Honou. Lueilla andthe Abbe; or, The
Uoa«lieg of the Bible. By Adolphe
Mound. D. D. New York: Ik Car
;or & Bros. 16 mo, pp. 240. Phila
,dpliia. For sale at the Presbyterian
Hook Store, 1334 Chestnut Street.
Tlii* is a treatise in familiar, yet cle
; I stylo, on the inspiration and right
nf the Scriptures. Lueilla is repre
:od as a Protostamt, who, after the
;; ■ i nor of inany careless French women,
;i . we suppose, has turned Gatliolic
; , unit a thought, on her marriage, but
up,, is roused hy the motious of the
p.,n Spiritto seokthe way of salvation,
f, • Abbe, iu a scries of deeply intorest
conversations, leads her to a clear
In lief in the divine authority of tlfe
i 1 i-ist inn system; but when she frould
, ;l step further .and engage in a study
i (V- Scriptures themselves, she is
u r l to leave the Abbe, i and follow
i lidanco ,of a recent convert .from
, nism, who has had the'eourage to
. for himself with the happiest rc-
His letters treat at length the
i t ions made by Romanists to tho
use of the Scriptures by the laity,
1 may with profit be consulted by all
, i are called to meet those objections as
i 1 as by thoso who would see the di-'
, ‘ word exalted to a proper place in
. !.■ regards of Christians.
a. n. o. E. BOOKS.
Messrs. Carter, of New York, have
-■sued another 16 mo. Series of these
unsurpassed books for the youug. They
Stories from Jewish History, pp,
Paying Dear, and Other Stories.
ip. 170,
Ksthhr Parsons, and Other Sto-,
I'ES. [ip. 173.. . .
These arc slighter, and briefer than
nay of the A. L. 0.-B. stories, hith-
.0 published; hut they are stirring
rrativos illustrating valuable lessons
truth and duty, and.must be prized
all youthful readers. They are well
land, uniform, with Carter’s Fire,-side
iirarr, and illustrated. For sale at
r Presbyterian House.
MAGAZINES, REVIEWS, &C.
The Edinburgh Review for January,
i'i>4. (Now York, In Scott, & Co.:
I’.iiladolphia, for sale by W, B, Ztobcr.)
C.ulains: Thermo-dynamics. The Fla
lian Ccsars and the Antonines. The
Marquis do Dangeau and the Buko do
Saint Simon. The Progress of India.
Pean Milman and Dean Stanley, on
Jewish History. Scottish .Religious
I louses Abroad. The Negro Race in
America. Froudo’s History of England.
Vols. V.-YIII. Ireland. !
The first article treats of what wo
11 ay almost term a new science. Tho
' arvellous, not to say invariable rela
te ns of heat to power aro exhibited in a
ini-id manner. Dean Milmau and Dean
Stanley's books, aro mado the text of an
article which still more clearly marks the
defection of tho Edinburgh, already poi n t
o! out in those columns, from the lino of
Orthodoxy in regard to Inspiration.—
Thin Review doubtless represents the
unsound views of Dean Stanley on Bib
kul criticism, and approaches the posi
tion of the “Essays and Reviews, 1 ' of
dishop Oolenso, and of the Westminster
deview. It is a very sad indication*of
,he power and literary eminenco which
t heso views have attainod in Great Brit
ai n, that they have been able to subsidize
ono of the oldest and most staid of her
famous quarterlies, and to fill page after
page of tho Edinburg , with much tho
,-arac mattor’that we havo been accus
tomed to find in the Westminster. —
There aro sneers at more Evangelical
views, cries of “ intolerance” against
those who would rid the church of her
traitorous sons, and rejoicings at the
more “liboral spirit” pro vailing and domi
nating in its affairs. The “ Negro Race
in Amorica,” is a full and appreciative
article upon the great changes going on
in the condition of the colored race in
cur country. DaTge extracts are made
from tho various documents and news
paper accounts published in this coun
try, exhibiting the free labor movement
at the South, the employment of the
blacks in the army, &c. The conserva
tive readers of the Edinburg will have
their oyes opened to some remarkable
facts by this article, which is fred from
thoso obstinate leanings to the “ Con
■ Icracy” which have hitherto charac
. ri zed this Review.
This,” says tho writer in conclusion,
i, not a state of things favorable in any
, av to slaveholding. Slavery is less
ike the corner-stone of a national policy
han it ever was before. Yet tho slavc
.filers have themselves brought their
■i flairs to this pass, by rushing into war
>r an institution which cannot stand
■ locks. . We see thus how incon
'ivable it is-that Slavery can ever
■ _cuin be an established and supreme
ist itution in the Southern States; and
11less supreme, Slavery cannot exist.
■ ithincr better could have been desired
, i he friends of liberty and the deliv
•vrs of the negro, than that .the end of
cession should be brought .about by
■ oppressors themselves. . Thejfc mis
,i. ulated their chances and precipitat
'd tho revolution in their labor system,
v liich they intended to preveiit. It is
scarcely possible to conceive a more re
markable example of that power which
“ shapes our ends, rough-hew them as
we will,” than this result of tho Ameri
can Revolution opposed alike to the
original intentions of the seceding States
and of their antagonists.”
The Kkiokerbocker for March,
gives evidence of another change in pro
prietor or editorship; Mr. Cornwallis,
the former editor, having found, as
mouths ago wo felt constrained under
loyal impulses jto wish he would, his
literary Yorktown. J. Holmes Agnew,
has taken his not very enviable place.
The new editor promises “to satisfy
all conservative readers,” in the future
management of the magazine, and al
ready begins to fulfill the promise in a
long article, written for tho latitude-of
Kentucky, on the “ Issue between the
North and the South.” The veil of
professed piety and deference to Scrip
tures id which these half-hearted utter
ances arc wrapped,, only renders them
more displeasing to Christian patriots.
W e are curidus to see whether a monthly
journal in the interests Of “ conserva
tism” can be sustained. No doubt the
advertisement on the cover;, of the best
Irish'and Scotch whisky” is of mate
rial assistance in solving the-problem.
Our Country worth Saving. . A
Thanksgiving Discourse, preached at
the Union meeting of the Great Yalley
Baptist, Radnor Baptist,; and Reesoville
Presbyterian churches, Nov., 29th, 1,863;
by Rev. John McLeod of Eeeseville.
This' is a ' clear and comprehensive
statement, made in telling words, such
as are calculated to jSroduce a distinct
popular- impression, : of the great facts,
truths and principles, important to be
presented to a Christian“ audience at
this crisis. ' Wc give some extracts,
pp. 4: 13. '
i mat the North has Done. Some have
foolishly asked what has the North
done ? It is enough for us to answer,
wo have held all our own, and have
crossed the line into'the very territory
of the men who have arisen to 'destroy
ns.- Neyer did the leaders or people of
the south imagine that it was possible
for an army of Northern farmers, and
mechanics and tradesmen, to cross a
line defended, by the boasted chivalry.
Wo have been much accustomed* to
hear from some amongst us the highest
eulogiums pronounced upon the power,;
the resources, and tho military genius
of the South, and the utter impossibility
of any Northern poyyer ever contendiijg.
successfully with it. If such js indeed
the powervqf'tjik; (South; the
woaicness Of the.Northj it is afifttlb sur
prising that the South should permit an
army, of what they are pleased to call
abolitionists, to enter the very centre of
their territory, and to remain there.
May I tell you, my friends, why they
allow it ? Simply because they can’t
help it. Why is New Orleans, that most
important city, of the South, with the
entire Mississippi, held by the Govern
ment of the United States ? Only for
the reason that the United' States has
the right and the power to take • it, and
hold it, and-the South with all its mili-’
tary genius, and slavery, .and cotton,
and chivalry, have no power to prevent
it. ■'
Why are not Southern armies how
foraging all along the rich; valleys of
Cumberland and Chester? Because,,
■when the rebel wave came dashing
along on the Southern border of our
State, a wall of brave Northern breasts
stood up to receive it and to hurl it
back, broken and powerless. Why is
not Philadelphia to-day a beleaguered
city, with its people, like Richmond,
crying for bread ? It is the mercy of
God that has given strength to the
national arms. These have been some
of the noble achievements of our much
underrated North.
We are a Nation.' The rebellion makes
it clear to ourselves And to all foreign
powers that we are a nation; and not a
mere loose and indefinite confederation
of several small and insignificant na
tions.
Tho people of the several States them
selves formed the nation, and called it
the United States, .It is our nation.
We were born under its laws, as well as
under the laws of Pennsylvania. To
the nation I have committed my most
sacred rights. It guarantees to am the
privilege of a republican form of . gov
ernment. Td the nation- —not the State
—is my final appeal, if this right should
ever be. assailed.’ And may I not say,
where is my final appeal, in case of col
lision, there is "nfy‘ highest allegiance.
Our flag is not the symbol pf a State,
but of the nation. And while many‘a
one might be. unable to recognize the
ensign of his State, who does not know
—even the .ihoSt ignorant—-the flag of
his nation ? i
It is this flag—mot of a State —-but the
nation, that, protects me abroad. What
care the foreign powers of the world for
PenUsylvanik or South Carolina ? The
symbol of the nation they have all
learned to respect, and under the folds
of the stars and stripes, the American
feels himself secure in every land.
: Secession not Easy. This rebellion
puts au end to the idea of a right of
secession and the ease with which it
was supposed it could be accomplished.
There will be no flippant talk, hereafter
in the halls of Congress of withdrawing
from the Union. Secession! this war
is Bimply defining the meaning of the
word. Congressmen have often used it,
but no one comprehended till now its
full import. It will need hereafter more
than a brave man to throw out the
threat. With the right of secession ad
admitted, we have no principle of gov
ernment, at all. .If. Pennsylvania may
decode from the United Statea, why may
not Chester county secede from Penn
sylvania, and then little Bast-town from
Chester county, and finally myself and
PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1864.
family from East-town, and all govern
ment como to an end ? No, if East-town
shall attempt to secede from Chester
county, then I go against East-town ;
and if Chester county from Pennsylva
nia, then I go against Chester county;
and if Pennsylvania should attempt to
secede from the United States, then I
go against Pennsylvania. I am first an
American, after that a Pennsylvanian.
HON. B. GRATZ BROWN’S SPEECH IN
1 THE SENATE.
According to promise, we give por
tions of the brilliant and remarkable
speech, oration it might he called., of
Hon. Mr. Brown, Senator from Missouri,
on his proposal to pass a decree of uni
versal and immediate emancipation,
This oration was delivered March Bth,
while the Senate was considering the
bill to promote enlistments.
The first extract exhibits the vastness
of the revolution in which we are in
volved. Pleading for his immediate
emancipation policy, Mr. Brown says:
The rigid argument in behalf of this
power best states itself in the imperiled
condition of the country. Every battle
field is an annotation full of meaning,
every soldier’s grave a link in the chain
of evidence. ; . Slavery, containing in
itself that antagonism to free institu
tions which predetermined its appeal to
arms in hostility ,to the national thought
and the national being, must perish to
make assured any ending both of pres
ent conflict and future convulsion. It is
from the inherent impossibility of as
similating that system with our free
Republic in any State, owing to its vio
lation|of human rightsHhat the supreme
reason for direct abolition originates.
The outcome pf a moral wrong, fostered
and encouraged in the .social state, is
seen in the calamities Of to-day. That
such calamities may not attach to any
other day; that the Republic may be
rid. of a disease which has brought it
nigh to death ; that the struggle may be
forever ended with those who have
taken up arms to make permanent the
iiistitution- of slavery; and that the
American people may repose in undis
turbed security, free, prosperous, and
cohesive, are the cumulative necessities
that impel us now to pass a direct act
of universal freedom.
; The terms rebellion, used to designate
this conflict, unionism, in varied inflec
tions, chosen to generalize our future,
and reconstruction, largely adopted to
signify projected modes of arrangement,
are all half phrases, taking their mean
ing, from .obsolete rather than existing
attitudes, and afford no correct idea of
this era of its outcome. Rebellion may
be well applied to denote mero resis
tance forcibly of a part' of our people to
the national thought; but when em
ployed to convey a comprehension of
and give a name for this great progres
sion and conflict, that reaches for its
origin far back into anti-slavery agita
tion, and looks forth for its consumma
tion far forward to the new time, it be
comes totally devoid.of aptness or sig
nificance, The rebellion is but an
incident in the protracted struggle,
covers only the idea of appeal to force,
and measures not that moral flood-tide
•that surges on; this great movement.
As well characterize the events of
France of ’B9 by the resistance of La
Vendee, or the birth and growth of the
English Commonwealth,by the reduction ;
of Ireland, as gauge the meaning pf this
confliet by such a formula ef language.
And so of unionisms; those pliant, fear
ful, mock-modest : attempts to cover up
these giant, gaunt, naked; facts, that; are
stalking about in the daylight,, with the
gum-elastic garments of old-time politi- 1
cal drapery.. The simple unities of thei
former state unrelated to rights on
wrongs, what do they signify now |
They are as passionless as .algebraic;
equations, as vain as mythologies. WM>;
cares for the Union of the past—a Union
fraught with; sheds Pf destruotioh—bit
ter with humiliation's and : disappoint
ments ? Who believes im the grief of
these hired mourners, so lachrymose be
fore the world? They are not even
self-<leceived. It is likewise with recon
structions —a free masonry that imag
ines it has only blocks and stones to
deal with, or a child's play, that would
build up as they have tumbled down its
card-oastles, putting affably the court
cards on tbp again. Foolish craftsmen,
seeing not that it is the life arteries and;
the thews and the sinews of a nation’s
being that are dealt "with, and that it.
must be regeneration or death.
The supremest truth of our time is
this 1 ; that it is a revolution in whose
whirls we are eddying and with whose;
currents we have to. contend; a revolu
tion the grandest ever yet essayed by
man, and destined to give its watchword
to other lands ahd peoples; arevolutioii
in all its great outlines of enkindled
faith; of continued development, of over
turned, tbralldoms, of liberated hope.
Tbe strata of this nation’s sediment and
coldness and oppression has been broken
Through; Human nature once 1 more;
by the grace ,of God, hasbecome volcanic
and eruptive, and the precious truths of.
'freedom and fraternity are welling up
from their deep foundations away below
the defacements of man. It is a revolu
tion full of promise.
NECESSITY OF A CHRISTIAN GOVERNMENT.
Passing to the probable grand results
of the revolution, Mr. Brown speaks
with the profound wisdom and hopeful
ness of the Christian statesman. It stirs
the heart of the Christian patriot to
know that such manly and brave words
have been spoken in the Sails of our
National Legislature. He says :
The third and completing symbol of
the : outcome of these times will be
found to indicate the instauration here
of Christian Government, founded upon,
indwelling with, and springing out. of
the divine justices—Government recog
nizing that in the affairs of nations, as
in those of individuals, there is one
equality of creation, there is one right,
avenger on compromises, which is the
supreme right, there is one law, which
must ever be, as it ever has been, a
higher law. And they are to become
practice, not merely theory. Theqg. are
earnest days in the life-experiences of
our people, and iu this Senate, as abroad
throughput the land, the 'most impor
tant fact around and about you is not
always your law of yesterday, or your
tax of t >-morrow, or your conscription
of the month hence; it is not the vote
here, oi the battle yonder; but it is the
spirit o: this nation that upholds these
things, md out of which they flow—the
spirit tl at buoys you, Senators, into this:
upper i ir, and without which, or false
lie b, you will sink as empty, col
d )ladders. It is in obedience to
rt jognition that now you hasten to
ai which but lately you refused to
aj declared by resolution just re
d mat you never would do. These
amest days, let me' repeat it, out
lidh are coming convictions that
m t bear to be trifled with; and as
3 become an accepted faith, the
3 nationality, that our being and
3 ing of the nation are one dhd
a .’able for good and‘for evil; so *it
firther appear that the existence
tjph we are entering as a people is
t life, made up only of the vicissi
if, protection and 'tho exaction of
ies, but must be blended in with
deeper feelings and outlooks and
kings that ennoble and make. sub-,
omniunities of men, and that en
enduring hopes with cheering
; No ■ is this simply affirmation, unsup
portel by substantial experiences- of
histo y. On the, contrary, it is the very
epito ae of what is memorable and held
in ve icration out of all annals. Never
yet t any timo have the aspirations
of a vhole people - after enlarged liber
ties 1 oen dissociate from the, yearning
for a more clear affininity between God
and Government. And can any fail to
See be clear evidence 'of the same
glea lings along our horizon ? The
voic s now that are touched with truest
eloq once are they that have come up,
out f tribulation for conscience' sake
in ‘t e past. Prom the pulpit, as in all
per >ds of unrest, proceed the foremost'
Woi Is of guidance—from the pulpit that
prq ches politics, as some have it; that
pre ches rather our God-wrought rela
tion to fellow-men equally with those
to future state; as. others more clearly
int rpret. Those grand old mother
Welds of justice and truth and brother
hood begin to have meaning anew, kin
dle tup in them by the light that is
br iking out around. The nation is on
its Puritanism. Thanksgivings appoint
th mselvos unitedly. Days of suppli
ca ion are become somewhat more than
he idays. The bowing down has ceased
to bo a mockery in the presence of the
m ltitudinous remembered dead; and
rev n they who heretofore have been
ac ounted most indifferent, begin to
hb d to a realizing conviction that God
dp s direct the affairs of nations by HiS
spiral providences. The scoffers have
ha. ‘ ‘
their generation, and we are re
ied upon a period of faith. These
things are plain before us, to be seen of
at. Have they, then, no significance?
®o they point to no new time? Are they '
to he swallowed up in reactions as god
less as the past in our Government?
the endurances through which
we have, passed leave no moral im
press ? Is there to be no higher record '
of the deliverances from great perils !
;han that of the statutb-book ? Can it ■
do possible that the deep moving of the
spirit of this people.which; has aceom- :
rlishod so much of work and worship,
shall talfe no, permanent form that may
transmit it to'posterity ? ! ITo! it ean :
not be thus; it never has been thus. It
will not be in vain that we have learned
so many. lessons of humiliation as well
as experienced so many signal mercies.
The scarlet sins of the past stand re
vealed and abashed. Is it presumptu
ous pharisaieal vanity of race—how
has it been cast down in the. necessity
of resort to the armed intervention of
another and much discredited race to
assist in final suppression of rebellion !
Is it pride of civilization—how has it
been at fault in the presence of so great
perils: and the appeal for solution to the
barbarisms of forces the coarsest methods
of untutored . nature! Is it reliance
upon complex machinery of Govern
ment, the balances of political science,
the trick of names ahd forms—how
brief has been the delusion, and how
complete the undeceiving, showing that
all votings and balotings and adjustings
of powers and solemn constitution-mak
ing will never neutralize a received
falsehood or equalize the- scale of right
and wrong! Turn where you will, the
lesson is the same, that it is.not in (de
parture from but in conformity to di
vine precept that a nation will find its
prosperity ; that there is a law of ret
ribution for the sin of a people as of a
person, and that it is only by cleaving
to the right at every sacrifice that any !
hope of a broad, enduring unity can be
justified.
It was a declaration that led up to
much thought and was significant of
much which has since transpired, that
this nation could not endure half free
and half slave, that one or the other
would be supreme. But it is a truth
of far deeper significance that this na- J
tiOn will not long survive as such with
no God anywhere in its Constitution,
with policies shamelessly substituted
for duties, and with a Government the
aiiithesis rather than the exponent of
any aspiration of the people for higher
development as a free Christian State.
The end of such conjunctions must be
desolating anarchy, and will be fatal to
all reßpect for authority. What other
is the meaning of that strange and stu
pendous demoralization which has char
acterized the administration of public
aflhirs in these United States, as the re
sult' ot« three-quarters : of a- century of
growth? Withoutdoubt onrs has been
for many years the worst governed,
community on the face of the globe, in
all aspects of official conduct. Fraud
and peculation and neglect and waste
and indulgence and nepotism and in
trigue and time-serving, and all the cal
endar of crimes, do our governing.
Towns and cities and States, with mul
tiplied charters and checks, have all
taken the same character, fallen to a
large extent under sinister control, be
come asylums of corruptions, are a jeer
and a by-word of reproach. Names of
policemen, aldermen, Congressmen, bear
a stain. When quit of his vocation the
curious ask, “Is he honest?” Politics
have become a filthy pool, in whose
waters the good and brave shrink to be
immersed. And this in its entirety ,is
the result of a practical atheism in gov
ernment. The ignoring of any moral
responsibility in the State entails the
absence Of any practical morality in its
administration. What other could be
the outcome of such national apostacy
than the national demoralization upon
which we have fallen? And;' from
whence are w.e to expect any reform ?
Be sure it will not be from continuance
in such courses. Half a century more
of like degeneration and what ,of good
is left in the land will,revolt from such
dominion,' preferring death to abject
disgrace. Human nature cannot stand
it. This, then, is the momentous ques
tion of our people in the present hour,
and how host to return to better ideas
of government, and other bases of pub
lic administration, challenges' all their
forethought and endeavor, all their hu
mility and entreaty..,.And it is because
,the evil lies deeper than men or offices
that it demands Such inquest. It is not
only.that pure’men shall be put in office,
or that there be pure offices to put them
in; but the controlling thought over,
men and offices must be of that piirity
which recognizes a tribunal before; which ,
no deceit prospereth. Indeed there is
no refuge for any nation out of such a
I6w estate but in Despotism to constrain
probity,or Christianity to inspire puri
ty ;, and for democracy, such as ours,
where the rule is with the' many, the’
latter is'the only safety-. - And how true
in this, as in all - things else, is the in-,
stinet of the peoples; how clearly does
the great heart of the multitudes in
this day Of revolution recognize such
dependence; 1 and how sternly is it. put
ting, pn .the. armor of Eaith for the con
flict, with corruption, and bowing down’
before God to search out conformity to
His eternal laws! The many are not
blinded,; but clearly; see irrepressible
conflict between a nation to be saved
and a nation to bo damned.
the obsolete type of Church and'State
will be revived in our Kopublic, not that
formalisms of creed and ritual shall be
enacted or set up in the .stead of de
parted convictions, hut something more
and other than all this, in the repudia*
tion of those falsities that are the par
lance of cabinets and the resorts of ad;
ministration, in the, absolute reception
and enforcement of that impartial jus
tice and brotherhood Which' makes'the
true social state; and in the elevation to
control and authority in the nation of
the same moralities and Christianized
public thought, which is ever the high
est and last appeal among the con
sciences of men.
THE “TIMES OF INDIA;” ON THE PIEATE
ALABAMA.
From the issue of the Times of India,
published: at Bombay, Jan. 23d, a copy
of which has been kindly sent us by Rev.
11. G. Wilder, of Kplapoorj we. extract
the following manly leaden on that dis
grace and prospective inconvenience to.
Great Britain, the pirate. Alabama :
It is not unlikely that the Alabama
may be flying the Confederate flag in
our harbor,' before the sun -sets this day;
and it is ,a question of some little practi
cal importance to us, how we should
receive Captain Semmes and his crew. 1
Shall we receive them as they were re
ceived at Gape Town, as heroes in a
righteous war ?, Or shall we hold aloof
from them as the supporters of an unho
ly cause, whom the arm of public law
has not yet reached? Great sympathy
was felt in England, in the early stages
of the American struggle for the South
erners. They showed themselves a
gallant people, resisting at fearful odds,
a powerful and determined enemy. But
as the war has proceeded, and .its true
bearings have come to be understood,
this sympathy is felt to : be ’ unworthy of
a nation whose policy professes to be
guided only by the calm dictates of.
justice.,. But even if our sympathies
could be rightly claimed for the South,
because of her great inferiority in this
struggle. Captain. Semmes and his crew,
at 1 least, batfC forfeited ahy title to it oh
stich grounds: Ho commands a priva
teer, manned and partly officered by
mercenaries. He scours the seas in
search of weak, defenceless vessels; he
boards them, removes their Crews, pos
sesses himself of what valuables are
easily 'removed; and then burns the
! goodly ship with her rich freight, in,
which the fortunes of hundreds of fami
lies are directly, or indirectly, interested;
We have seen Neapolitan and -Roman
brigands in Italian prisons the objects
•of a natural curiosity, and in some in
stances of misplaced admiration,amongst
the vulgar of their countrymen, for that
their attacks bad not always been upon
unarmed passengers; occasionally they
had encountered great perils, and were
even distinguished, in some cases, for
courting the dangers which attend bri
gandage, and give it a tincture of ro
mance.
But the Alabama does her evil work
without peril of any kind. There are
thousands of vessels of the United States
Mercantile Marine sailing over all seas,
and but half a dozen ships of war to be
found at any distance from the American
shores, at the present time. The Ala
bama, by coming to cruise in the Indian
Ocean, places the greatest possible; dis
tance between herself! ahd,danger.,. Th e
Vessels of the American Mercantile Ma
rine become prizes the moment they
appear in sight. Captain Semmes does
not, it is true, cut the throats of his
prisoners; but he would not hesitate to
do so if they resistod. In this he does
not differ materially from the common
pirate. There is no element of danger
or difficulty, or privation in the course
pursued by the captain of this destruc
tive cruiser. He treats his prisoners
neither better nor wprse than the pirate
outlaw of every civilized nation, in
similar circumstances, would do. The
character of his conduct is only masked
by the courtesy of belligerent rights
being extended to the South, while it is
doubtful whether Captain' Semmes is
rightly covered by even this mask. We
believe it possible that he has,not even,
-a. regular Commission, and with the
Severn in the harbor, the fact ought to 1
be clearly-ascertained,
i But leaving these considerations aside
and all regard for the substantial justice
of the Northern cause, we simply insist
here, that if we are to sympathize with
weakness, simply for itself, our sympa
thies cannot rightly be demanded by the
Alabama. There is another point of
view from which this matter may be
■considered. It is, a new thing to see :
ships of a Power that has no recognized
existence, clearing the seas of vessels
sailing under a flag with which .we are
in amity, and . destroying „a greater
amount of property than ever visited .
the dreams of the buccaneers of the last
century. We ask, is this the heginnitfg
of a new era upon which Christendom,
has entered? And must we bid forever 1
farewell to those peaceful days, when "
all the seas of the globe could be tra- ;
versed in: safety,. by ships, under an
American or European flag/ Shall we
allow the principle that the disedntehted'
rowdies of all' nations, because two ’
powers are at war, may turn their hands
against the world and no man’s hand
be agamst them? ’This is 1 the lesson
which Captain Semmes is teaching the ’
United States and. France, and Bussia,. ,
. and it will be well if jts bitterest fruits,
are not gathered in the end by ourselves.
The opinions of English mem are ehang
ing with regard to the South, as reason
re-asserts its, power over sentiment.
We arc .beginning to fee! with regard
to the Confederate 1 cruisers, that it has 1 i
been a criminal indifference on our part
which allowed,them the. freedom of the ■
;seas: and that if the letter of .the law
igave thein an unhappy Opportunity, it
should have been at once closed, and this
j great scandal prevented..,
Who, we ask, is the better for the 72
ships which have'been burned” by ! the
Alabama ? Is the confederate cause the
better.We , trow not. :Or is England
the better, for the exasperation; which
their destruction has raised, .and with'
a? great shew of justice, - her--
.throughout the North. , What shall we
be the- better for the 72 ships which
hkve.beeh burned or scuttled if it should
turn out that, after all, they are English
property; and that we have: to indem
nify .their, American owners to the :
utmost farthing for their loss? And
this is ndt an impossible contingency.
The arrest of the Alexandra is'an ad-*
mission that the Alabama ought not to
have been, allowed to leave Liverpool,
and we may be legally responsible for
ail her depredations. At least, it is
altogether premature to decide that, the ~
property Semmes. has., destroyed, is
American, for it may yet have to be
made good by the British taxpayer.
Should the: North, in,the close of the
war, make the demand, our appeal will
not bo to arms, but to the law. A fine
of two millions sterling on this account
would be'; peculiarly poignant to the .
national vanity ;but it would be a cheap
stun to pay for nullifying the dangerous
principle"that Seinme's’ miserable ex- '
ploits must'introduce into international:
relations,- unless condemned in some
such emphatic way,, by the conscience
of England and Europe. The danger"
•;of - the principle 1 is at once apparent, if
we for a moment contemplate our refer- :
ring the question of indemnity, to the..
arbitration bfyFrahce. Would France
say—pay, or not ; pay ? If she-should
award the; latter, would not her motive,
,at once be clea,r, the hope of being able, ,
'someday to serve us as we have per
mitted Captain Semmes and his (Eng
lish) crew to serve.the Northern States I 1
We deeply. regret that, the Alabama;
should be visiting these, shores, and we '
hope that she will come ahd go without ;
any notice: being "taken of her
and crew, that might appear to lhe ,
.confederates or to the people of the
United States, of the nature of respebt
or congratulation. - : , i; >
For' THIRTY TEARS ; lias feooire<i the favorabla
recommendation of the PUBLIC, and . haa .
been USED AND PRESCRIBED by the i
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