Honou. Lueilla andthe Abbe; or, The Uoa«lieg of the Bible. By Adolphe Mound. D. D. New York: Ik Car ;or & Bros. 16 mo, pp. 240. Phila ,dpliia. For sale at the Presbyterian Hook Store, 1334 Chestnut Street. Tlii* is a treatise in familiar, yet cle ; I stylo, on the inspiration and right nf the Scriptures. Lueilla is repre :od as a Protostamt, who, after the ;; ■ i nor of inany careless French women, ;i . we suppose, has turned Gatliolic ; , unit a thought, on her marriage, but up,, is roused hy the motious of the p.,n Spiritto seokthe way of salvation, f, • Abbe, iu a scries of deeply intorest conversations, leads her to a clear In lief in the divine authority of tlfe i 1 i-ist inn system; but when she frould , ;l step further .and engage in a study i (V- Scriptures themselves, she is u r l to leave the Abbe, i and follow i lidanco ,of a recent convert .from , nism, who has had the'eourage to . for himself with the happiest rc- His letters treat at length the i t ions made by Romanists to tho use of the Scriptures by the laity, 1 may with profit be consulted by all , i are called to meet those objections as i 1 as by thoso who would see the di-' , ‘ word exalted to a proper place in . !.■ regards of Christians. a. n. o. E. BOOKS. Messrs. Carter, of New York, have -■sued another 16 mo. Series of these unsurpassed books for the youug. They Stories from Jewish History, pp, Paying Dear, and Other Stories. ip. 170, Ksthhr Parsons, and Other Sto-, I'ES. [ip. 173.. . . These arc slighter, and briefer than nay of the A. L. 0.-B. stories, hith- .0 published; hut they are stirring rrativos illustrating valuable lessons truth and duty, and.must be prized all youthful readers. They are well land, uniform, with Carter’s Fire,-side iirarr, and illustrated. For sale at r Presbyterian House. MAGAZINES, REVIEWS, &C. The Edinburgh Review for January, i'i>4. (Now York, In Scott, & Co.: I’.iiladolphia, for sale by W, B, Ztobcr.) C.ulains: Thermo-dynamics. The Fla lian Ccsars and the Antonines. The Marquis do Dangeau and the Buko do Saint Simon. The Progress of India. Pean Milman and Dean Stanley, on Jewish History. Scottish .Religious I louses Abroad. The Negro Race in America. Froudo’s History of England. Vols. V.-YIII. Ireland. ! The first article treats of what wo 11 ay almost term a new science. Tho ' arvellous, not to say invariable rela te ns of heat to power aro exhibited in a ini-id manner. Dean Milmau and Dean Stanley's books, aro mado the text of an article which still more clearly marks the defection of tho Edinburgh, already poi n t o! out in those columns, from the lino of Orthodoxy in regard to Inspiration.— Thin Review doubtless represents the unsound views of Dean Stanley on Bib kul criticism, and approaches the posi tion of the “Essays and Reviews, 1 ' of dishop Oolenso, and of the Westminster deview. It is a very sad indication*of ,he power and literary eminenco which t heso views have attainod in Great Brit ai n, that they have been able to subsidize ono of the oldest and most staid of her famous quarterlies, and to fill page after page of tho Edinburg , with much tho ,-arac mattor’that we havo been accus tomed to find in the Westminster. — There aro sneers at more Evangelical views, cries of “ intolerance” against those who would rid the church of her traitorous sons, and rejoicings at the more “liboral spirit” pro vailing and domi nating in its affairs. The “ Negro Race in Amorica,” is a full and appreciative article upon the great changes going on in the condition of the colored race in cur country. DaTge extracts are made from tho various documents and news paper accounts published in this coun try, exhibiting the free labor movement at the South, the employment of the blacks in the army, &c. The conserva tive readers of the Edinburg will have their oyes opened to some remarkable facts by this article, which is fred from thoso obstinate leanings to the “ Con ■ Icracy” which have hitherto charac . ri zed this Review. This,” says tho writer in conclusion, i, not a state of things favorable in any , av to slaveholding. Slavery is less ike the corner-stone of a national policy han it ever was before. Yet tho slavc .filers have themselves brought their ■i flairs to this pass, by rushing into war >r an institution which cannot stand ■ locks. . We see thus how incon 'ivable it is-that Slavery can ever ■ _cuin be an established and supreme ist itution in the Southern States; and 11less supreme, Slavery cannot exist. ■ ithincr better could have been desired , i he friends of liberty and the deliv •vrs of the negro, than that .the end of cession should be brought .about by ■ oppressors themselves. . Thejfc mis ,i. ulated their chances and precipitat 'd tho revolution in their labor system, v liich they intended to preveiit. It is scarcely possible to conceive a more re markable example of that power which “ shapes our ends, rough-hew them as we will,” than this result of tho Ameri can Revolution opposed alike to the original intentions of the seceding States and of their antagonists.” The Kkiokerbocker for March, gives evidence of another change in pro prietor or editorship; Mr. Cornwallis, the former editor, having found, as mouths ago wo felt constrained under loyal impulses jto wish he would, his literary Yorktown. J. Holmes Agnew, has taken his not very enviable place. The new editor promises “to satisfy all conservative readers,” in the future management of the magazine, and al ready begins to fulfill the promise in a long article, written for tho latitude-of Kentucky, on the “ Issue between the North and the South.” The veil of professed piety and deference to Scrip tures id which these half-hearted utter ances arc wrapped,, only renders them more displeasing to Christian patriots. W e are curidus to see whether a monthly journal in the interests Of “ conserva tism” can be sustained. No doubt the advertisement on the cover;, of the best Irish'and Scotch whisky” is of mate rial assistance in solving the-problem. Our Country worth Saving. . A Thanksgiving Discourse, preached at the Union meeting of the Great Yalley Baptist, Radnor Baptist,; and Reesoville Presbyterian churches, Nov., 29th, 1,863; by Rev. John McLeod of Eeeseville. This' is a ' clear and comprehensive statement, made in telling words, such as are calculated to jSroduce a distinct popular- impression, : of the great facts, truths and principles, important to be presented to a Christian“ audience at this crisis. ' Wc give some extracts, pp. 4: 13. ' i mat the North has Done. Some have foolishly asked what has the North done ? It is enough for us to answer, wo have held all our own, and have crossed the line into'the very territory of the men who have arisen to 'destroy ns.- Neyer did the leaders or people of the south imagine that it was possible for an army of Northern farmers, and mechanics and tradesmen, to cross a line defended, by the boasted chivalry. Wo have been much accustomed* to hear from some amongst us the highest eulogiums pronounced upon the power,; the resources, and tho military genius of the South, and the utter impossibility of any Northern poyyer ever contendiijg. successfully with it. If such js indeed the powervqf'tjik; (South; the woaicness Of the.Northj it is afifttlb sur prising that the South should permit an army, of what they are pleased to call abolitionists, to enter the very centre of their territory, and to remain there. May I tell you, my friends, why they allow it ? Simply because they can’t help it. Why is New Orleans, that most important city, of the South, with the entire Mississippi, held by the Govern ment of the United States ? Only for the reason that the United' States has the right and the power to take • it, and hold it, and-the South with all its mili-’ tary genius, and slavery, .and cotton, and chivalry, have no power to prevent it. ■' Why are not Southern armies how foraging all along the rich; valleys of Cumberland and Chester? Because,, ■when the rebel wave came dashing along on the Southern border of our State, a wall of brave Northern breasts stood up to receive it and to hurl it back, broken and powerless. Why is not Philadelphia to-day a beleaguered city, with its people, like Richmond, crying for bread ? It is the mercy of God that has given strength to the national arms. These have been some of the noble achievements of our much underrated North. We are a Nation.' The rebellion makes it clear to ourselves And to all foreign powers that we are a nation; and not a mere loose and indefinite confederation of several small and insignificant na tions. Tho people of the several States them selves formed the nation, and called it the United States, .It is our nation. We were born under its laws, as well as under the laws of Pennsylvania. To the nation I have committed my most sacred rights. It guarantees to am the privilege of a republican form of . gov ernment. Td the nation- —not the State —is my final appeal, if this right should ever be. assailed.’ And may I not say, where is my final appeal, in case of col lision, there is "nfy‘ highest allegiance. Our flag is not the symbol pf a State, but of the nation. And while many‘a one might be. unable to recognize the ensign of his State, who does not know —even the .ihoSt ignorant—-the flag of his nation ? i It is this flag—mot of a State —-but the nation, that, protects me abroad. What care the foreign powers of the world for PenUsylvanik or South Carolina ? The symbol of the nation they have all learned to respect, and under the folds of the stars and stripes, the American feels himself secure in every land. : Secession not Easy. This rebellion puts au end to the idea of a right of secession and the ease with which it was supposed it could be accomplished. There will be no flippant talk, hereafter in the halls of Congress of withdrawing from the Union. Secession! this war is Bimply defining the meaning of the word. Congressmen have often used it, but no one comprehended till now its full import. It will need hereafter more than a brave man to throw out the threat. With the right of secession ad admitted, we have no principle of gov ernment, at all. .If. Pennsylvania may decode from the United Statea, why may not Chester county secede from Penn sylvania, and then little Bast-town from Chester county, and finally myself and PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1864. family from East-town, and all govern ment como to an end ? No, if East-town shall attempt to secede from Chester county, then I go against East-town ; and if Chester county from Pennsylva nia, then I go against Chester county; and if Pennsylvania should attempt to secede from the United States, then I go against Pennsylvania. I am first an American, after that a Pennsylvanian. HON. B. GRATZ BROWN’S SPEECH IN 1 THE SENATE. According to promise, we give por tions of the brilliant and remarkable speech, oration it might he called., of Hon. Mr. Brown, Senator from Missouri, on his proposal to pass a decree of uni versal and immediate emancipation, This oration was delivered March Bth, while the Senate was considering the bill to promote enlistments. The first extract exhibits the vastness of the revolution in which we are in volved. Pleading for his immediate emancipation policy, Mr. Brown says: The rigid argument in behalf of this power best states itself in the imperiled condition of the country. Every battle field is an annotation full of meaning, every soldier’s grave a link in the chain of evidence. ; . Slavery, containing in itself that antagonism to free institu tions which predetermined its appeal to arms in hostility ,to the national thought and the national being, must perish to make assured any ending both of pres ent conflict and future convulsion. It is from the inherent impossibility of as similating that system with our free Republic in any State, owing to its vio lation|of human rightsHhat the supreme reason for direct abolition originates. The outcome pf a moral wrong, fostered and encouraged in the .social state, is seen in the calamities Of to-day. That such calamities may not attach to any other day; that the Republic may be rid. of a disease which has brought it nigh to death ; that the struggle may be forever ended with those who have taken up arms to make permanent the iiistitution- of slavery; and that the American people may repose in undis turbed security, free, prosperous, and cohesive, are the cumulative necessities that impel us now to pass a direct act of universal freedom. ; The terms rebellion, used to designate this conflict, unionism, in varied inflec tions, chosen to generalize our future, and reconstruction, largely adopted to signify projected modes of arrangement, are all half phrases, taking their mean ing, from .obsolete rather than existing attitudes, and afford no correct idea of this era of its outcome. Rebellion may be well applied to denote mero resis tance forcibly of a part' of our people to the national thought; but when em ployed to convey a comprehension of and give a name for this great progres sion and conflict, that reaches for its origin far back into anti-slavery agita tion, and looks forth for its consumma tion far forward to the new time, it be comes totally devoid.of aptness or sig nificance, The rebellion is but an incident in the protracted struggle, covers only the idea of appeal to force, and measures not that moral flood-tide •that surges on; this great movement. As well characterize the events of France of ’B9 by the resistance of La Vendee, or the birth and growth of the English Commonwealth,by the reduction ; of Ireland, as gauge the meaning pf this confliet by such a formula ef language. And so of unionisms; those pliant, fear ful, mock-modest : attempts to cover up these giant, gaunt, naked; facts, that; are stalking about in the daylight,, with the gum-elastic garments of old-time politi- 1 cal drapery.. The simple unities of thei former state unrelated to rights on wrongs, what do they signify now | They are as passionless as .algebraic; equations, as vain as mythologies. WM>; cares for the Union of the past—a Union fraught with; sheds Pf destruotioh—bit ter with humiliation's and : disappoint ments ? Who believes im the grief of these hired mourners, so lachrymose be fore the world? They are not even self--morrow, or your conscription of the month hence; it is not the vote here, oi the battle yonder; but it is the spirit o: this nation that upholds these things, md out of which they flow—the spirit tl at buoys you, Senators, into this: upper i ir, and without which, or false lie b, you will sink as empty, col d )ladders. It is in obedience to rt jognition that now you hasten to ai which but lately you refused to aj declared by resolution just re d mat you never would do. These amest days, let me' repeat it, out lidh are coming convictions that m t bear to be trifled with; and as 3 become an accepted faith, the 3 nationality, that our being and 3 ing of the nation are one dhd a .’able for good and‘for evil; so *it firther appear that the existence tjph we are entering as a people is t life, made up only of the vicissi if, protection and 'tho exaction of ies, but must be blended in with deeper feelings and outlooks and kings that ennoble and make. sub-, omniunities of men, and that en enduring hopes with cheering ; No ■ is this simply affirmation, unsup portel by substantial experiences- of histo y. On the, contrary, it is the very epito ae of what is memorable and held in ve icration out of all annals. Never yet t any timo have the aspirations of a vhole people - after enlarged liber ties 1 oen dissociate from the, yearning for a more clear affininity between God and Government. And can any fail to See be clear evidence 'of the same glea lings along our horizon ? The voic s now that are touched with truest eloq once are they that have come up, out f tribulation for conscience' sake in ‘t e past. Prom the pulpit, as in all per >ds of unrest, proceed the foremost' Woi Is of guidance—from the pulpit that prq ches politics, as some have it; that pre ches rather our God-wrought rela tion to fellow-men equally with those to future state; as. others more clearly int rpret. Those grand old mother Welds of justice and truth and brother hood begin to have meaning anew, kin dle tup in them by the light that is br iking out around. The nation is on its Puritanism. Thanksgivings appoint th mselvos unitedly. Days of suppli ca ion are become somewhat more than he idays. The bowing down has ceased to bo a mockery in the presence of the m ltitudinous remembered dead; and rev n they who heretofore have been ac ounted most indifferent, begin to hb d to a realizing conviction that God dp s direct the affairs of nations by HiS spiral providences. The scoffers have ha. ‘ ‘ their generation, and we are re ied upon a period of faith. These things are plain before us, to be seen of at. Have they, then, no significance? ®o they point to no new time? Are they ' to he swallowed up in reactions as god less as the past in our Government? the endurances through which we have, passed leave no moral im press ? Is there to be no higher record ' of the deliverances from great perils ! ;han that of the statutb-book ? Can it ■ do possible that the deep moving of the spirit of this people.which; has aceom- : rlishod so much of work and worship, shall talfe no, permanent form that may transmit it to'posterity ? ! ITo! it ean : not be thus; it never has been thus. It will not be in vain that we have learned so many. lessons of humiliation as well as experienced so many signal mercies. The scarlet sins of the past stand re vealed and abashed. Is it presumptu ous pharisaieal vanity of race—how has it been cast down in the. necessity of resort to the armed intervention of another and much discredited race to assist in final suppression of rebellion ! Is it pride of civilization—how has it been at fault in the presence of so great perils: and the appeal for solution to the barbarisms of forces the coarsest methods of untutored . nature! Is it reliance upon complex machinery of Govern ment, the balances of political science, the trick of names ahd forms—how brief has been the delusion, and how complete the undeceiving, showing that all votings and balotings and adjustings of powers and solemn constitution-mak ing will never neutralize a received falsehood or equalize the- scale of right and wrong! Turn where you will, the lesson is the same, that it is.not in (de parture from but in conformity to di vine precept that a nation will find its prosperity ; that there is a law of ret ribution for the sin of a people as of a person, and that it is only by cleaving to the right at every sacrifice that any ! hope of a broad, enduring unity can be justified. It was a declaration that led up to much thought and was significant of much which has since transpired, that this nation could not endure half free and half slave, that one or the other would be supreme. But it is a truth of far deeper significance that this na- J tiOn will not long survive as such with no God anywhere in its Constitution, with policies shamelessly substituted for duties, and with a Government the aiiithesis rather than the exponent of any aspiration of the people for higher development as a free Christian State. The end of such conjunctions must be desolating anarchy, and will be fatal to all reßpect for authority. What other is the meaning of that strange and stu pendous demoralization which has char acterized the administration of public aflhirs in these United States, as the re sult' ot« three-quarters : of a- century of growth? Withoutdoubt onrs has been for many years the worst governed, community on the face of the globe, in all aspects of official conduct. Fraud and peculation and neglect and waste and indulgence and nepotism and in trigue and time-serving, and all the cal endar of crimes, do our governing. Towns and cities and States, with mul tiplied charters and checks, have all taken the same character, fallen to a large extent under sinister control, be come asylums of corruptions, are a jeer and a by-word of reproach. Names of policemen, aldermen, Congressmen, bear a stain. When quit of his vocation the curious ask, “Is he honest?” Politics have become a filthy pool, in whose waters the good and brave shrink to be immersed. And this in its entirety ,is the result of a practical atheism in gov ernment. The ignoring of any moral responsibility in the State entails the absence Of any practical morality in its administration. What other could be the outcome of such national apostacy than the national demoralization upon which we have fallen? And;' from whence are w.e to expect any reform ? Be sure it will not be from continuance in such courses. Half a century more of like degeneration and what ,of good is left in the land will,revolt from such dominion,' preferring death to abject disgrace. Human nature cannot stand it. This, then, is the momentous ques tion of our people in the present hour, and how host to return to better ideas of government, and other bases of pub lic administration, challenges' all their forethought and endeavor, all their hu mility and entreaty..,.And it is because ,the evil lies deeper than men or offices that it demands Such inquest. It is not only.that pure’men shall be put in office, or that there be pure offices to put them in; but the controlling thought over, men and offices must be of that piirity which recognizes a tribunal before; which , no deceit prospereth. Indeed there is no refuge for any nation out of such a I6w estate but in Despotism to constrain probity,or Christianity to inspire puri ty ;, and for democracy, such as ours, where the rule is with the' many, the’ latter is'the only safety-. - And how true in this, as in all - things else, is the in-, stinet of the peoples; how clearly does the great heart of the multitudes in this day Of revolution recognize such dependence; 1 and how sternly is it. put ting, pn .the. armor of Eaith for the con flict, with corruption, and bowing down’ before God to search out conformity to His eternal laws! The many are not blinded,; but clearly; see irrepressible conflict between a nation to be saved and a nation to bo damned. the obsolete type of Church and'State will be revived in our Kopublic, not that formalisms of creed and ritual shall be enacted or set up in the .stead of de parted convictions, hut something more and other than all this, in the repudia* tion of those falsities that are the par lance of cabinets and the resorts of ad; ministration, in the, absolute reception and enforcement of that impartial jus tice and brotherhood Which' makes'the true social state; and in the elevation to control and authority in the nation of the same moralities and Christianized public thought, which is ever the high est and last appeal among the con sciences of men. THE “TIMES OF INDIA;” ON THE PIEATE ALABAMA. From the issue of the Times of India, published: at Bombay, Jan. 23d, a copy of which has been kindly sent us by Rev. 11. G. Wilder, of Kplapoorj we. extract the following manly leaden on that dis grace and prospective inconvenience to. Great Britain, the pirate. Alabama : It is not unlikely that the Alabama may be flying the Confederate flag in our harbor,' before the sun -sets this day; and it is ,a question of some little practi cal importance to us, how we should receive Captain Semmes and his crew. 1 Shall we receive them as they were re ceived at Gape Town, as heroes in a righteous war ?, Or shall we hold aloof from them as the supporters of an unho ly cause, whom the arm of public law has not yet reached? Great sympathy was felt in England, in the early stages of the American struggle for the South erners. They showed themselves a gallant people, resisting at fearful odds, a powerful and determined enemy. But as the war has proceeded, and .its true bearings have come to be understood, this sympathy is felt to : be ’ unworthy of a nation whose policy professes to be guided only by the calm dictates of. justice.,. But even if our sympathies could be rightly claimed for the South, because of her great inferiority in this struggle. Captain. Semmes and his crew, at 1 least, batfC forfeited ahy title to it oh stich grounds: Ho commands a priva teer, manned and partly officered by mercenaries. He scours the seas in search of weak, defenceless vessels; he boards them, removes their Crews, pos sesses himself of what valuables are easily 'removed; and then burns the ! goodly ship with her rich freight, in, which the fortunes of hundreds of fami lies are directly, or indirectly, interested; We have seen Neapolitan and -Roman brigands in Italian prisons the objects •of a natural curiosity, and in some in stances of misplaced admiration,amongst the vulgar of their countrymen, for that their attacks bad not always been upon unarmed passengers; occasionally they had encountered great perils, and were even distinguished, in some cases, for courting the dangers which attend bri gandage, and give it a tincture of ro mance. But the Alabama does her evil work without peril of any kind. There are thousands of vessels of the United States Mercantile Marine sailing over all seas, and but half a dozen ships of war to be found at any distance from the American shores, at the present time. The Ala bama, by coming to cruise in the Indian Ocean, places the greatest possible; dis tance between herself! ahd,danger.,. Th e Vessels of the American Mercantile Ma rine become prizes the moment they appear in sight. Captain Semmes does not, it is true, cut the throats of his prisoners; but he would not hesitate to do so if they resistod. In this he does not differ materially from the common pirate. There is no element of danger or difficulty, or privation in the course pursued by the captain of this destruc tive cruiser. He treats his prisoners neither better nor wprse than the pirate outlaw of every civilized nation, in similar circumstances, would do. The character of his conduct is only masked by the courtesy of belligerent rights being extended to the South, while it is doubtful whether Captain' Semmes is rightly covered by even this mask. We believe it possible that he has,not even, -a. regular Commission, and with the Severn in the harbor, the fact ought to 1 be clearly-ascertained, i But leaving these considerations aside and all regard for the substantial justice of the Northern cause, we simply insist here, that if we are to sympathize with weakness, simply for itself, our sympa thies cannot rightly be demanded by the Alabama. There is another point of view from which this matter may be ■considered. It is, a new thing to see : ships of a Power that has no recognized existence, clearing the seas of vessels sailing under a flag with which .we are in amity, and . destroying „a greater amount of property than ever visited . the dreams of the buccaneers of the last century. We ask, is this the heginnitfg of a new era upon which Christendom, has entered? And must we bid forever 1 farewell to those peaceful days, when " all the seas of the globe could be tra- ; versed in: safety,. by ships, under an American or European flag/ Shall we allow the principle that the disedntehted' rowdies of all' nations, because two ’ powers are at war, may turn their hands against the world and no man’s hand be agamst them? ’This is 1 the lesson which Captain Semmes is teaching the ’ United States and. France, and Bussia,. , . and it will be well if jts bitterest fruits, are not gathered in the end by ourselves. The opinions of English mem are ehang ing with regard to the South, as reason re-asserts its, power over sentiment. We arc .beginning to fee! with regard to the Confederate 1 cruisers, that it has 1 i been a criminal indifference on our part which allowed,them the. freedom of the ■ ;seas: and that if the letter of .the law igave thein an unhappy Opportunity, it should have been at once closed, and this j great scandal prevented.., Who, we ask, is the better for the 72 ships which have'been burned” by ! the Alabama ? Is the confederate cause the better.We , trow not. :Or is England the better, for the exasperation; which their destruction has raised, .and with' a? great shew of justice, - her-- .throughout the North. , What shall we be the- better for the 72 ships which hkve.beeh burned or scuttled if it should turn out that, after all, they are English property; and that we have: to indem nify .their, American owners to the : utmost farthing for their loss? And this is ndt an impossible contingency. The arrest of the Alexandra is'an ad-* mission that the Alabama ought not to have been, allowed to leave Liverpool, and we may be legally responsible for ail her depredations. At least, it is altogether premature to decide that, the ~ property Semmes. has., destroyed, is American, for it may yet have to be made good by the British taxpayer. Should the: North, in,the close of the war, make the demand, our appeal will not bo to arms, but to the law. A fine of two millions sterling on this account would be'; peculiarly poignant to the . national vanity ;but it would be a cheap stun to pay for nullifying the dangerous principle"that Seinme's’ miserable ex- ' ploits must'introduce into international: relations,- unless condemned in some such emphatic way,, by the conscience of England and Europe. The danger" •;of - the principle 1 is at once apparent, if we for a moment contemplate our refer- : ring the question of indemnity, to the.. arbitration bfyFrahce. Would France say—pay, or not ; pay ? If she-should award the; latter, would not her motive, ,at once be clea,r, the hope of being able, , 'someday to serve us as we have per mitted Captain Semmes and his (Eng lish) crew to serve.the Northern States I 1 We deeply. regret that, the Alabama; should be visiting these, shores, and we ' hope that she will come ahd go without ; any notice: being "taken of her and crew, that might appear to lhe , .confederates or to the people of the United States, of the nature of respebt or congratulation. - : , i; > For' THIRTY TEARS ; lias feooire