, could not have failed to exercise a most healthy influence upon that branch of the public service. His predecessor, William F. Johnston, was the author of the relief currency. Under the administration of Gov. Shunk, measures had been adopted to withdraw from circulation and cancel this noxious medium. Very soon after the Whigs came into power under Gov. John ston, this process of cancellation, so wisely be gan, was arrested, and provisions made to con tinue this depreciated and unconstitutional cur rency in circulation, bv paving the barms a large compensation, from time to time, for re issuing the defaced notes. Amongst the first measures of the present administration, was to make provision for the final withdrawal and ex tinction of this currency, and the work of can cellation is again in operation. In this single item of State policy, fellow citizens, we have a verv striking illustration of the difference between Federal arid Democratic measures. It is for you to determine which are right, and the best adapted to promote the prosperity of the State. Hut in nothing has Gov. Digler rendered a more important service to the people, than by his constant and untiring efforts to break down the pernicious system of omnibus and special legislation. This was among his earliest recom mendations, and in the session of 18b3, a lew gen>-ral laws were adopted on the report and re commendation of commissioners appointed by him for that purpose under an act of the legis lature, and much good was thus effected. In the Governor's Message of 1854, however, he placed the axe at the root of this tree of evil, this spreading Upas, by declaring most/ emphat ically, that he should no longer participate in that offensive system of legislation: and that the whole power of the Executive Department should be wielded against it. This sentiment received the universal approbation ofall parties. The General Assembly acted on the suggestion, and. the people are presented with the laws of 1854, each separate from the other, and stand ing on its own merits. This has never occur red before, since the organization ofthe Govern ment. Had the present administration no oth er claim, this alone should command the favor able judgment ofthe people. The policy ofthe adininistrnion, is now well defined on all subjects, and its continnaoce can not fail to promote the substantial welfare ofthe people. At the time of its induction into pow er, a number of improvements were in progress of construction, which have cost a much larger sum than had been anticipated, and this circum stance, it is true, has to some extent embarrass ed the policy of the administration. Hut it must be remembered, that these schemes were not commenced at the instance of Governor Rigler. They had been undertaken before he came into office: and the wise policy seemed to be to prose cute them to an early completion. Indeed it has been declared as a fixed policy of the ad ministration, that no new schemes of improve ment shall be commenced. Nor has the honor and diginty of the State been permitted to suffer in any insfance. When the executive of a neighboring state refused to surrender a fugitive from justice, against whom a true bill of indictment for kidnapping bad been found in the county of Chester, the right and dignity of the Commonwealth was vindicated BEDFORD, PA. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 11, 1854. in a paper of surpassing power and ability.— Long after its author shall have retired from public life—yea, after his head shall be pillow ed beneath the sods of the valley, this document will be referred to in the archieves of Pennsyl vania, as a model lor other Executives, and con tinue to excite the pride and admiration of her people. When again at a subsequent period, an exi gency arose at the city and county of Erie, in volving to no inconsiderable extent the honor and dignity of the State, he was not found want ing, but came up fully to public expectation.— His energy and firmness in this crisis command ed tile respect of all. When told, as he was frequently, that the measure he deemed expedi ent to adopt, would pnjudice his political pros pects in this or that locality, Ins uniform reply was—"it mattered not, he had the honor of the State to protect, and that should be done at all hazards." Fellow-citizens: shall an officer thus honest, devoted, prudent and able, be discarded, or stricken down, fur light and imaginary causes ? Shall a policy in State affairs so wise, be aban doned to give place to Federal Rule ! We hope not; and we would be doing injustice to the peo ple to even entertain the thought for a moment. We believe you will retain Gov. Bigler as you have done all his Democratic predecessors, for the constitutional term. We do not claim per fection for his administration, nor for the man. There are, doubtless, grounds for honest differ ences of opinion, whether the wisest policy has at all times been pursued, but we do claim that the good greatly preponderates, and that his pur poses have been universally pure and patriotic. In the distribution of executive patronage, every one who applied could not be appointed, and al though this w as necessarily so, and is a difficulty which must be encountered by all administra tions some worthy citizens may have felt that they had just cause for complaint—but so long as the publi". service be w ell performed you will agree with us, that it is of minor importance who shall be the agent of the work—and cer tainly no man will lot sake bis principles and party, for reasons so untenable and results so unavoidable. The Hon. JEREMIAH S. BLACK, the Demo cratic candidate tor judge of the Supreme Court requires no recommendation at our hands. He hail been weighed in the balance and not found wanting. His eminent qualifications for the place, his profound schorla ship, his fine literary attainments and his unsullied moral character, are the theme of general admiration, among men ofall parties, lawyers and laymen. Indeed, these qualifications, his entire and peculiar fitness, his honesty and great moral worth, will not he gain-saved by the most violent partizan. It would baffle the most prolific brain to produce one well founded reason against his re-election. The numerous opinions he has u ritten since he has been the Chief Justice of the present very able and learned Bench, not long since chosen by the people of Pennsylvania under their re modiiled constitution, by which they are per mitted to choose, as is their right, the adminis trators as well as the makers of the laws, and his literary productions at an earlier period of his life, have distinguished lorn as a man ot extraordinary powers of mind, and have made t<>r him a reputation of which his native State mav justly boast. Fellow-citizens, such distingushfd men a rnong you, should lie cherished and sustained.— They are your jewels above all price, above all tempoiary considerations, and among a great people, constitute much of your celebrity and power. VVe say, therefore, it is obviously your interest to retain this able and just judge in your service. We know that republics are sometimes charged with being ungrateful, and if you repudiate Judge Black, it would give color to the accusation. Such a result, however, we have not the slightest reason to apprehend. HENRY S. MUTT, Dsq., the Democratic can didate for Canal Commissioner, is likewise emi nently worthy of your confidence and support. He has heretofore filled several public stations, in addition to that of Representative in the lower branch of the Legislature. In the dis charge ofthe duties devolved upon him in these respective stations, he has given evidence, that he is possessed of a clear mind, of a sound, practical judgement, of habits of industry and principles of strict integrity. He is well quali fied by education and experience to perform the duties ofthe office for which he is named. Of his personal merits and excellent qualities of head and heart, vou could have no stronger ev idence, than is furnished in the united and zealous support extended to him by his neigh bors and those who knew him most intimately. We do not doubt his triumphant election. But let us, fellow-citizens, in addition to the views presented for your consideration in our last address, again ask your attention for a mo ment, to the aspect of the opposition to Demo cratic nominees. The Whigs as a party have no principles to hind them together: neither State nornational policy on which to rally.— One after another, in rapid succession, their measures of public policy have been rejected by the people and utterly abandoned by themselves. The operations of time and experience have falsified all their former dogmas. The Bank of the United States—the Bankrupt act—the dis tribution of the proceeds of the sales of the pub lic lands—the tariff of 184-2 or indeed any tar iff avowedly for protection—have all become "obsolete" ideas"—descended to "the tomb of the Capulets." Hostility to territorial exten sion in general,, including the acquisition ot Louisiana and Texas—hostility to the Indepen dent Treasury—the tariff of 184ti—to the war with Mexico—to the acquisition of California— to the liability of stockholders in banks and cor porations generally, together with their terrific, descriptions of the usurpations and tyranny of the one man or qualified veto power, with which the constitution of the general govern ment, and the constitutions of the several States, have wisely clothed the chief magistrates of the States and the nation—have become dead stock Freedom of Thodglit and Opinion. in the political market. Never was a party before, so barren of all the elements of existence of power. There is, we assert, without fear of contradiction, no instance to be found in the modern history of a political party, that has been so uniformly wrong on every question, and against which time and experience have spoken in such terrible tones of condemnation -fwhose follies and errors have recoiled with siich a fearful and bitter retribution. There is now aot a vestige of Federal or Whig policy to he found in the country, and not an accusation has made against democratic policy and nieasifres that has not been shown to be unfound ed anjl been properly rebuked by the people.— As atf organization they it'Snd before Hie coun try condemned and demoralized. This position is felt and acknowledged hv a large portion, the moderate men, of the Whig party. But the lessons of experience have never taught many of their leaders wisdom, and we now find them indulging in the grievous error of attempting to reconstruct that party on false and fleeting ideas, without any of the prin ciples of their former creed on which to base an organization. It is a dangerous experiment, and it will prove an entire failure, as many sensible and candid Whigs are free to acknowl edge. The rank and file are boldly asked to accept the current isms of the day as their po litical creed. But the effort is vain, for these harebrained crotchets are openly rejected by some, and quietly despised by others. Nor is the alliance spoken of entirely agreeable to the new parties. They wisely dread the fatal in fluence of Whig antecedents, arid are shrewdly insisting, that if an alliance effectual is to be formed, Whiggery must be an unseen element —that [Militical temperance, Nativeism, or Ab olitionism may triumph, but Whiggery never! They think it an uripropitious time to join that disintegrated party. Yet reduced ty.such a hopeless position these leaders manifest a willingness to fall in with "every wind of doctrine" that may promise to result in temporary success. Hence we find them ready to tamper with sectarian prejudices —to excite one sect of professing christians against another—to array one class of citizens against another—to prostitute the cause of tem perance and tlie sacred cause of education to mere partizan ends—and thus minister to the worst passions that have ever enslaved the hu man heart and brought strife and contention in to the world—to disregard the admonitions and teachings to George Washington, and tiample under foot the obligations to the constitution of our common country. Arid all this they do, to promote no great end of public policy, but to gain political power. Fir. Webster predicted on his dying conch, amp sent the prediction to his friend Rufus Ohoate, that after 185:2 the Whig party would exist only in history. The facts we have de tailed verify that prophecy. If that great man and his still greater compeer in statesmanship, Henry Clay, were permitted to return amongst us, they would asseverate that the present Whig party is not that which they were accustomed to advise and counsel. The respectable and high toned, though often mistaken gentlemen, who used to rally under the lead of these great statesmen, would never condescend to such a humiliating, dishonorable and anti-republican position as that now assumed by some of their former political associates. It constitutes one branch of the present tac tics of the opposition to the democracy to raise a clamor about the supposed diversion ol the common school fund to sectarian purposes—and this matter has not been deemed beneath the dignity of a notice by the Whig State Central Committee. We will give you, fellow-citizens, in answer to this charge of the opposition, a plain statement of facts, and a brief history of theirown conduct 011 this school question. In 1836 when Joseph Ritner was Governor, and both branches of the Legislature were com posed of a majority of Whigs, the common school law was re-enacted, and a feature en grafted thereon, giving .1 portion of the fund to endowed schools, and also to the schools of re ligious denominations on certain conditions, which can he seen in all the school laws, as we will detail from that time until a change was trade by the law of the last session of the gen eral assembly. In 1849, when YVm. F. John ston was Governor, and the legislature was composed of a majority of Whigs, the school law was again revised, and the feature provid ing for a distribution of the fund to religious sects was retained, and the law was approved hv the then Executive of the State. In the course of (he last session of the legislature, when both branches were Democratic, with a democratic Governor, the school law was again revised and re-enacted, but all the sectarian features were stricken out. In the face oi this record, showing that they and they only as a party when in power,have engrafted this feature on the system, they have the hardihood to come before the public and attempt to make a false issue against the Democratic party on this ques tion. Rangling demagogues attempted last w in ter to excite prejudice on the subject and raise an alarm as to the action of the legislature, when not a single petition was presenter! asking for the measure, nor a motion made to that ef fect. Comment is unnecessaiy. \Vt only ask, if the democracy be not friendly to the school system, how it comes that it has Teen so long cheiished and perfected under Democratic rule. The effort of our opponents to excite ieh 2 - ious prejudices against us is no new thing. \on will all remember that when that good and pure man, Francis R. Shunk, was the Demo cratic nominee for Governor, the Whigs at tempted to raise a sectarian prejudice against him. He was charged with submission to Cath olic influence, and with trampling upon the American flag while walking in a Catholic pro cession at Pittsburg. But this shameless expe dient failed, and iMr. Shunk was elected ahd lived long enough to live down all these slan derous accusations. We need not reiterate the system of tactics | adopted by the Whigs in the Presidential con test of 1852, in which they courted the Catho lics and foieigners with the same sincerity that they had previously denounced and revil ed them. And now with a foreigner on their ticket, they have the hardihood to change their policy again, and have commenced to fan the flames,of prejudice against adopted citizens, and those professing a certain religious belief, whe ther native or foreign born. They wish to cre ate the impression, that every adopted citizen who happens to hold an office under a demo cratic administration, has been selected because he was such—that every man of the Catholic faith was selected because he was of that sect. It is not for us to say why the Whigs have so long continued Jos. R. Chandler, a Catholic, in important otliccs, or why they have nominated Mr. Darsie an adopted citizen for Canal Com missioner—but we do say that the Democratic party, treating all classes of" citizens and all re ligious sects alike, adhere toffie constitution and reward men according to their merits and qual ifications. Some Catholics and adopted citizens, it is true, have been appointed to office under (he present State administration-, and some of both these classes have been turned out—hut the religious views of either the applicant or in cumbent were not considered in any case. If it was contended that too many Methodists and Presbyterians had been appointed, and that this fact was the consequence of religious bias, the charge would have quite as much the appear ance of truth. This, we believe, is equally true of the Na tional Administration, as by authentic statistics it appears, that out of four thousand three hun dred and three office holders in the employ of the General Government in the various depart ments at Washington, and acting as Ministers Plenipotentiary and Consuls, and In the Custom Houses, &.c., in the-"-several States, there are hut four hundred and one of foreign birth, be ing hut nine and three-tenths per cent.. *of the whole number. The white population of the United States by the census of 1850, which we take for illustiation, was twenty-one millions, seven hundred and ninety-three thousand six hundred and three. Of this number, two mil lions two hundred and forty thousand five hun dred and thirly-five were foreign born, being ten and two-tenths per cent, of the whole white population. Out of one hundred and fifty-two appoint ments in the Custom Houses of Pennsylvania, but eighteen are of foreign birth, being but seven per cent, of all the appointments. The whole white population of Pennsylvania amounted by the same census to two millions two hundred and fifty-eight thousand one hun dred and sixty. Of this number three hundred and three thousand one hundred and five were of foreign birth, being thirteen and two-tenths per cent. So that according to a mathematical calcula tion it is shown that our adopted citizens have not received that proportion of the offices either in the State or Nation, to which they are enti tled bv their numerical strength. Besides, of the eighteen adopted citizens em ployed in any kind of official capacity in Penn sylvania, connected with the collection of the customs, it appears that two receive three dol lars per day, and the others acting merely as night inspectors or watchmen, only one dollar and fifty cents per day each—that nearly, if not all of them, came to this country before they were of age, have lived here from twenty to thirty years, and have children and some of them grand children, born herp. In the army and navy of the country, the foreigner*' furnish most of the rank and hie, but verv few officers indeed of foreign birth are now in the public service. The disparity in this particular is marked and manifest, in faVor of the native horn citizens. Is it not, then, beneath the dignity of what was once a great political party, to set the coun try in a roar over these things? Jll conclusion, fellow-citizens, we must ask vou to guard against the devices of an artful and unscrupulous enemy. Do not be misled. This horror of foreigners, and this sectarian clamor are to get votes. It is one of the means, as the most available for the time being, which the leaders adopt to deceive the honest masses. Let Gov. Bigler and his administration stand on their own merits. Look at these, not at extra neous questions over which he has had and can have no control, and which cannot he affected either hv his election or defeat. Having done this, you cannot fail to rally to his support, and to that of the whole ticket presented for your consideration and approval. J. ELLIS BON HAM, Chairman GEOROE C. WELKER, Secretary. August 3, 1854. SINGULAR OCCURRENCE. —The following is from the CVntreville Times: —"Under the obit nary head in to-day's paper will be found the death of Mr. Jacob Reese. On the day of his death, Mr. Reese was engaged in seeding oats, and towards evening was startled by a voice, apparently at his elbow, saying, 'Von may sow but shall not reap!' He looked around, and seeing no one, continued his work of seeding, attributing it, as he afterwards stated, to his im agination. At every step, however, the warn ing was repeated, end at last, unable to bear it, lie proceeded home to his wife. He was per suaded bv her that it was only imaginable, and finding that lie had no fever, and did not com plain of any unusual indisposition, she induced him to return to the field. There, however, the same solemn warning voice attended him at every step—'You may sow, but you shall not reap! ' and in a state of extreme agitation, he again ceased work and went home. He took an early supper, was shortly after attacked with a swelling in the throat, and before sunrise next morning was a corpse." The Cape Fear Bill. —Tn the Senate, on Sat urday, a message was received from the Presi dent, stating that he approved and signed the TERMS, 8 2 PER YEAR. VOL. XXIII, NO. 1. bill making appropriations for the removal of obstructions at Cape Fear River, but that he had approved the tame on the ground that the obstructions to be removed Were placed there by the Government ofthe United States. Tlie Devotion of Foreigners. During a debate in the United States Senate, week before last, on the Homestead Bill, Gen. Shields, in answer to a question put by Mr. Mallory, (says the Valley Spirit), stated that a majority ofthe men in the regular army, dur ing the war with Mexico, were foreigners. And Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, who opposed granting foreigners the same privileges Under the bill as Americans, candidly said that "the truth of history required him to state, that when the officers of the Palmetto regiment were all shot down at Churubusco, the flag of the re giment was tied around the body of a gbiiant Irishman, and was thus carried on through the battle to victory." Is there a genuine American living tvho would restrict the privileges of any man, no matter where he was born; who fought in the ranks of our army in Mexico ? Never did a braver, truer band than the handful of regulars we sent to Mexico, go to battle: and yet a majority of their, come under the ban of Know Nothingism, the new adjunct of Whiggerv. Even the gal lant Irishman who tied the American flag round his body and carried it before the enemy, would not be permitted by Know Nothingism t<> share all the privileges of an American citizen. (Jen. Scott stated, during the late Presiden- tial campaign, that foreigners had followed him to every battle-filed on which he had fought, and that he never led braver men into action. — The great Washington also leaned on the arms' of foreigners when he battled for his" c'dffntryV independence, and the patriotism ofa foreigner enabled him to capture the Hessians at Tren ton, an event which electrified and inspired the whole country. We present an extract from a a letter written by Washington to Robert Mor ris : "My army is encamped on the Delaware, op posite Trenton, where our foes are cdncentrated; our wants are great—slo,ooo is necessary to gain the proper information and place me in a position to justify an offensive tnovement a gainst the enemy to you, Robert Morris, can I only look for assistance." And Robert Morris, who was not born in this country, rendered that assistance ! On his otrn note he borrowed the sum asked for by the "Father of his Country," and the victory of Trenton Speedily followed. If Robert Morris were now living in the city in which he borrow ed ten thousand dollars to enable Washington to capture the Hessians at Trenton, the Whig and Know Nothing Mayor of that city would not appoint him a Policeman. Indeed, there must have been Know Nothings there at the close of the Revolution: tor after Morris had bankrupted hirnsell to save America from the British yoke, he was imprisoned for debt.—lf the names of the persons who oppressed him af ter he had saved them from oppression could be obtained, they ought to be enrolled as honorary members of every Know-Nothing association.— They are entitled to rank as Patriarchs of the Institution. MAKING LOVETO THE WRONG PEE SON. —A Cincinnati paper is responsible tor the follow ing : "A young gpntlerran, who had been paying his addresses in propria ptrsofta io a young la dy in this city, left a few months ago, and went down the river on business. A correspondence was immediately opened between the enamor ed pair, and after exchanging several letters, the young lady was mortified To find that her let ters were unanswered, andj fconSequently, she ceased; writing. But thb real Sefcret of her re ceiving no letters was thb fact that another young lady of the same name, Supposing they were intended for her, took them from the post office and opened a correspondence with the proxy lover. Some two hmnths passed away, when the young man wound tip by a direct an swer, averring at the same tirriethat he thought the tone of her letters very ditferent from those received when he first left Cincinnati, and up braided his fair love with inconstancy. This last epistle was too much for our romantic incog nito, and being conscience smitten for the part she had been acting, and fully persuaded that some other lady had been pining for the man she was wooing, sought her out, and delivered up the letters to their rightful ovvner. The mat ter was speedilv arranged, and the real lovers have since become united in the bands of wed lock." ARRISON IN IOWA. A correspondent of the St. Louis Intelligencer, living at Croton, Lee county, lowa, writes under date of the 18th, as follows, concerning the appearance at that place of Dr. Arrison, the supposed murderer of Mr. and Mrs. Allisoc, of Cincinnati, his attempted art est and subsequent escape : Our little village has been distracted with the most intense excitement since Saturday evening last, bv the arrival of Win. 11. Arrison, from Cincinnati, who it is supposed, caused the de struction ot Mr. Allison and wife, on the 26th ult. It is reported that Arrison left debts to be collected, and the amount forwarded in draft to this office. Expecting to receive the draft, he called at the post office, and was supplied with the letters that had arrived, one of them con taining the draft. From information that had been received with respect to Arrison, some of the citizens were prepared to take action to wards securing him. Accordingly, quite a number started in pursuit. They found him at his father's, who lives some three miles from this place, but, from some cause, allowed him to escape, which he did in the most precipitate manner, nothing definite being heard from him since. The conclusion is that he has made for his brother's, living in Apponnoose county, and from thence further west.
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