New Series, 'V'ol. -IV, No. 8. fmmtau THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21,1867. ’RESBYTERIAN RE-INION, A QUESTION OF EXPEDIENCY. Zeal for rerunion of the two leading branches if the Presbyterian Church .in this country, mot be said to be on the.increase in the i branches most nearly .concerned. If ■c is serious earnestness thoughton the sub , any where, it is rather among the smaller mches, some of whose members seem to weary of maintaining an isolated position, m a basis too narrow to hope for growth, iven for the retention of their own mem s and their children. A new' weekly ter, called the Union-Presbyterian, has re tly been started in Cincinnati by Itev. C. McCune, of the United Presbyterian ireh. Dr. Robert Patterson, (not Robert ,) of Chicago, a distinguished member of Reformed Presbyterian Church, (N. 5.,) recently left that body and joined the 1 School Presbyterian Church. There i a conference at Pittsburgh, last month, ivecn members of the Old School, United Reformed Presbyterian Churches in that ion; the representatives of the latter ics being the most decided in their views die insignificance of minor differences. We übt whether it was felt that any progress made or indicated by the Convention, ■.ommittco was formed, with one of our listers as chairman, to provide for an c.r meeting, although it does not appear it our branch was represented in the Con ition. It is, indeed, not unlikely that a issure from the smaller bodies may be c the most potent influence in leading , larger bodies to decisive action. ■ What are the great motives for organic union among different branches of the lurch ? Plainly, first, the removal of the proach of discord and division; the high y of the Church of Christ to show to the idcd and warring nations, and to the vari antagonistio sections 'Of : SO'Oiety, the wcr of true religion to unite and harmo ,e. Christianity must be vindicated as a igion of love, no less than of truth, before Distinctions inappreciable to the com- . sense of mankind, must not be allowed creato perpetual divisions and incurable utilities among Christians. Protestantism at a disadvantage compared with Roman n, so long as its outward divisions hide the tty of its spirit. N ext, there is a loss of working power in division of forces, although all aim at ac ilishing substantially the same object, en men pull at the same weight at a dis ant-agc, compared with a single horse ing the strength of seven men. That is rule, to which there are, it is true, many jortant exceptions. Thus two grand, simple reasons, one in 'ving a point of duty, and the other a fcr of expediency, are seen to bear upon question of union. The duty of cher ing fraternal feeling among Christians is plain to be questioned, and, if the only ay to got at such feeling were to abolish ,11 denominational distinctions, we ought to o at the destructive work at once. But (cent events have shown that we are under t such necessity. Not only have.the vari s denominations made great advances in ristian fellowship within a few years, but two branches of the Presbyterian Church this country bave recently recognized h other, in the fullest manner, in Presby- ies, Synods and General Assemblies, and •c really been examples to others of fra nal intercourse. , And the various de nstrations made by evangelical men, of a istantial unity of feeling, especially since era of Union Prayer-meetings, have ived to the world, as effectually as their ;anic union could, their oneness in Christ, lecd, such courtesies are more impressive ween bodies of different name and organ tion than the mere union of the whole ild be. L re we, then, effectually testifying, while ,rt, to our spiritual unity ? Have we laid le exclusivism and arrogance, bigotry and lousy and needless controversial acerbity? 1 the world see that we are but distinct isions of one grand army, with no rivalry such as may justly animate those who erly desire to secure the triumph of the le great cause ? If we have not fully e our part as Christian 'brethren, are JohnAWeir 18jnly67 ' ' ~ PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21,1867, we moving rapidly in that direction, even while we are maintaining,’ as firmly as ever, our denominational lines? Are the two branches of the Presbyterian Church so act ing towards each other, that every.ground of cavilling is removed from the most criti cal observer? Are; our denominational dis tinctions felt to be- any real hinderance to the exercise of the largest measures of charity, courtesy and mutual respect? If these questions can be satisfactorily answered, as we think they can, then the whole question of union is resolved into one of expediency. If denominations, while maintaining their organizations, can show true Christian accord, jußt. as States, while maintaining nearly every feature of distinct political existence, can form a true unity, then, whether they should abandon their organizations or not, depends upon the ques tion whether they can work most effectually through them or without them. The smaller branches of the Church may well, begin to feel that they are' working at a great disadvantage on the limited basis which they occupy. Well may they ques tion, as several of their number did in the Pittsburgh Convention,- the importance of the distinctive tenets which hold themupart. It, play.-be interesting,' and: not altogether useless, to continue to testify for an inspired Psalmody-and for the supremacy of- Christ over the nations; but, can it. be worth,'as great a sacrifice of means and energy as is now being made? . : But in an organization as strong in num bers and wealth, as compact and as Well de veloped as ours, it is not surprising that the impression prevails widely that no organic change : is necessary to., secure the highest degree of efficiency, or that fear prevails lest union with the other branch may .actually prove a disadvantage. There are; differences between us. which are real and considerable; differences which, it is true, in our judgment, should not keep us apart; and which donotowc their divi sive influence to the spirit of our branch of the Church. Yet they rent our body asun der twice in acentury. They were such as to prevent our brethren of the other branch, for twenty-five years, from manifesting the commonest tokens of fraternal feeling to wards our branch. That reproach, however, has ceased. To-day the most vehement ultra Calvinist does not think of denying to us the ordinary courtesies extended to ec clesiastical equals. The differences between us are no barrier to communion, or to change of pulpits, pr to mutual recognition by dele gates in the highest ecclesiastical courts. ’ But when we advance to the proposal of organic re-union, we find in many of our brethren of the other branch a tenacity about shades of doctrinal belief and modes of statement and philosophical explanation, which runs right across our more liberal, though unwaveringly Calvinistic views of Scripture truth. Only a month ago, one of our younger ministers, from a Presbytery on the border between New York and Pennsylva nia, presented himself for admission upon his papers, before a Presbytery of the other branch in this city. He had been led to be lieve that the barriers to organic unity were removed, and that without sacrificing any of his views as a theologian of the school of Dwight, Edwards, Barnes and Park, he could have free entrance upon afield of usefulness which had opened to him, within their bounds. Judge of his - surprise to find him self subjected to a two days’ examination, by some of the veteran theologians of the Old School body, who showed surprising eager ness for the quest, declaring at the close of the first day’s work that they wanted to make a clean thing of it, and must have another day to complete it, and winding up with the utter rejection of his application. No protest or appeal from the action of the Presbytery has been heard of. Such rude experience, which we are bound to say was manfully borne by our brother, is enough to disenchant not only the subject of it, but all in our body who become aware of the facts, from all roseate expectations pf early organic union, or of harmonious co-operation in such union if accomplished at an early date. The ■whole question of organicunity between the different branches of the church is we think, one of pure Christian prudence aijd ex pediency. For while a horse with the pow er of seven men can bring more than seven times the force of one man to bear i« a direct pull, there are often objects to be at tained'where a horse,- or a direct strain can ndt 'h'e employed, to the- needed • extent. There are perhaps seven "positions -or - eight, in eaeh of which one mail and no more could work advantageously; -And such a work as the conversion of the worldorithe Evangel ization of our country, is not to be done by one strain, one grand effort of a consolidated Christian ity, but by diversC appliances adapt ed to many-sided humanity, by the One Church in its varied yet not essentially unhar monious .‘developments ;:in’ a word through the Evangelical denominations. That there are riO superfluous church or ganizations we do not dareto affirm. Nor do We intend in any thing.’we'ssay to 'discour age PrcsbyterianTte-union- when the parties are ready for it.- But we,better than all external union is- effective Christian effort. A- union which will.not clearly pro mote that, is to be repudiated. SHALL THE MAJORITIES' OF OUR GREAT CITIES PRESCRIBE tHEIR OWN MORAL CODE? While our State Senate has taken no ac tion on the proposal of the- Anti-Sunday Law men at all calculated tojencourage th.ejr expectations, a decided majority ofthe House has proved.itself obsequious!, to their,.wishes. During last week, a, bill, submitting the question of the running ofthe passenger cars on Sunday to a vote of fhe people of the city was hurried through . various stages in that body, only two votes" being, wanted of the pecessary two-thirds to . carry it to its final passage without the usual formalities. The bill provides that a yqte.of the citizens shall- be taken on the 15th of March; and that, if -a ; majority so decide, the cars, may run at once without further legislation. In less than a month,.then, itlis-expected to put the peace,of our Philadelphja.Sabbathin.the hands of the majority ofcduu citypopula tion. Unless the Senate iffid the rG-overnor interpose, we may feel tolerably certain of such a result. \ . . . We sale desecration of the day as these Sunday car men want, but we are utterly opposed to the submission of any question of morals, or of the fundamental law of the State, to a vote of the majority of any part of the State, least of all the majority of a great city. Just as appropriately might it be left to a vote .of our citizens, whether the death penalty should be abolished here, while it prevailed in other parts of the State; just as as well, whether murder, arson or robbery committed under certain circumstances or on certain days of the week were a crime at all, while it continues to be a crime every where else; just as well, whether oaths might not be dispensed withi in our city Courts and the testimony of avowed atheists be received there as of equal weight with that of believers. Why should not our legislators leave it to a vote of our population whether there should be any Sabbath at all in the city ? Why make a discrimination in favor of any one business ? Why not allow it to go to vote, whether butchers, tailors, mechanics, builders, merchants, draymen, farmers may not pursue their avocations on that day, as well as railroads ? We -beg again to remind "-our legislators that they owe a solemn duty to the great cities of their commonwealth. The second city of the Union and of the Western conti nent is in their borders. They are the guar dians of its morals. They know that its seething population is almost certain to comprise a majority utterly unfit to be trus ted with questions of morals; who, if they could, would vote half the decalogue out of existence* a majority, for whom, rather than by whom, laws must be enacted and police arrangements made. They know, or ought to know, that when a clamor comes up from such a city for a relaxation of mo ral restraints, the virtues of which have been proved for centuries, that then is the very crisis, in which they must legislate with a firm hand, and show their wisdom by strengthening rather than loosening the bonds of order. They know that our peace ful Sabbaths, the very glory and distinction of Philadelphia, the gift of our sagacious and pious founder, William Penn, are and have been for two centuries one of the chief defences of public morals, if not the chiefest of all. They know, or ought to know, that this agitation for repeal comes not from the moral, the 'good, those that have the true ih tereßts of the, people at , heart, hut from money-grasping corporations, from infidels apd atheists, from the profane, and: the licen tious, .from small, nnscriptural, sec£s ; like UniversalistsandSwedenborgians, from Irish Catholics, and beer-drinking Germans, and from, the rowdy element generally in our city, led on by demagogues and followed by politicians whp might,ptherwise be respect able men, but who. ar.e willing tonrawl on hands and knees through mire and, dirt at the bidding of the mob. , , Once more, we would our legisla tor? that the bad elements, of, our great cities generally are making such alarming demonstrations at this time, that it becomes them, to weigh well the force of the example they are setting to others- The New York mob has ruled that city for twenty years, and now, it is moving heaven and earth for therepeal of the wholesome excise or license laws.of the State,rso; far as the city is .con cerned, so,that liquor may be sold freely on the Sabbath and with, less restriction on week,days in that city. The German, infi dels, of Chicago are besieging the Illinois legislature for a similar repeal of Sunday laws in their favor. The Missouri legisla ture. a year ago, had to,meet a similar ap peal from the beer-drinkers of. St.. Louis, and rejected it. The present Maryland legisla ture, the degenerate successor, of the body whieL enacted the new and strong code of Sunday law? for the .State, has decided to submit the question .of the running of the cars on. S,undqy in Baltimore, to? the vote of the citizens., . ... - Legislators of Pennsylvania, your action last year, followed up as it was, by the clear and noble vindication . from the Supreme bench, of the laws which .you; had refused either to repeal or to heart and hope .to all .the friends o£ order and good mprals dn aU-the. great cities of the land. Disappoint < them not to-day. Be faithful to the unspeakablj|high interests involved in your decision., i^t.pot.pnly for th§ good name and the peace ,of Pjbiladel- ening of the barriers against the rising flood of vice and immorality in all the great cities of our land. THE EDUCATION CAUSE. As the time for the annual services in be half of Colleges and Seminaries draws near, the question arises, What is the position of the Educational cause in our Church ? To this Dr. Mills, the Secretary, makes answer in a carefully prepared circular, the most important parts of which we give below, earnestly requesting for them the attention of the reader. There are twelve hundred churches which should contribute to the Assembly’s Educa tion Fund. The number which has contrib uted since the commencement of the finan cial year in May last is about one hundred and fifty. The amount needed for educa tional purposes will rise to nearly $25,000. The amount already paid in is less than $lO,- 000. Large contributions cannot be expec ted from a great many churches; and the amount needed cannot be raised, unless, ac cording to the recommendations Of the Gen eral Assembly, the subject shall be presented to every congregation and a contribution taken in each, in its behalf. At present nearly one hundred and forty young men are receiving assistance from the Education Fund. Those in the preparatory course at the rate of $lOO a year. Those in the Collegiate course, $132 a year. Those in the Theological course, $l6O a year. These sums are as small as should be paid, while the present high prices of living continue. It has been said, “Find the young men needing help and the means will be sup plied.” We have now to say; in answer to this, we have found the young men in in creasing numbers, and are in want of the means. We ask foe their immediate sup ply. These young men are needy.and wor thy of aid. They are giving satisfactory evidence of their possessing the qualifica tions prescribed by the General Assembly. We have promised them onlysueh an amount of aid as the Assembly directed, and as their circumstances require. • To fail in the fulfil ment of our engagements to them, would disappoint them and involve them in serious trouble, would dishonor our position as a Church endeavoring to conduct the business of the Redeemer’s kingdom, and involve the displeasure of the great Head of the Obijrch. Genesee Evangelist, No. 1083. It is to be earnestly hoped 1 that nothing less than a providential hinderanco. will, pre vent a prompt compliance with the recom r mendation of the Assembly, in regard tq presenting, the subject of education to the churches. The Assembly has recommended that such churches as have not already made their contributions to the Education cause, shall use the Sabbath either preceding or succeed ing the day of. prayer for this purpose. Should stormy weather intervene on either or both of these days, the earliest fair Sab ; bath should be made use of. Funds should be remitted to the Treasurer of the Assembly’s Permanent Committee on Education, J. W. Benedict, Esq., 128 Broad way, N. Y., or, if more convenient, they may be forwarded to him through the Rev. 33, A. Huntington, Auburn, H. Y., or the Rev. C. E. Babb, Cincinnati, Ohio. Congress is sitting up nights in order;to extricate itself from the-interminable pile of bills in which it is imbedded. Tariff, bank rupt, bounty, war-debts, reconstruction, im peachment j all pressing upon it, and behind these a powerful public opinion and numer ous lobby, like so many pounds of steaifr: to the square ihchj driving it aheady Those bills,; if an adverse President is-toibe check* mated,' must bo passed before the anniyer* sary of birthday. Any mew* sure not then in his hands can be constitm tionally smothered in his pocket, and -Con* gress have no opportunity of applying its “ two-third” restorative. But every subject of vital importance to the country will be disposed of previous to ; that date, and bills which offer no inducements for a cheap veto will be reserved for consideration during th.e last ten days. , Congress, like a hydraulic press, has com pressed a vast amount/of history into the small spaee of a' week, , Senator .Chandler, with a boldness bprderiug on rashness,, for precipitating'upon them the subject, of im peachment; Standing on a resolution of in quiry as to whether the President had any authority to appoint provisional governors for the states lately in rebellion, he hurled a characteristic phillippic at the occupant of the White House. But his associates, fear ing lest they should incapacitate themselves from acting as impartial judges in a case which they see approaching them from the other end of the Capitol, soon laid it on the table. The select committee on the New Orleans riot have reported. Mr. Boyer, as the mb nority, justifies the Louisiana rebels, exono rates the President, and.throws all the blame on the union men. He will, doubtless, re ceive a reward from his master. The report of the majority, though it presents nothing new, corroborates the worst that has been reported in a terse and trenchant manner that carries cqnviction. It also recommends a plan for the establishment of civil govern ment in Louisiana, —a plan at once simple, just and practical. While it secures suffrage to the negro, without the invidious qualifi cation in the President’s proposition, it im poses conditions which exclude leadingrebels from any participation in' the government. Though the provisional govenors are ap pointed by the Executive, they cannot ao.t until confirmed by the Senate, thus virtually securing their selection by that body. The wonder is that this bill, which is the logical result of the examination into the New Orleans riot, and seems to embrace the views of a.majority of the Republican party on reconstruction, was not brought forward at an earlier day. The Memphis massacre and the persecution of her loyal sons, aroused Tennessee to strike off the bonds of traitors. She will soon be as well governed, and as reliably loyal as any state in ,the Union. She has secured herself in the citadel of en franchisement to every loyal element. This must be the. basis of settlement in every Southern State. Two years have demon strated that no other plan is. ■worth the parchment on which it is written. The military bill of Mr. Stevens will be necessary in many states until these’eleme'nts are more developed, more concentrated and better organized. . , The bill which passed the Senate, on Sun day morning, is the Louisiana. Bill, Steven’s Military Bill and the Blaine amendment combined. The latter has been rejected by both houses once. How it is benefitted by its association with the other , propositions, it is difficult to see. The House must recede from its former position, before it can be come a law. The preamble of “ substitute” declares, that the governments in the Southern States are “not legal,” a declaration that will not be relished by the author of them. It is one, top, from which Congress will not recede, aid must start up the ghost of impeachment at the White House. : WASHINGTON LETTER.
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