(Continued from, fourth page.) American people at the present time, We now de- glare, First. That civil government is ordained of God, and that submission to a lawful government, and to its acts in its proper sphere, a duty binding on the conscience and required by all the principles of our religion as a part of our allegiance to God. Second. That while there is in certain respects a ground of distinction between a government consi dered as referring to the constitution of a country, and an administration, considered as referring to the existing agency, through which the principles and provisions of the constitution are administered ; yet, the government of a country to which direct alle giance and loyalty are due at any time, is the ad ministration duly pinoed in power. Such en ad ministration is the government of a nation, having a right to execute the Jaws and demand the entire, unqualified and prompt obedience of all who are under its authority; and resistance to such a gov ernment is rebellion and treason. Third. That the present administration of the' United States, duly elected under the Constitution, is the government in the land to which alone under God, ail the citizens of this nation owe allegiance; who, as such, are to be honored and obeyed; whose efforts to defend the government against rebellion are to be sustained; and that all attempts to' resist or set aside the action of the lawfully constituted authorities, of the government in any way by speech or action, to oppose or embarrass the mea sures which it may adopt to assert its lawful au thority, except in accordance with the forms pre scribed by the Constitution, are to be regarded, as treason against the nation—as giving aid and com fort to its enemies and as rebellion against God. Fourth. That ,in the execution of the laws it is the religious duty of all good citizens, promptly and cheerfully to sustain the Government by every means in their power; to stand by it in itsper and to afford all needful aid in suppressinginsur rection and rebellion, and restoring obedience to lawful authority in every part of the land• Resolved 3, That much as we lament the evils, the sorrows, the sufferings, the desolations, the sad moral influences of war, and its effect on t,.beli gion and churches of the lund-7-much w suffered in our most tender relations—yet the war, in our view, is to be prosecuted with all the vigor and power f the nation until peace shall be the result of victory, till rebellion iis completely sub dued—till the legitimate power and authority of the Government is fully re-established over every part of our territorial domain, and till the flag of the nation shall wave as the emblem of its undis puted sovereignty; and that to the prosecutionr and attainment of this object, all the resources of the nation in men and wealth should be solemnly pledged, Resolved 4, That the Government of these United States as provided for by the Constitution, is not only forindeclupon the great doctrine of human rights as vested by God in the individual man, but is also expressly declared to be the supreme civil authority in the land, forever excluding the modern doctrine of secession as a civil or political right ; that since the existing rebellion finds no justification in the facts of the case or the Constitution of the United States—in any law human or divine—the Assembly can regard it only as treason against the Nation, and , a most offensive sin in the sight of God, justly ex posing its authors to the retributive vengeance of , earth and heaven; that this Rebellion, in its origin, history and measures, has been distinguished by those qualities which most sadly evince the depravity of our nature, especially in seeking to establish a new na tionality on this continent, based on the perpetual enslavement and oppression of a weak and long-in jured race ; that the National forces areein the view of this Assembly called out, not to wage war against another government, but to suppress insurrection, preserve the supremacy of law and order, and save the country from anarchy and ruin. Resolved 5, That in such a contest, with such prin ciples and interests at stake, affecting not only the peace, prosperity and happiness of this our beloved country for all future time, but involving the cause of human liberty throughout the world, loyalty un reserved and unconditional to the constitutionally elected Government of the United States,—not as the transient passion of the hour, but as the intelli gent and permanent state of the public conscience, rising above all questions of party politics, rebuking and opposing the foul spirit of treason, whenever anti in whatever form exhibited—speaking earnest words of truth and soberness alike through the pulpit—. the press, and In all the walks of domestic and so cial life, making devout supplications to God, and giving the most cordial support to those who are providentially interested with the enactment and ex ecution of the laws, is not only a sacred Christian obligation, but is indispensable if we would save the nation end perpetuate the glorious inheritance we possess to future generations. Resolved 6, That the system of human bondage as existing in the Slaveholding States, so palpably the root and cause of this whole insurrectionary move ment, is not only a violation of the dearest rights of human nature, but essentially hostile to the letter and spirit of the Christian religion ; that the evil character and demoralizing tendencies of ibis system so properly described and justly condemned by the General Assembly of ' our Church,* from 1818 to the present time, have been placed in the broad light of day by the history of this existing re bellion ; that in the sacrifices and desolations, the cost of treasure and blood ordained thereby, the As sembly recognise the chastening hand of God, applied to the punishment of national sns, especially the sin of slavery ; that in the. Proclamation of Emancipation issued by the President as a war measure, and sub mitted by him to the considerate judgment of man kind, the Assembl7 recognise with devout gratitude that wonder-working providence of God, by which military necessities become the instrument of justice in breaking the yoke of oppression and causing the oppressed to go free; and further, that the Assembly beseech 'Almighty God in his own time to remove the last vestige of slavery from this country, and give to the nation preserved, disciplined and purified, a peace that shall be based on the principles of eter nal righteousness. Resolved 7, That this General Assembly com mends the President of the United States, and the members of his Cabinet, to the care and guidance of the Great Ruler of nations, praying that they may have that wisdom which is profitable to direct; and also that the patriotism and moral sense of the people may give to them all that support and co-operation which the exigencies of their position and the perils of the nation so urgently demand. Resolved 8, That in the ardor with which so many members of our church, and of the churches of all the religious denominations of our land have gone forth to the defence of our country, placing them selves upon her altars in this struggle for national life, we see an illustration not only of the principle of patriotism but of the principles of our holy religion; that in the readiness with which such vast numbers have at the call of their country devoted themselves to its service, we see a demonstration which promises security to our institutions in all times of future danger ; that we tender the expression of our admi ration and hearty thanks to all the officers of our Army and Navy ; that those who have nobly fallen and those who survive, have secured an imperishable monument in the hearts of their countrymen, and that this Assembly regard all efforts for the physical com fort or spiritual good of our heroic defenders, as among the sweetest charities which gratitude can impose, or grateful hands can minister. Resolved 9, That this General Assembly exhort all the churches and ministers connected with this brunch of the Presbyterian Church, and all oar coun trymen, to stand by their country ; to pray for it; to discountenance all forma of complicity with treason, to sustain those who are placed in civil or military authority over them, and to adopt every means and at any cost, which an enlightened. self-sacrificing pa trio:ism may suggest, as appropriate to the wants of the hour; having on this subject one heart and one mind ; waiting hopefully on Providence; patient amid delays ; undaunted by reverses : persistent and untiring in effort till, by the blessing of God, the glorious motto "One Country, One Constitution, and tine Destiny," shall be enthroned as the sublime fact of the present and the more sublime harbinger of the future. Resolved 10, That this General Assembly tenders its affectionate condolence and heartfelt sympathy to the bereaved families of all the heroic men who have fullvn in this contest for national life, and especially the felonies of the officers and members of our churches who have poured out their lives on the altar or their country, with the assurance that they will not be lorgotten by us in their bereaVement, or by a grateful people. BeloLuca 11, That a copy of this action duly an theuticated, be transmitted to the President of the United Stetts.t Oil motion the report of the committee was ac cepted. J lie question then was on the adoption of the report. Rev. Dr. Cox suggested that the resolutions might be somewhat improved in that portion where the * The following amendments were made by the As sembly: " Agency," changed to agencies. Especially, inserted before "from," f Add to the 11th itegniution, ' , and that it be read in the pu,pit4 01'44 our .churchc4." Assembly pledges to the Government support in money and meo, by adding "and prayer." DEBATE ON THE RESOLUTIONS. A. DELEGATE. And votes. Rev. Dr. Cox. Well, I think if they get men and money, end prayer, they will get, votes. Dr. SPEAR moved that the resolutions be consid ered seriatim. • The motion-of Dr. Spear was agreed to. The preamble and first resolution were again read. Rev. W. S. LEAVITT Of Columbia Presbytery, New, York, said: lam very sorry, Mr. Moderator, to be obliged to say a word in opposition to the adoption of these resolutions. With the most profound re spect for every member of the committee who have reported this paper, I must say I feel a little disap pointed at the result of their labors. It seems to me that it is not what this Aseembly needed at this time to say—that we do not need to repeat and re affirm large number of our declarations on the same subject running through a series of years that we do not need to present an elaborate' and philosophical discussion upon the nature and obli gations of government and of citizenship—that what we need at this time, is a short, earnest expression of our untiring, and unfailing loyalty to the Govern ment of the land in this time of its peril—an ex pression which would reach the heart of every mem ber of the church, and especially which would be read 'and known by every member of the church, as it is evident this long document will not be. If it be in order and in accordance with the feelings of the General Assembly, I would move to recommit this entire report fur the purpose of condensation and abridgement Rev. Dr. Cox. I hope not. The motion of Rev. Mr. Leavitt was not agreed to. The question recurring on the adoption of the preamble and the first'resolution, they were adopted unanimously. The second resolution was read, and the question being on its adoption, Rev. Dr. SPEAR ' said: Mr. Moderator, as a mem ber of the committee to whom was intrusted the duty of preparing this report, my attention was of course called to this general resolution with its eerie, of specifications; and this. is one of the items in which I was compelled to dissent—not at all from the design of the individual who originally drafted this language (for perhaps I may as well say that' tho report which you have before you is a compila tion of two reports)—not at all from the design con templated by the author of the language, but from the inaccuracy of statement in some respects, the falseness of statement in others and the liability of the language to criticism and misunderstanding on the part of the public. Now, sir, I hope that'l ;hall not launch this Assembly into a prolonged discus-. !ion; but 'I could not discharge my duty honeitly without bringing this subject to the attention of the Assembly; I at first considered the question of pre. senting a minority report in respect to that one point. Sir, the declaration of the resolution is that the Administration is the Government of the coon. try. What is understood by the " Administration?" Why in all ordinary 'usage it is the Executive de partment of the Government; it is one of the depart ments of the Government of the country as created by the Constitution recognized in fixed usage. Our Government consists of three departments—the le gislative, the judicial and the executive--those three 'departments combined with their proper officers are the Government of the country. To the Government thus defined we owe our allegiance—not to the Ad ministration only—understanding by the Adminis tration the Executive department of the Government. Now, sir, I allow no man to question my loyalty, without insulting me. Igo in for supporting this Government through thick and thin. REV. DR. Cox. You mean the .administration, don't you ? REV. DR. SPEAR. I mean tbe Government, and I mean all the of f icers of the Government the the executive and the judicial. My diffi -culty with respect to the language of the resolution, arises from its inaccuracy. I do not know that' I shall make a motion for amendment, but as covering the ground in a more comprehensive and to myself more acceptable manner, I suggest a substitute for the language used in the resolution. I suggest that, after the recital of the preliminary points, the resolution would more properly read thus: "'Re solved, That civil government is an ordinance of God, for HIS own glory, and the best interests of mankind, and is therefore divine in its authority and functions; secondly, that the officers composing the civil magistracy, whether legislative, judicial or ex ecutive, are the ministers of God, submission to whose authority when acting within their proper sphere, is a duty binding on the conscience and en forced by the express command of God himself." This language; sir, according to my understanding; more truthfully, more properly, with - less liability to misconstruction, expresses the idea which I would have this Assembly adopt. I shall not make a mo tion for the adoption of this as a substitute; 'I have read my resolution simply as a matter of suggestion to the Assembly. How. Mn. ALLEN. I move the substitution of the resolution read by Dr. Spear. Speech of Rev. Kr. Barnes. REV. ALBERT BARNES. Mr. Moderator, it may possibly be proper fur me as Chairman of the Com mittee, without going into an argument on the sub ject, to make a remark or two. in reference to the reason why this form of the subject was introduced by the Committee. I apprehend, sir, that every member of this As seinbly will subscribe heartily and cordially to the substitute proposed; there can be no doubt on that point. It expresses perfectly correct doctrines in regard to Government; and such as we have been accustomed to deliver in this Assembly, such as are found in our Confession of Faith, such as have been promulgated by us to the world from time to time, from the beginning of history. The question in the minds of the majority of the Gommitte6, was, I may say, in reference to the propriety of giving utterance to that stereotyped sentiment, as meeting the state of, things at the present time. The Committee, if I understand the view of the majority, supposed that the object was not to make a general statement, such as might be made at any time, but ,a declaration which would meet the existing state of things in this country at this time, in the great crisis of the nation, amid the great perils through which we are passing. We thought that we, were called upon to expreis not merely allegiance to Government as such, ,about which no man has any doubt, but to utter our send,- ment in regard to our duty to the existing Govern ment in this country—the form in which the Go vernment is administered in this country, and the efforts which the administration, as such, is making to sustain the Government and the constitution, and to restore order. tranquillity and harmony through out the land. It seemed to us that it was proper to, make that point prominent in the utterances which this Assembly is to make before our countrymen and the world at large. This government, this administration, is engaged in a greet war, which has been entrusted to the ad ministration ; and though I make no particular pre tension to precision of language, yet I have not been able to perceive the distinction, which has been contended for in the committee and before the Assembly in reference to the word "adminis tration." That word as used in the public prints, in sermons, in lectures, etc., does not suggest to my mind the idea of the Executive department of our country exclusive of everything else. The adinin istration, as I conceive, is the embodied power of the nation, exercising lawful authority at the pre sent time and in this .crisis—deriving its functions from the Constitution and concentrating the strength of the nation to administer the laws of the land... Whether those administering this power be the President, or his constitutional advisers, or the Ju diciary in their decisions, or the Legislature, the whole power of the nation is exercised through them upon the rebellion in this land. Consequently, .as I understand the term "administration,"it does , not suggest to me (however it may be with other gentlemen,) the idea merely of the .xecutive de partment of the government. Now, using the term in that popular sense, this administration is engaged in the great work of de fhnding the Union, putting down the rebellion, and establishing the authority-of the law of the land. What occurred to the majority of the committee was the propriety of expressing the allegiance of this body, not merely to the Constitution which our fathers framed, but -to this embodiment or power as present in the land and constituting the government. In the view of the committee, we should have departed from our duty, if we had come , here with an abstraction and stated to you what the Westminster divines could have said in their day. What we want to consider is, what is our duty to ward this administration, and what is the duty of the members of our churches and the citizens of,. this country toward the existing power of the land-- not what they will do when this power departs un der the constitutional forms and another adminis tration is installed, but what do we owe to this gov ernment now in. Washington—this administration=. this embodiment of power in the land. Now, if I have, read, the public papers aright—if I have any knowledge of the state of feeling in this country—there is a most material distinction taken or attempted to be taken on this subject, which i 9 j working infinite evil in the country, and which is at attntriran gittobtttrian and Orntort 6raugeliot the very basis of ormanized opposition to the Gov ernment and the Administration. It is that very dis tinction which is taken between alle g iance to the Government and allegiance to the Constitution. `There are certain persons who proclaim on the house top and everywhere, that all citizens are bound to render allegiance to the Constitution of the country, but that there is no requisition on them at the pres ent time to render allegiance' to the embodiment of the power of the Government in the present form of the administration. There, sir, as I understand, is the very centre and root of the difficulty in this coun try at the present : time; [applause,] and the very foundation of opposition to the Government of this land. You might, I think, obviate difficulties in other forms, if this thing" could be rooted ont—this feeling that allegiance is due to an abstraction—to the Constitution as an abstraction, and not to those placed in power in accordance with the Constitution in a regular manner, as exercising the authority of this land. These are the reasons which operated upon my mind as to the importance of proclaiming to our peo ple these truths, and, if you please, instructing our people in regard to the true nature of allegiance— what is dne to Our country in the present crisis—not due to an abstraction considered simply as a matter of constitutional. government.. 'I .may be wrong in the views which I take ; but these are my views, and I think them exceedingly important. Rev. Dr. SPEEs.-1' only want.to niake this re mark: I think Mr. Barnes, who drew this paper,. must 'have been following' Mr. Vallandigham and hearing some of his speeches. A DELEGATE. —Explain yourself. Rev. Dr. SPXES.--.1 see that I have made a wrong impression. What I meant to say is, that the very line of argument followed by, that arch traitor of this country, is the very line referred'to by Mr. Barnes in his reinarks—the differen'ce be tween allegiance to a constitution as an abstraction and allegiance to the existing government. Rev. Mr. GRAVES.—You sustain Mr. Barnes? Rev. Dr.. SPEES.--Certainly; with all my heart. [The language of Rev. Dr. Spees as just given, was explained by him at a later stage of the pro ceedings.] Rev. Dr. Sigrucsu obtained the floor and asked that the pending resolution be again read. The,resolution was read. Rev, Mr. THOMPSON of Minnesota.—l would like to hear this substitute read in connection with the resolution, and then I would-ask the privilege dreading in contrast with the language of the sub stitute a single sentence from Paul. I think the Assemblyi would then be prepared to vote. Remarks of Dr. Skinner., Rev. Dr. SKINNER.—It appeared to me at first that 'Brother Spear's proposed substitution was preferable on the ground that it avoided altogether making a distinction between the Government and the administration. It avoids—ignores, if you. please, that .distinction. A person reading Dr. Spear's paper would probably not think of the dis tinction between the . Government and the Admin. iStration. It appeared to me, therefore, to be 'a fe licitous 'presentation of the subject. There is a 'difficulty, perhaps,', in` drawing logically, the line of discrimination between the Government and the Administration. I: was, therefore, pleased with this proposed substitute when it was first read ; but after hearing the remarks of Brother Barnes made in Committee (substantially the same as, he has made here) as to the importance of presenting this distinction at the present time for the reasons which he has assigned, I changed my views and preferred Mr. Barnes'paper because it exhibited this dis tinction in a way which was absolutely:unmistakable. • Men may have what views they choose as to, the Si:mit:al precision of the distinction as drawn between the Government and the Administration; but they cannot mistake here, because as soon as Mr. Barnes mentions the term " goiernment " he defines it— nobody can get away front his definition ; as soon as, he mentions the term ""administratioh" be defines that, and there is no possibility of mistake as to the meaning of the terms in , the. document as used. Whether the distinction is expressed with logical pre cision or not, the meaning is palpable; and I thought for the sake of the advantage which we shall h ave i n meeting this radical mistake, to which Brother Spear has referred, of which ".I suppose Vallandigharn may be considered as the grand representative—for the purpose of meeting this, radical and horribly mis chievous heresy we might even tolerate some infeli city, and some want of logical accuracy in the expres sion. This is the reason why on the whole, I prefer Brother Barnes' statement. The 'difference really is between an abstraetidea and a concretion. Rev. Dr. SPEAR. I did not offer the resolution; I read it as a suggestion simply. (Dr. Spear here again'read the resolution as previously giveh.) Now, Mr. Moderator, taking the definition of ad ministration which Brother Barnes has given—under standing it to be an embodiment or all the powers of government entrusted to the agency thereof, namely, the legislative, the executive and the judicial—taking that interpretation of the term "administration," then I have no difficulty atall with the resolution precisely as it stands. But, sir, that is not the interpretation of the resolution itself. If you examine that resolution carefully, you will see, as I think, that nearly all, the references, and I em perhaps correct in saying all of them are to the Executive department—speaking of the. Administration in the sense in which that, term is, ordinarily employed. If by "administration " ,you mean the whole Government, embodied in its proper agency and officers, I accept that resolution heartily and cordially, only saying, that according to my poor perceptions; it is a little too wordy, and some parts of the language . inaccurate; and in a deliverance so, grave, so . important, which is to be reviewed by . judges, by lawyers, by critics, by friends, by foes, by the entire church—l felt it desirable that we should make an utterance- upon this polo . , which should be -not, I beg, leave, to say, •an abstraetion, but a pro digiously important concretion—that we should make an utterance upon this • point, which we ourselves in our cool, calm deliberation at our homes, could, re view with entire logical satisfaction. Now my trouble is with some of the phraseology of the resolution, Will, the Moderator accommodate me by reading the clause where it declares that the Administration is the Government—that clause alone? REV. Dn. SKINNER. I hope the whole sentence will be read, because one word explains the other. The. Moderator read the portion of the resolution referred to. REV. DR, SPRAR, Now .I ask what is the present administration. Taking the definition which my bro. tiler Barnes has given, I halie no difficulty; but that is not the .definition sanctioned by usage; that is not the definition that will go ont and be made the basis of criticism. The present administration, the resolution asserts, refering as I understand, to Mr. Lincoln and the Cabinet, is the Government of the• United States. I say that they are a portion, and a very important portion, in this hour of trial, a pre-eminently impor tant portion of the Government of the United States: but they are not the Government exclusively. • Then having intimated the meaning of the term adminis tration, it declares that to it alone allegiance is due. The judiciary and' the legislative departtrient'are not referred to or implied any where: • Alone"' in the language, as if there were no State Government to which allegiance may also be due. My objection is not at ail to the'drift or design of the language, but to the form of its construction. I, with Brother Barnes, sympathize to the. very depths of my heart with the, principle of, supporting the present executive— heartily, heartily, heartily, and ,I would say that a thousand times, any where and everywhere. I have presented the difficulty which .1 have ex perienced in my own mind. If it be not worth the consideration of this Assembly, so be it. I have ,:been conscientious in bringing it to'the attention of the body. • Bsv. Ma. Tuomesott, of, Minnesota, 'requested Dr. Spear to read a portion of his proposition, which the latter read as tallows:—" That the officers compos ing the civil magistracy whether legislative. judicial or executive are thp ministers of God, submission to whose authority, when acting within their proper sphere, is a duty binding on the conscience, and en forced by the express command of God himself." Rev. Dr. Titompeox.—Now, sir, in connection with that, I turn to the 13th ahep e'. of the Epis tle to the Romans and read this language : "Let every soul be subjeetunto the higher power." Who are the higher powers? Who were, the higher powers then? Nero, and his cabinet. ," Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers ;" not when' they do right --net when they administer the laws exactly according to what we may deem right, for who is to judge whethdr their administration be right? This doctrine of obeying the higher pow ers only when, we believe them to be right, is sow ing the seeds of , treason all over these Northern States. [Applause.? Who is to judge? Am I. to judge? Is Vallandighara to judge? • Is any pri vate citizen at liberty to judge whether Abraham Lincoln ' and his "minions," as some choose to call them administrate the laws rightfully or wrong fully ' " Let every soul be subject unto the high er powers ; fbr there is no power but of God." It is of God, sir, that Mr. Lincoln,is in the Presiden tial chair at this time ; I believe it from the bottom of my soul. r Amen " and Applause.] The p4reers that be are. ordained of God. Whoever, fore,. resisteth the oower, resisteth -the ordi dance - dan of od. Speech of Son. Mr. Olds. Hon. 0. N.. Ovel, of Ohio.—Mr. Moderator, I would offer any suggestion, to this Assembly, with great diffidence, this being the first time that I have allowed myself to present my views upon this floor; but allusion has`been made, and very proper.; ly, to the fact that this action of ours is to be re- viewed by the judicial and legal minds of the na tion, as well as the people at large; and it should be addressed to theampular sense of the countess. It has seemed to nie very proper that, upon this point, the lay voimeshOuld be heard for a Moinent, as the lay members. have, perhaps, been more ac customed to come in contact, with the, popular mind in its action upon subjects of political discussion. In toy judgment, we ought to hear in mind, the object now in Slew in a solemn 'deliverance of this General Assembly, and this deliveranoe should not be the announcement of a mere abstraction. With any thing bearing merely upon political faith this General Assembly, as a high Judicatory of the church of Jesus Christ, has Mailing to do_ 'But the practical object of a deliverance of this sort is its bearing' upon our constituency, the body of the church and its bearing upon our fellow citizens in the northern states not of our church, but who are looking to the body for some expressions to bear upon the public sentiment of our land. In this view our deliverance to-day, ought in my judgment to be different from the'deliverance made last year. I know that there is an extreme sensitiveness in. some minds lest in these deliverances in our eccle siastical bodies we shall in some form either directly or indirectly ally ourselves with parties as they ex ist in this country. think that this sensitiveness tends to an extreme many are disposed to carry to an excess this felest in some of our deliver ancea we shall, byjming the term administration, identify ourselves iii „ some shape with a political party. I desire to suggesttihat this General Assembly, in its deliverances uppn this question in this great crisis of our land, sho'uld remember the solemn fact that in this struggle of the government for its ex istence, therefore and there can be but two parties in the land—one the Party of the patriot, and the other the party of the traitor. (Loud applause.) The great'question of the salvation of the country” is infinitely higher than any Democratic organiza tion--infinitelye higher than any Republican ory,,anis maims. I scorn my mere political party. allegiance in this trying hour of dear couptry. [Applause.] There is Just one question for us to look at—are we on the side of the Government, or are we against it? And I insist, that in , out solemn deliverances, we should distinctly present this question, so that there can be no misapprehension on 'the point. Now, sir. there is s .in my judgment, an eminent fitness in the language employed in the report of the committee ; and there its(' says it with great deference, to the author of this substitute,)' an eminent unfit ness in employing the language which he proposes in our deliverances at the present moment. It has' been my duty, to some extent, in my own State, to act upon a State orgenization, designed to distribute documents for the purpose of enlightening the un derstanding and the,tteart of ,our people, epee• the subjects now it issue; sind one of the most treason able and the most ifitigerous documente which, so far as my observationsee tends; his been issued during the lastarear, is a docement which has been sown broadcast all over these Northern States—a ,doeu meet issued anonymously, with no imprimatur upon. 'it—ahe design of that document being to show that loyalty to the Constitution of 'the United States, re quires. that this Administration should be resisted even unto.blood. It is against such treasoness that,— the most dangerous which is now spreading itself broadcaseover these ,Northern States—it is against such treason us that, that we ought to, make, this solemn deliverance,. so .that the great body of our constituency may understand what is the grave'and deliberate judgment of this house,—that they may understand, that when we speak of government as the ordinance of God s we- find it wholly impossible to separate the abstract idea of government from those executive officers iof the government who, in the providence of God, stand before us *wits repre sentatives and administratore. sThere is' no politics in such a declaration as that. _ I have no doubt that the mover of the substitute is just as loyal as I am—just as hearty in his support even of the Executive Administration of this Govern ment as I can, be; yet '''l say to him in great kindness, that the phraseology of his resell/lion is such that it would enable Mr. Vallandighara himselfe-if he did not take exception to the religious idea of it [Laughter] —to accept it'as a part of his political platform. The resolution suggests the = very distinction, which that archaraitor, has made. There has been this declared loyalty on his part—"leyeity to the Constitution" so deep and so heartfelt that it became necessary for him to excite armed and bloody opposition: to the admin istration of the Government„ that the Constitution might be saved [Laughter.] Now, sir, the language of this substitute, as I re collect it, is in substance, this—that Government is the ordinance of God and the officers of the Govern roent are to be respected as the ministers of God. Then what is the qualifying phrase? "When act ing in their proper sphere!" A DELEGATE. Substantially the same language is embraced inthe report. , -Mr. OLDS. It is in,one place, but not in the con nexion. 'Now, allow me to make an illustration, as practical, and pertinent as possible. When Mr. Lincoln takes action as the sworn executive officer of this ' government, who' is to be the judge as to whether he is acting in his "proper sphere" under the Constitution which. he has solemnly sworn to support? Am Ito be the judge or is he? If Tam to be the judge, then I keep his conscience. If he is to be the judge, then-he is responsible not only to .his God under the: solemnity of that oath, but also responsible to the.eovereign people of this land, who have committed ,to him that solemn trust. The responsibility,-I. tAbutit, rests with. him. If be is only to act is I shall, permit—if he is only to.act when Mr. Vallandigham, says that he is act ing "within his proper sphere,"—then I, submit, "there is no government lett. God lays the responsi. bility upon the Executive to judge as to the consti tutionality of his acts ; God lays the responsibility upon us as loyal subjects. of His government and faithful citizens of this free land, to subniit to that executive action so long as he is our Chief Ma gistrate. rt Why, sir, our goon brother, Dr. Spees, in inviting the Assembly the other day to hold its next session in Dayton, said something about the members being permitted to occupy the vacated mansion of this rebel—this man who hak all the.elements of treason in him with the single exception that he has not the manly courage to carry it Ines the overt act. (Applause.) Now, sir, if the proposition of Dr. Spear should be adopted by this General Assembly, we might not only occupy that vacated mansion a —we might o ice py it with ,Mr. Vallandingham as,our host; because he professes to be loyal to the government so far as the Executive acts within his proper sphere! All over the-land, and especially in Our Western States, political parties are being organized, (and good men are in danger of being drawn away by them,) on this partieutar idea of distinguishing be tween the government-1s 'au abstractadea, and, the administration of the4oyernment. Jn our deliver anee on this subject, we ought to make this matter so cleat-that everybody' may understand it. In tine great crisis of our land, God in his providence has Imposed upon the Administration of this' govern ment, the solemn burden of saving the country, as it must be saved, within the life of, the, present Admi nietration if it be saved at all. The utterance of this Assembly should leave no opportunity for any one to overlook or ignore this great proposition,—that there can be but two parties in this _controversy,— the party of the traitor and the party of a patriot. "[Applause.] Rev. Dr. Cox said : I have been ,very much pleased with the document presented y the Com mittee ; and I would not have suggested any excep tion to it had not this point been brought before us ; but as the suggestion has been made, I think.that the, language, of, the resolution' might be made more definite, more popularly,intelligible, and less liableto criticism, by a ,slight modification. I move therefore to amend the substitute so as to read thus : " Administration considered as referring to 'the' vane. ons existing agencies' through which the principles .and the provisions of, the Constitution are adminis tered." Ron. Mr. ALLEN accepted the amendment of Rev. Dr., Cox, as a modificatien'of his amendment.. Rev. Mr. CLARK, of,4llinois. Mr. Moderator, it may savor,of_ immodesq,,in me to attempt to lift my humble taper amid thettiight lights of this church, upon a question of this nature; yet my responsibili ties press on me a. conviction of duty. Dr. Cox has struck the thought which I have been trying' for some time to get an opportunity to throw out. lam entirely satisfied, and exceedingly gratified with the report as presented by Mr. Barnes. and I would not think any modification advisable ornecessary, except for the purpose of conciliating the feelings or the views of Dr. Spear, and those who think with him. .As a means of satisfying those gentlemen, without in the least detracting from the force of the resolutions, I wonld suggeit that the substitute be withdrawn, (for another proposition cannot be offered while that is pending.) and that then we amend the resolution by . : introducing immediately following the word ad ministration" as used by Mr. Barnes, the words " em braci4 the legislative, judicial and_ xecutive": This language might to some extent encumber the resolu. ' tion, and therefore impair its beauty ; but it would, I think, relieve the difficulty experienced by Dr:Spear and those who think with him. Speech of Hon. [r. Foote. Ren..lone A. Foore, of Ohio. I came from Ohio —the. State of Mr. Vallandigham • and I would say that if the question were put, Mr. Vallandigham would vote for the amendment as first offered, and also as modified by Dr. Cox. Rev. Dr. Cox. I hope not. Mr. Foore. My friend (Mr. Olds.) has struck pre cisely the difficulty in this case: ; ;.and allow me at this point to relate an incident which, however, homely it may be, will, I think, better express my , views than anything else which I could say. I once heard of a man who built a barn, without window or door, and when he put the roof on it there was not a crevice in the edifice; it was hermetically sealed. One day he was discovered with a large auger boring into that barn. A neighbor said to him, What are you do ing "Why,'.',said he," lam going to let the dark out of-this barn." Now,. sir, there is darkness, in the public mind with reference to loyalty, and the reso lution reported by, the Committee is the big auger to "let the dark out." If this Assembly will march right up and put this resolution through, it will do a vast amount of good . in e letting out the dark upon this subject." Mr. Moderator, permit me to say ; that it was with much grief that I, heard the ,Rev. Dr. Spear, (for whom I have the highest regard, and who, I know. has the same feeling of loyalty that I have,) make the amendment or even suggest it. - . • Rev. Dr. Senalt. I hope my position will be cor rectly understood. I did not offer the resolution,,; bu;l felt conscientiously bound to read it as a sug gestion. The motion for its adoption is not my motion. Hon.. Mr. Fours. understand that; and I know that the gentleman,. in the course he has taken, has only acted conscientiously; but as,Mr. Olds has sug gested, the language of the substitute implies that dangerous doctrine that you must only submit to the officer of the law, when in your opinion he is acting within his, powers._ think that there, was strong common sense in the view taken by the gentleman on the other side (Rev. adr.,Thompson,) who read to-us the language of Paul. The view which he expressed is the - eorrect view ;. and it is that to ;which the Northern States are coming .the view to which they must.come before this rebellion, can be put down. We want , no nicely ; drawn distinctions when the ques tion is,!whether our Union and our glorious Govern ment shall be•trampled upon. [Applause.]• lam 'perfectly astounded that men like Erastus Corning —men who have hewn their way up to eminence by their own.exertions—l am, perfectly astonished that he and another respectable gentleman, Gov. Seymour, should express- their sympathy with Mr. Vallandig ham, anddeclare that in his recent arrest and trial, he has been dealt with in disregard of the law. ',particularly admire _these resolutions, because they, are so' full, comprehensive and complete. There is nothing which t,would alter, nothing which I would add, except that I would feel inclined to insert de claration,of what is my own belief—that Abraham -Lincoheis just the man for the crisis—that he has ," come to the kingdom for sueh a time aethis." [Ap plause.] I rejoice that his name is Abraham. When I regard his course, I am impressed with the convic tion:that he is acting net ,only as our ruler, but as aheminister of God. When he left Springfield before his inauguration, he asked the people to pray for hint.. I feel thaethe eburch.haa prayed for him ; and, whether or, not he is a Christian man in the restricted sense in which many would use that term (asiThope he is,) I feel, at any rate, that he has been led, guided and controlled by the influence of God, until now we standjust upon the verge of victory—victory which must be ours, unless at the North this idea should be alloOed to spread through the land, that every, man may decide when the officer of the law comes to him, wheth'er that officer is acting precisely within his legal authority. I believe that it would be a most unfortunate thipg, if this Assembly should adopt lan guage which would imply the slightest toleration of that doctrine. I hope that the honorable gentleman who has moved'the adoption of this substitute; will withdraw it. If it be not withdrawn, I trust that it' will be most emphatically voted down by this As sembly. The MODERkTOR.--The question before the Assem bly is on the adoption of the substitute as read by Dr. Spear. The Moderator begs leave to suggest that the time is passing, and the deeite is taking a wide range, and that, perhaps, it is becoming our gravity as an ecclesiastical body, to be as sparing as possible, in direct, persenal, ;political allusions. Rev. Dr. SPEES.—It has been'suggested tome, sir, that a remark which I made awhile ago may have been misunderstcial, as it certainly appears to have been. - What I meant to say was, that Mr. Barnes, in his report has aimed to annihilate that proton, pieudos of all theis traiters---the fundamental he of all Val laddighates 'speeches, and of all the traitorous speeches iihich have been made in the United States. I feel. as, every loyal man in the North feels, that the thing to be done at this hour is to annihilate`that, de , lusive distinction which mischievous and treasonable., men endeavor to draw between the Government and the Administration. The fallacy of this distinction is most admirably exposed in the report; and I do not see how we can change a word of that report so as to make tit any better. ' I most heartily and cordially en- dorse the views expressed by the distinguished gentle. man .froni Ohio,ahe Attorney General of that, State. Remarks of Drs. Spees, Fowler and Cox Rev. Dr. Fowl:mt.—Tile iinpression made upon my mind by this report, was a most happy one; it secured from my heart a most cordial response; and- if we shall be called upon to vote for it as it stands; I shalt giie it a very hearty aye; but it shall he an dye inter preted according to my understanding of the'report---' not according to the construction which maybe put upon it by others. I coincide in the views expressed in the report in regard to the.distinction betweew the Government - and the administration of the Govern ment—a distinction which can be drawn in theory, .but which in• the present crisis of affairs, is not a prac tieal one.. We cannot, at this time, actually distin guish between the Government and its administration ; in the present juncture of affairs the two are vitally and to all intents' and purposes identical. We can sustain the Government only by sustaining the ad ministration of Government. But then I believe, as has been stated here this morning, that the adminis tratiou of the. Government is distributed into three departments-the executive, the judiciary, and the legislative; and whilst I believe that as Christians and as citizens, we are bound to submit to the powers that be, I believe we are bound to submit, not merely to the executive, but also to the legislative and the judi diciary. I believe that in adopting general principles here we are to adopt them in their application not merely to present-circumstances, but to circumstances that may arise in the future. Suppose I were a Republi can-71 am not a politician at all—but suppose that I. were a Republican, and I call upon my Democratic .friend to submit to the powers that be. I say to him, "submit to the President;' be says to me, "sub mit to the judiciary." Now, sir, he is just as. right as I am; I am just as much bound to submit to the ju diciary as be, is bound to. stibmit, to the executive. New, the great difficulty with this report to my mind, is that according to the interpretation which may be put h upon it, it calls upon tlB to submit to the eaten dye but does not call upon us to submit to the judi ciary, and to the legislative department. As ; I have said, in the course of two years, the boot may be put on the other foot. Suppose that two years hence, a Democratic President be, elected, our Democratic friends may apply to us this very doctrine they may call upon us to submit to a De mocratic President; and those who are so anxious now that we should submit to Abraham Lincoln may not be as willing to submit to him who may be the incumbent of the Presidential chair, two years henee. These are the views which have impressed my mind. I repeat, that it' we be called upon to vote for that report in its present form, I shall give it an emphatic aye; but it shall be with the under standing that the term "administration as there used, means, not simply.the Executive, but also the judicial and the legislative departments of the ad ministration of the government. I The question being taken on the substitute, it was not adopted. Rev. Dr. Cox. I shall have ,no difficulty in voting for the resolution as it stands, and I hope that, the Assembly.will have none ; but if there is any point in which the resolution is vulnerable and, in regard to which rather more than less of expla nation may be needed;it is' the one which has been brought,in review before us. Only on this roast:pi do I think that it would be better to alter •a- single sentence of the pending resolution. I will first read the words of the resolution: "While there is, in certain respects a ground of distinction between a government considered as re ferring to the constitution of a country, and an ad-. ministration considered as referring to the existing agency through which the principles and. the pro visions of the constitution are administered." In stead of those words ; I propose that the resolution should read thus; "the administration considered as referring to all the existing and various agencies in combination, through which the principles and the provisions of the constitution civil : and military are in fact administered." I think that in the proper sense, the Adminis 7 - tration Is' nothing- Ikat,the, Government concreted ; and the difference between a real and an ideal is in popular parlance ignored ; but if it be defined at all,. we ought to show that everything which makes gov ernment felt or feared belongs practically to what we mean by the Administration. I believe that the military power on land and sea is an essential part of the government: and I only wish that, at the present time, that power were greater. With out such power, the government would be e ff ete and valueless. By "Administration," I mean everything that can make the idea of government felt. I think that traitors ought to be hanged ; and in view of the definition of treason in our Constitu tion, I weirder, that some among us are so lenient and kind toward those who, under.the false assump tion that they are "loyal to the government" are doing all in, their power to thwart the patriotic ef forts of the Administration and to give aid and com fort to the enemy; and if anything could render the monstrosity, more tremendous, it is-when we see (as we very, rarely do) this treasonable spirit exhibited in the person of an ordained minister of Christ. Hon. J. A. Foam of Ohiio, said thatbis objec tion to the substitute of Rev. Dr. Spear as well as to the amendment suggested by Rev, Dr. Cox was that they tended, though undesignedly, to give countenance to tile.mischievous doctrine that a le gislative act was not worthy of respect until it had been passed upon by the judiciary, In, the posi tion taken by Dr. Spear that the Executive was not the government, Vallandiughani would fully con cur. The effort of that, traitor has been to paralyze the government by paralyzing the Executive arm. He (Mr. Note) ,was no partisan. At a Republi can meeting in Cleveland, he opposed the organiza tion of the Republicans .as a distinctive political Rarty, and in spite of much opposition, finally, ear ned his point,. He thought that at, this time we should all, stand up singly for the country. He, be lieved that Dr. Spear's substitute, when touched by the Ithuriel--spear of truth, would be seen to embody, the infernal spirit of seceision. He hoped that the substitute.would be rejected by an emphatic' vote which should discourage disloyalty and encou rage loyalty throughout the land. Rev. Dr. Cox said that:he liked very well indeed the resolutions as reported, but he had, supposed that they might, be made more explicit and compre hensive. He was, however, ready to waive every objection; of; kind, and he withdrew his amend ment. Rev. Dr. SPEAR. I sincerely hope, Mr. Mode rator, that the inference will not be drawn by any member of this A.sserubly or, of any of the different denominations that any portion of this Assembly is disloyal. The man who implies that in respect to me, insults me as no man well can. Rev. Dr. Cox. No one, ever did imply it of you. Rev. Dr. SPEAR. I:do not intend to assert that that has been implied. I stand on high and dry loyal groUnd, and in proof of that fact, I anneal be fore God and man to my,antecedents for the last six months. I have driven seven coppPrhead De mocrats out of my congregation by my loyalty. (Applause;) and I am ready to drive out more. My utterance on this subject is not ambiguous at all. A gentleman asks me what ; I think of. Yellen dingham. I will say, that judging hire by his pub lic course, without any knowledge of his psivate charaeter,l think him a scoundrel. That, is my answer to that, question: Now, sir. I desire to state my doctrine on one point and to record my utter protest against some misstatements which have been made here.! 1 believe, sir, in "the powers that be "--in the President, in the Legislature, and in the Judiciary— all three of them. When the President or any of ficer comes to execute the law, I 'submit, whatever may be. my private judgment on, the question whetherhe is right, or wrong. lam bound to yield obedience to the officer:of the government; that is my doctrine. That doctrine hasjust, two eseep-, tions. If lam commanded to steal, or to swear, or to break the Sabbath, I will refuse to do it; and if the government send me to prison, I will do just as the martyrs did—l will go there quietly. I will suffer ; but I will not resist , the government. In the second , place, when a government, becomes so oppressive that, in the estimate ,of the mass of the people subject, thereto, it, has failed to answer the ends of government, then I hold with our Revolu tionary fathers (and I trust we shall, not, forget that doctrine) that it, is the right of the people to depose, the President, the Judiciary, the Bing! all—ruling powers (they having forfeited the right to rule) F -. and to , supply their place with ethers who will more properly discharge , the functions of the government. I have made these remarks, lest in our _earnest ness (and I am as earnest as my brother Foote) we may involve ourselves in error in the opp . osite di rection. Our failie:rs in the Revolution,• in array, ing themselves against the tyranny of the British government, had to resist ju,st, that kind of unqindi fied doctrine which has been propounded. in our, hearing to-day. I believe that this rebellion is wicked, canseless, without, any, justification before God' and man,. and that the people (light to support the President— all the officers of the government—all the g,enerals. My doctrine has been, this: the man, whom the President appoints as general is my man. I pray for him ; I co-operate with him; I do all I can to. support the officers of the government in putting down the rebellion. Proposed Amendment by Dr. Spear. But when werkre making a declaration of princi ples, I desire, that we should be accurate in our language. It, is not because' my loyalty, is ,more or less than that of BrOther Barnes,,more or less than that of my friend on the right, (Mr, Foote,) more or less than timt of 'any brother in this house, that I have been compelled, as a matter ,Of conscience, to suggest the, difficulty I have expellent:V. I have done so honestly. lam as, earnest and deterreined in reference to enforcing the, authority of the Govern ment, as any man can be,. I will tell you a remark which was made, by art elder of my church, and I 'endorse it. He was talking to a Democrat about the Conseription Law. The Democrat skid, " You cannot execute the law in, the •gtate Cif New York." "Why?" asked the elder. "The people will resist it?" " Who will resist it?" "Why," said the Democrat, "I will resist it for one." " Then," said the other, "I for one will shoulder my musket, and you are the firskinan that I would' shoot." 4er. Dr. DARLING. There is a very slight verbal alteration, which the ehairtnan of the conunittee de , sires should -he made, and which he supposes will obviate the difficulty which has been felt by Many brethren ; that is simply to change the word " agen cy'". from the singular to the plural, and say " agen cies." Thus we, shall include the various' depart- Manta of the. Administration; and not confine it to the:Executive, AS it. would ,seem I to be confined by the original paper. I ,therefore 'Move that amend ment, so that the resnitition will read:-" Adminis tration considered as referring to the existing agen cies through which the principles and provisions' of the Constitution are administered." The amendment proposed by' flev.• Dr. Darling, was adopted. The second resolution,. as amended was adopted unanimously. The 3d resolutiOn•was read C. BROWN. I simply desire, to call-tbe at.: tension of the Assembly to the very modest, sugges tion of the Moderator, made awhile ago that in any further discussion of this"subject there should be less reference to politics—l presume he alluded to politicians. There have been repeated references in the course of this discussion to a certain charts- ter, who, by these allusions, only gets a celebrity which he does not deserve. He should be nameless at this time. He is on his way to his own place; and I hope there will be no further reference to that person. The third resolution was adopted unanimously. The fourth resolution was read, and was 'adopted' unanimously. , The fifth resolution was' read, and was adopted unanimously. ' The sixth resolution was read. Rev. Dr. Cox. This resolution refers to our de liverance in 1818, and the language would seem to imply that we never made any deliverances on the subject of slavery before that time. I move to amend by inserting the word " especially,'? which will sim ply make the language of the resolution conform to the facts of the case. The amendment was adopted. • Rev. Dr. SPEAR. I want to suggest another amendment to the resolution; and this pertains to the only remaining point:of discussion in the Com mittee. I move to amend by substituting 'the fol.: loWing language : "That the Proclamation'of Di man.- cipation, having been issued by the President, as in hisjudgment a war measure necessary to the con qUest of the rebellion, and having by him been submitted to the considerate judgment of mankind, the .Assembly earnestly exhort all the people to sup port this and all other measures adopted by the Government, that may be needful to preserve the Union on moral grounds, contemplating: —then I would continue the language of the resolution— that wonder-working providence of God, by which military necessities become the instrument of jus tice, etc." • • It will be observed that this branch of the resolu tion as offered by the committee studiously and de signedly ignores altogether this measure so far forth as the expression of any opinion touching it may be concerned, so far forth as any good word of ens ou rageme.nt to the Governme nt may be concerned, so far forth as exhorting the/ people to sustain the Go: vernment may be concerned. NoW,`Cir, I desired and still desire that the Assembly should exhort all the people to support this and every prominent mea sure of the Governmtnt. 'Rev. Dr. COX. I second the motion with all my heart. I thank God that ourjether Abrahairi has not ignored some of the atilt/an of this, nation. Why should we be ashamed of brethren and sisters of the , speCies who are descended from Adam and "Noah, as' truly as you are sir, and for whoni as re ally the Son of God shed his blood? We are, verily g,iiilty in tlll4 ` matter. We have persecuted and sold Joseph. With all , my heart I repent before God if a fellow creature for whom Christ died, has ever been treated the worse by me on account of his color—as if be had a cutaneous right to be kicked, and condemned and buffeted, and denied' ll his rights for being what Gbd made - him!= " Who maketh thee to differ from another ?: And what halt thou, that , thou didst not receive ? Sir, I would not Call a colored man a: "nigger" any more than I would blaspheme his Maker; and some of us have taught_ oar children thus to name the members of that unfortunate race. Sir, we have greatly sinned. The Millenium cannot come while men are chattelized and cattleized, and sold as mere commoditie.s or brutes of burden—inaltreated often' as ne• brute quadruped would be: We• have been guilty, of this respect; and we ought to repent of it. - • If thiabe "'Abolitionism," I can only say that I .get my premises from Jefferson's Notes on Virginia; and sir, Jefferson had some special opportunities for knowing a , good deal about amalgamation, etc. When I was in Charleston, S. C., in 1852, and preached,'there, '!siould walk -through the streets sometimes,-'and I would ask, "who are those la dies?" "Oh, they are mere colored women." Not much color! - "0 ye, mulattoes! white men's dark di'sg,raee, "Ye show•yonr father's virtues in, your face." Now, Sir, I thank God that - the President, in issuing his Emancipation. Proclamation, has done an act which the wisest statesmanship approves as perfectly constitu tional. He was the Christian Caesar of our realm, and he did a noble act, and posterity will honor him for it. I for one do not wish that any one of my posterity should ever be ashamed - of their father, as they would be if I should oppose this action of the President. I do not wish to censure the Committee for the form of language which they have adopted on this subject; but I do think the language proposed by Dr. Spear is just what it ought to be. We ought not to be twhamed or afraid to face the music and to march.forward to vic tory. The Assembly at this point adjoirued till 4 P. M. Proceedings of 'Wednesday Afternoon, May 27 The Assembly met at 4 o'clock, and was opened with prayer. REVISION or DIRECTORY FOR WORSHIP. . The - Assembly proceeded to the constderation of the Report of the Committee on the Polity of the Churcl,,upon the overture relative to a revisidu of the Directory for Worship. [The report with the overture will be found in Tuesday's proceedings.l The pending question was upon the adoption of the report. Rev. A. BARNES 'made some remarks, favoring the reference of the subject to a special committee to re port to the next General Assembly. lie thought it desirable, to return to the, former custom of the eh to* have service on Sabbath afternoon, even ing service being .made the exception and, not the rule. Thus the evening would be leftfor Christian instruction in the family, as contemplated by the framers of the Directory for. Worship. Rev. Dr.:Cox concurred in. the views of Rev. Mr. Barnes, and moved that the subject of the nurture of children fin the Presbyterian Church be referred to a selects committee, to consider and report upon the subjeet to the:next General Assembly. Rev. Dr. Desw.&o stated that such a committee had been.appointed at the last General Assembly. Dr. McLANE (a member of the, committee for merly appointed) stated that the committee bad never been called together. , Dr. Svacs said that the Committee on Bills and Overtures would, within a, day or two present a report-bringing up the whole subject contemplated in the:motion of Dr. Cox. • Rev. Dr. Cox withdrew.bis motion. The report of the committee was adopted. rt:^ •I'l I,' ii, t CHVBCI3. The Monta.kroa• announced that, agreeably to previous order, theaev. lit...Ganes, a delegate from the Reformed Rut& Church, would now'address the Assembly on the subject of a proposed correspond ence.between that - Church• and the Assembly. Address of AM% Dr• Gime. Rev. Dr. GAZ:ISE was then introduced : to - the As sembly', and said . • Mr. Moderator.—The General Synod of the .Re formed ProtestantDuteh Church, at its last session, commissioned me to "assure'this body ,of its frater nal affection.and interest, and to propose to this As sembly & yearly'interchange of kind expressions by letter." If the action of the Synod had been limit ed-to the-preparation and transmission'of this mess age, it could not have seemed to be 'wanting in the courtesy which. is comlnott in proposals of. ecclesias tical eorrespondenoe, unless, possibly, in the fact that it propoied a correspondence `by letter." • In regard to that ptiint,- let me at once refer you to another re solution passed by the Synod at the same time, in which it directed its -delegate to the "Old School G eneral Assembly, the only body with which it now maintains a correspondence, to requhtta that Assem bly-to 'consider" the propriety of having all corre spondence between that Church and this carried on by letter." •In this particular, at least, then, the Synod has aimed. to put the two Aseemblies upon an equal footing.. But it happens that> these kind ex pressions=are accompanied, in the -Synod's printed mitnites, by Others, which, I have been compelled to learn through the press and by private communica tions;have been very generally regarded among your members as discourteous and even offensive.. Let'nfi say, sir, that if anything less than the truest courtesy' to this body bad seemed to me to lie with in or behind, the action of 'my Synod, I would not have been its agent to report that action here to-dny. I have come in the spirit of. Christian love, to make advances - whieh it becomes the honor and kindness of the Gerterat'Synotl to pritose, and the kindness and:honor of this body to accept. Yon - will hear me with , eandor i -I am sure, while I attempt to make this pOsitioti good. • In order to form- a just estimate of the action of the Synod, you will need: to look' at it from the Sy nod's-point of 'view. 'The :Book of. Discipline of the Presbyterian -Church, as you remember, gives to the General Assembly the power to "correspond with foreign churches upon, such terms as may be agreed,upon between the General Assembly and the corretiponding, body." Preto this very general pro vision it has resulted that this Assembly holds cor respondence with as many as ten or, twelve different bodies, which embrace among them a considerable diversity of -doctrinal opinions. The constitution of my Church; upon the other hund,:ancords to the Ge neral" Synod "the power of regalating and main taining a friendly correspondence with the highest Judicatories or Assemblies of other religious deno miriations, for the purpose of promoting union and concert:in general measures which maybe 'calcula ted to ;maintain sound doctrine, prevent conflicting regulations relative to persons under chnich censure by the judicatories of either denomination, and to pro duce cencert and harmony, in their respective proceed ingsto promote the cause, of religion and piety." Now, sir, you.know we are stricteonstruetionists. The effect of this constitutional law, accordingly, has been that this, formal correspondence 4 . 4 in all our history been extended only to three bodies. At this mo ment we hold it Only'vriticone. Both our constitu tion 'and our usage, therefore, have taught us to as sociate with eeelesiatitiaal - correspondence the idea of such absolute tin ity/of policy and of doctrine; that the correspondence becomes a formal mutual en dorsement between the bodies that hold it. In a word, the naked term "correspondence," in, .your terminology and in ours, suggests acts as different as is the settlifiyear hand at the bottom of your let ter, tot; a ifriend, from setting your name 'to your frienirs tiopinions. The Assembly will be kind enoughtto bearthis distinction in mind as I Proceed with a brief recital of facts. • The proposition to open 0, correspondence with the New School General Assembly was brought before the'laSS General Synod after something less than that preparation of minds and of methods which the importance of the.suhject might, fairly have suggest ed.- 4 member of-the :Synod, who has the high es teem, and affection of all his ;brethren, but who, un til of late years, has ; een one of your own ministers, broeghtforwsrd to the Synod, I had al most said, to the surprise of a, large number of its members, a mo tion that such a • correspotidence be proposed by that body to , this. The first mention of that word cor. respondence, developed two parties in the Synod— th,e one consisting of the mover of the resolution, and of those who, with him, usekthe word in its more common and looser sense of interchange of cour tesies, and who saw no reason why that sort of cor respondence should not be had; and the other of those who interpreted the ' word' by our denomina tional law and usage, and considered that a thorough .nantonl endorsement of doctrine by these two bodies .•wW,bot practicable. There was a third party, indeed, which 'did not JUNE 4,
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