(The Blodli iiraiult Hcmocro&g IIAHVEY SICKIiER, Proprietor.] NEW SERIES, THE TERMS. * Hart! Bra lull fßiiuwat. BY HARVEY SICKIER. Terms —l copy 1 year, (in advance) 51.50. If not pain within six months, 82.00 will be charged ADVERTISING. 10 lines orj i j less, make three \.four 5 two jthree six \ one one square weeks.weeks'ino'th mo'th mo'thyear 1 Square LOO? 1,251 2,25? 2,87t 3,00? 5.00 2 do. 2,00 2,50 3.25 3.50 4,50? 6,00 3 do. 3,00 3,75? 4,75 5,50; 7,00s 9,00 i Column. 4,00 4,50 6.50; B.oo} 10,00; 15.00 i do. 6,00; 7,00; 10.00! 12.00; 17,00; 25,00 } do. 8,00; 9,50 s 14,00! 18,00! 25,00; 35,00 1 do. 10,00! 12,00? 17,00 22,00? 28,00 40,00 Business Cards of one square, with paper, 83. JOB WORK of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit the times. fusiiuss Ijoticfs. BACON STAND.—Nicholson, Pa. C. L JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf ] HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON • Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. GEO. S. TIJTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Tunkhannock, Pa. Offiee in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga street. WM. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk hanneck, Pa. f>R,AT S, W, IJITTL. E ATTORNEY'S AT, L LAW, Offiee on Tioga street, Tunkhannock Pa. ARVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT - Of fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan nock Pa. DR. J. C. CORSEI.IUS. HAVING LOCAT ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend all calls in the line of his profession—may be found fit Bcemer's Hotel, when not professionally absent, falls, Oct. 10, 1861. INI?. T. C- BECKER A C 0.,"" PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS, Would respectfully announce to the citizens of AA'y ming that they have located at Tunkhannock wher hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of ncir profession. May be found at his Drug Staro when not professionally absent. JM. CAREY, M. D. — (Graduate of the • M. Institute,- Cincinnati) would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne Counties, that he continues his regular practice in the various departments of his profession. May oe found t his office or residence, when not professionally ab ent Particular attention given to the treatment Chronic Diseas. entremoreland, Wyoming Co. Pa.—v2n2 WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE, TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. rJIIS establishment has recently been refitted and furnished in the latest style Every attention will be given to the comfort and convcn'ence of those who patronize the llouso. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Ttmkhannoek, September 11, 1861. * MAYHARD'S HOTEL, TUN KHANNOC K, WYOMING COUNTY, PEXNA JOHN MAYNA RI) , Proprietor. HAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of Tunkbannock, recently occupied by Riley Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share ot public patronage. The House has been thoroughly repaired, and the copiforts and accomodations of a first class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor •t.refh their eaitUim. September 11, 1861. NORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESHOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA WK. 11. CORTRIGIIT, Prop'r HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to trader the house an agreeable place ot sojourn for all who may favor it with their custom. Win. II CCRTRIHIIT. June, 3rd, 1863 M. GILMAN, M OILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk • hannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of this place and urrounding country. „ WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS FACTION. IST Office over Tutton's Law Office, near th e Pos Office. ' Dec. 11, 1861. TO NERVOUS SUPPKLTERSJ OF BOTH SEXES. A REVEREND GENTLEMAN HAVING BEEN restored to health in a few days, after undergoing all the usual routine and irregular expensive modes of treatment without suocesa, considers it his sacred du ty to communicate to his afflicted fellow creatures the means of cure. Hence, on the receipt of an ad dressed envelope, he will send (free) a copy of the prescription used. Direct to Dr JOHN M. DAGNALL, 168 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, New York. v2n24ly T V SMITH, M. D., PHYSICIAN A SURGEON, „ ! e ™ n Street, next door to the Demo crat Office, Tunhhannock, Pa. P m' 1 , G . rou,ld Plaster In Quantities a prices to suit purchasers, now for sale a eshoppen oy K Mow „ v Jr Jueat FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZER I VEKNOy I ■jpott's Cornet. CAMPAIGN SONG. AIK—" The Red, White and Blue." Unfurled is the flag of our nation, The roll of the drum calls to arms ; Each patriot now to his station; For this is the hour of alarms. No stranger our soil is invading, But dark is the mutinous crew, Who boldly their t reason parading, AYould strike down the red white and blue Chorus —Would strike down the red, white and blue Would strike down the red, white and blue, AY ho boldly their treason parading, Would strike down the red, white and blue, Oh ! look fr -m the turbulent ocean, Across to the far "peaceful sea," The people aroused are in motion, And strong is the arm of the free; Inspired with the patriot's devotion, The Democrats faithful and true. All rallying for AVoodward and Lowrie, AVho stand by the red, white and blue. Chorus—Who stand by th J red, white and blue, Who stand by the red, white and blue, Are rallying for AVoodward and Lowrie. AA r ho stand by the red, white and blue. Then gather, ye cohorts of treason, Our phalanx will clos for the shock; Our panoply —freedom and reason, We stand by the surf-beaten rock, ONE heart and ONE hand for the Union I For conflict and victory too ; Our leaders are AVoodward and Lowrie, Our flag is the red, white and blue. Chorus —Our flag is the red, white and blue, Our flag is the red, white and blue, Our leaders are AA r cod ward and Lowrie, Our flag is the red, white and blue. The era of peace is before us! Though darkly the tempest still lowers ; Kind Providence yet watches o'er us, And triumph will surely be ours; AVe'll stand by our loved Constitution In spite of the rail-splitting crew; Hurrah, then, for AVoodward and Lowrie, Three cheers for the red, white and blue. Chorus —Three cheers for the red, white and blue, Three cheers for the red jflfchite and blue, Hurrah, thci, for AVoodwatd and Lowrie, Three cheers for the red, white aud blue, WOODWARD AND HIS DL> FAMERS. THE ISSUE MADE AND MET. The advocate of Abolit ior.istn, the oppo nents, of the Constitution, the Northern ene imies of the Union, unable to accomplish their designs by argument, and to cajole the people longer by their spurious promises, have resorted to abuse. Unable to discover one single Haw in the spotlesS private char actor of Judge Woodward, or to specify one single fault of omission or commission in bis useful and brilliant career, the mouth-pieces of Abolition have taken a still lower step in degradation, and from abuse they have de scended to calumny. With the current of public opinion setting overwhelmingly against them, they have at tempted, in their despair, to strike down, with one blow, the fair fame, the private character and the public reputation of George AV. Woodward—to deny the upright Judge, to the enlightened, far sighted, Union-loving Biateßman, to the valuable citizen, to the pure, able, conscientious man, to the accom plished gentleman, the highest civic virtue, that virtue without which all others are use less or worse than useless—loyalty to his country, in this her hour of need. They have ventured to accuse Judge Woodward of secessionism ! They have done it with the deliberate intent to deceive the people, to de lude both citizens and soldiers into the sup port of their own partizans, to divert atten> tion from their own misdeeds, their own schemes and Drojects, and to attain success by falsehood. Vain attempt; impotent ma lignity ! Let the record tell the story and reveal the truth. The charges against the Democ racy—the conservatives—and their candidate made by several of their speakers at a recent Abolition gathering in this city, are as fol lows : "I am intimately acquainted with that gentleman (Judge Woodward, with whom the speaker never had five minutes' conver sation, and who had never exchangad a word with him for five years.) Without imputa tion on character (!) could we call John C. Calhoun from his grave, and make him Gov ernor of Pennsylvania, he would not better carry out his designs than Judge Woodward himself. " Judge Woodward is an avowed secession ist. Vallandigham and Fernando Wood are no more committed to unconditional peace than Judge Woodward. Indeed, he has ev en of late denounced his own party for em bracing the warlike questions of the day. " While Alexander Stephens was in Geor gia denouncing secession, Woodward was teaching that it is right and proper—ordain ed of God. " Barring his (Judge Woodward's) private character, when the Democratic party nomi nated him they threw us a challenge to give the Presidency of this country to Jeff. Davis. " The candidates placed by the Democratic party are pledged to the very sentiments for which the secessionists have made this cruel war upon the country, "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RlGHT."—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 30, 1863. " If Judge Woodward is elected, this Com monwealth is virtually sold out to the South." So much for his slanderers. Now for the principles of Woodward—his devotion to the Union. His words come to us like Jan echo from the grave at the Hermitage, or at Marsh field, or at Ashland, or at Mount Vernon.— They were spoken on the occasion of the erection of the monument to Governor Shunk at the Trappe, Montgomery county, July 4, 1851: " These States are glorious in their indi uality, but their collective glories are in the Union. By all means, at all hazards, are they to be maintained in their integrity and the full measure of their constitutional rights —for only so is the Union to be preserved— only so is it worth preserving. It is the per fection of the prismatic colors, which, blend ed, produce the ray of light. It is the com pletcness of these assembled sovereignties, lacking nothing which they have not lent for a great purpose, that makes the Union pre cious. This word Union is a word of gra cious omen. It implies confidence and affec tion—mutual support and pro'ection against externa! dangers. It is the chosen expres siciit of the strongest passi >n of young hearts. It is the charmed circle within which the family dwells. It is man helping his fellow man in this rugged world It is States, per feet in themselves, confederated for mutual advantage. It is the people of States, sepa rated by lines, and interests, and institutions, and usages, and laws, all forming oue glori ous nation—all moving onward to the same sublime destiny, and all instinct with a com tnon life. Our fathers pledged their lives their fortunes, and their sacred honors to form this Union—let ours be pledged to maintain it. " Here is the shadow of this venerable temple, against the graves ofthe Muhlenbergs and over that of Shunk, let us renew our vows of allegience and devotion—let us look yonder to Valley Forge, ahd yonder to Ger mantown, ami yonder to Brandywine—let us recall the blood poured out on all the oth er battle fields—let us think of the treasured dust of our heroes, and patriots aud martyrs —let us remember the achievements of our arms, by land and 6ea, and the growth and prosperity of our country, and then, looking forward to the exalted position among the nations of die earth to which we are hasten ing, let us swear om to another, by all the memories of the past, by all the glories of the present, by all the hopes of the future, that the Stales as they are, and the Union as It IS, 4 MUST ANI) SIIALI. BE PRESF.ItVED.' " And again, at the Union meeting held De cember 13, 18C0, in Independence Square, called by the Mayor and Councils of Phila delphia, Judge Woodward thus p!oaded for the Union. (This meeting was at the time denounced and ridiculed by the Abulittou- I ists :) '■ Here on this consecrated spot of earth, whoie the foundations were laid of the best Government the world ever saw, hit us re new our vows to the Union, and send saluta tions to our brethren. Talk not of secession —go nut rashly out of the Union—dim no star of our glorious flag—give us time to place ourselves right with regard to your peculiar institution,' and to roll back the cloud that now obscures, tor the moment, pur devotion to the Union as it was. Speak thus to the Southern States, and follow our words by fitting deeds, and Pennsylvania can stop secession, or cure it, if it occurs.— VV e can win back any State that may stray off, tf onl} T we can prove our own loyalty to the Constitution and the Union as our fa thers formed them. 44 And would it not be a proud page in the history of Pennsylvania that should record the rescue of the American Union as our fa thers formed them. 44 And would it not be a proud page in the history cf Pennsylvania that should rocord the rescue of the American Union from im pending ruin by the prompt, glorious, united action of the people of Pennsylvania? That great glory may be ours. Let us grasp it ere it be forever too late." Let his opponents show one word, one act in Judge Woodward's whole life, to contra dict these glorious utterances. Now, let us apply, with strict impartiality, to Judge Woodward and to his dcfamers, the sound est of all tests, "13y their fruits ye shall know them." Let us see how those acted who are most affected by the intiuences of •he next Governor of Pennsylvania, and by those of his opponents. In 18G1, the people, the Democracy of the United States, assured by Congress and by the Administration that " the war is to be conducted solely for the restoration of the Union," that " the rights of the States shall be preserved unimpaired,'' and that " the status of slaves in the States where it now exists shall nor be disturbed/' rushed to the field. Among the most prompt lo fight in such a cause was a son of Judge Woodward; Captain (now Colonel) Geo. A. Woodward. Another son also entered the service when the soil of Pennsylvania was invaded, His nephew is also in the service Now, what is Judge Woodward's opinion of the course adopted by his sons and by Colonel Biddle, the Chairman of the Demo cratic State Committee, who resigned his position to raise a regiment for the defence of Pennsylvania? Let him speak for himself: " Hon. Char es J Biddle : " Dear sir : I have received the commu nication of your wish 'to resign the position of Chairman of the Democratic State Central Committee in order to giye, as a private sold ier, or in any sphere that may be open to you, your whole exertions for the defence of our invaded Commonwealth.' "As the Chairmanship was accepted by you with the express understanding that it was not to prevent your compliance with any call to military service that you might deem obligatory upon you, I cheerfully con sent, so far as 1 have any interest in your movements, to your resort to arms in de fence of the State. Indeed, much as I should regret to lose ) our services at the head of the Committee, I nevertheless earnestly de sire you to go, and, if possible, to take with you men enough te expel the invaders from I our borders. 44 The Governor's Proclamation of the 26th inst., is a specific demand for State defence. 4 You will be mustered into the service of the State,' he says, 4 for the period >f nine ty days but will he required to serve only so much of the period of the muster as the safety of our people and honor of our States may require.' 44 There ought to be such an instant upris ing of young men, in response to this call, as shall be sufficient to assure the public safety, and to teach the world that no hostile foot can, with impunity, tread the soil of Penn sylvania. 41 1 am, very truly, yours, 44 GEORGE AY WOODWARD. 44 Philadelphia, Ju.te 29. 1862." And again—and let us mark wel 1 his senfi. ments—they come to us from the Beach which he adorns by uis independence, dignity and ability. In h s decision affirming the constitutionality of the soldiers' stay law. which protected their property during them term of service, and thirty days after, from executions issued by superlatively 44 loyal" creditors, he says: 44 Yet it is impossible to separate this question of reasonableness from the actual circumstances in which the country found itself at the date of the law. Eleven States had seceded or revolted from the Federal Un ton, and had set up an independent G >vern tnent within the jurisdiction of the Constitu tion of the United States, and armed posse-s ion had been taken of forts, and arsenals, custom-houses, navy yards and other proper ty of the United States within the boundaries of the revolted States. :n the judgment of the president and Congress, who were tne duly constituted authorities. The occasion re quired an immense increase of the army and navy, and the active employment of both of these -trong arms to subdue the rebellion and restore tho Union. Accordingly, Con gres- authorized the President to accept vol unteers, and to call upon the States for their militia. He did both, and a vast army has been in the field for many months. 44 Now it a stay of execution for three years would not be tolerated in ordinary times, did not these circumstances constitute an emer gency that justified the pushing of legislation to the extremest limit ofthe constitution? No citizen could be blamed for volunteering, lie was invoked to do so by appeals as strong as his love of country. In the nature of things there is nothing unreasonable in ex empting a soldier's property whilst he is ab sent front borne battling for the supremacy of the Constitution and the integrity of the Union. And when he has not run before he was sent, but has yielded himself up to the call of his country, his self-sactificing patriot ism pleads, trumpet-tongued, for ail the in dulgence from his creditors which the Legis lature have power to grant. If the term of indulgence seem long in this instance, it was not longer than the time for which the Presi dent and Congress demanded the soldier's services. It was not for turn, nor ts it for us, to rejudgc the discretion of the President and Congress in this regard. Basing ourselves on what they did constitutionally, the quos tion for us is whether the stay granted by our own Legislature to our citizen soldiers was unreasonable. In view of the extraordi nary circumstances of the case, we cannot pronounce it unreasonable. AVe sea in it no wanton or careless disregard of the obligation of contracts, but only a sincere eff rt to en able the general Government to prosecute, with success a war which, in its exclusive right of judgment, it resolved to wage." 44 Another circumstance which bears OD the reasonableness of tbe enactment is the provision witch suspends all statutes oflimita lion in favor of the soldier during all the time that he is exempted front process. The pro visions were reciprocal and both were reason able." Now tbe Democratic party have nominated Judge AVoodward as the representative of their principles, the twelfth resolution of their platform declaring— -44 That while this Gener 1 Assembly condemns and denounces the faults of the Administration and the encroachments of the Abolitionists, it does, also, most thoroughly condemn and denounce the heresy of secession as unwarranted bv the Constitution, and de structive alike of the security and perpetuity of Government and of the peace and liberty of the people, and it does hereby most solemnly declare that the people of this State are un alterably opposed to anv division of tho Uni n and will persistently exert their whole influ ence and power, under the Constitution, to maintain and defend it." And yet, such charges are made against him !—made by men who never have been in the field, and who had no kindred there ; who contented themselves with plastering the streets of Philadelphia with huge posters, calling for volunteers, headed " Actions, not words," and limited their own services to such safe work. In luxurious ease, in the rooms of the " League," they loudly declaim ed that " to crush this unholy rebellion they would be willing to shed the last drop of blood," taking care not to shed the first drop ; and if they did mean to be liberal at all in offering to shed blood, it was probably- like Artemus Ward's offer of " all the blood in the veins of his able-bodied tnale relatives " And while they were thus occupied, Judge Woodward had resigned his sons to defend his State and his defamers. No defamation of him and of his supporters then ! But now the danger is past, and they are safe ; and now they denounce their defenders as " se cessionists !" With what feelings must theso gallant sons listen to these calumnies on their honored father ! With what feelings must the people of Pennsylvania be inspired, as they reflect on the baseness which dictated them I —lhe Age. " All public functionaries in this land are under the law, and none, from the highest to the lowest, are above it."—W II Lotviuk . THE REBEL. INVASION. • Governor Curtin's friends base his claims for re-election entirely upon his military ser vices. They do not venture to recommend hirn to the people on the score of honesty, ability, or fitness, but they allege that he has done a vast deal as a belligerent. Unfortu nately f>>r this pretension, the history of last summor is net yet forgotten. Let us recall some of its incidents. Months before Gener al Lee made his advance, Mr. Clement C. Barclay, of this city, collected data which convinced himself and Governor Curtin that such a movement was in contemplation.— The evidence was laid before the President, but for reasons known only to himself— though easily surmised—he replied " We can do nothing for you— Pennsylvania must take cute of herself When this answer was given -it is in gossip, ami the vraisem blance of the story justifies its repetition Governor Curtin's friends said, " Now, An dv ! be a matt ! They will cheat you out of the Spanish mission anyhow, and you may as well secure your re-election by protecting the State." This plan required more pluck than our * Chiei Executive' was the owner of, ar.d, like Pontius Pilate, he surrendered his convictions of duty. Soon, however, the re ports became still more alarming and again he asked f r aid. This being refused, he— the Camtnander in-Chief of our militia—by virtue of a Constitution which declares that 44 the freemen of this Commonwealth shall be armed, organized and disciplineu for its defence." asked permission to call out his own militia This, too, was denied him , and the next week he told his Ilarrtsburg audi enee the story of his 6hame. After thank ing God that they were '* separated from the rebels by a natural barrier.which had through the firovtdence of God,risen during the night" and that " the New York Seventh were on their way to our assistance" he meekly said : "He was sorry for the lateness of this call; he desired to make it last week, but the President refused it. But let us forget that we have been treated wrongly. The Gener al Government must be sustained, as well as the State. He had been willing to con cede everything to the Administration, and to carry out their pluns to the best of his ability." 1 What followed will be remembered by all. Governor Seymour, aided by General Mc- Clellan, dispatched thirty or more New York regiments to our relief, and the pres sure in the army having ousted "Fighting Joe," and placed a true soldier in his place, the battle of Gettysburg was fought a:.d won, ana the State once more relieved fron. the tread ofthe invader; but let us not for get that fir the devastation of our fertile val leys—for the heavy taxes which must be lev ied to furnish a poor remuneration lor t ; losses which our fellow-citizens incurred— for the humiliation of our noble old Com.; .a wealth—audj above all, for the heroic live-, that were lost, and the ghastly wounds that were received on those dreadful July days, Andrew G. Curtin is alone responsible. EXTRAORDINARY STATEMENTS. We copy the following extract from the speech of James A. McMasters Esq., editor of the N. Y. Freeman's -Journal, delivered at the Democratic mass meeting at Hamilton, Ohio on the 10t u inst. " Certain correspondence that has la'elv come out between Fernando Wood, of New York, and the President, in which Mr. Wood asserts that he had it trom responsible and high sources in the Southern Confederacy, that they were trying*if they could not come hack and take their places by representatives in Congress at Washington, if au offer of full amnesty was agreed up >n, though whether that is so or not I do not know, lam not in the confidence ot Mr. Wood, and never desire to he. I say, then, I charged it in print, and I here rharge it bv word of mouth, and sun ready to substantiate it by intercepted coin miinicalioii from ihe Southern Confederacy to the world, that Mr. Lincoln's Administrt tion was made acquainted with the tact one month before he came, that Alexander He Stephens was about to vi-ot Washington, with power to treat f-r peace. They had that information by intercepted correspondence, and the man to whom it was addressed was imprisoned for receiving it. It is, or was in the S ate Department, unless mutilated or destroyed ; but the cominunica turn was sent. And theiefore lam free to say moie. I myself heard before the period, that Stephens was reported to have been turned back, and not admitle i to an audiance with the Adin nistration at Washing ton ; that he was about to come, and was only arranging the terms witn Jeff. Davis, on which, on the highest patriotic and Amer ican grounds, he was to come to Washington, and make propositions that would overwhelm the North with astonishment. His plea with this: that they had come to the lowest point ; that now or never they must make Inends with tne Nor h. make up their quar rel or the American Union was gone forever, tor France was at their door, claiming a clo-e alliance, offensive and defensive, with the Southern Confederacy, Alexander Stephens we know was a gal lant, truly patriotic and Union man, as true an American, and as worthy of the name freeman as draws the breath of life on this continent. His plea was: We cannot die and leave our names to posterity as the destroy ers of this Union. We must smother our passions ; we must put down our prejudices ; forget our wrongs and woes ; we must make up this quarrel, for this American Union must be preserved. And witn that high, patriotic idea, overwhelming Jeff Davis with this obloquy, with which history would stamp his naipe if he resisted, he come with full powers to treat at Washington for the cessation of this war, on tiie ground of a rea sonable, sincere and firm purpose ro recon struct the Unioq. ITBRMS: SI.GO PEH ANT^UIMC Gov. Bramlctte's Inaugural. The Telegraph fives us the fcftlowing synop sis of the address of Gov. I'ramletfe, rtf Ken tucky, delivered at the time of bis inaugura tion , a few days since : " He contends that the revolted States did not change their status by rebelling ; that all that is necessary for them to do is to re turn to their fidelity, and take their position as States ; that the Rebellion did not remit them to a territorial state. " lie says we have now, and will have be fore the Rebellion closes, the identical Con stitution which extremists seek to destroy, the one by innovation, the other by force !• i* not a restored Union, not a reconstruct ed Union that Kentucky desires, but a pra •*_Tved Union and a restored peace upon a constitutional basis. " The Governor strongly objects to the arming of negro regiments, and asks what is to be done with such soldiers at the end of the wir. He points to the result of the re cent elections as a proof that Kentucky will not fraternize with Rebellion, either open or covert, and declares that Kentucky ever has been, and now is, and always will be, loyal to the Government of our fathers." The Louisville Journal , the chief organ of the successful party in Kentucky, thus clear ly and unequivocally defines its position : " The platform of the Union Democracy of Kentucky is the platform of the Northern Democracy, as represented by Governor Seymour. Every member of the Union State ticket stands squarely upon this ticket, and within the sphere of his lawful power will execute the platform to the letter. If our abolition friends, who have been cr awing so loudly over the result of the Ken tucky election, can gain consolation from the above extracts, they are certainly welcome to it. Does it look as if the Abolition doc trine promulgated at Washington was going to receive any support, or does it not look more ike restoring th 3 " Union as it was under the Constitution as it is/' which in the eyes of some of the abolitianized Republicans is " treason ?" LINCOLN'S PROCLAMATION. Our loyal neighbors who think no argu gument can be sound, or founded upon auy stronger ground, than factions opposition, may perhaps acknowledge that the historian Ilume was ueither a copperhead, an ignora mu-, nor a traitor. It would lie impossible for us to write an article more fully covering the entire ground, or more applicable to the present state of affairs than the following extract from Hume's history of IIENKY tho I, It shows us what the future historian must say of certain transactions of the pres ent administration. " The Parliament having thus resigned alj their religious liberties, proceeded to an e*. hre surrender of their civil : and, without scruple or deliberation they made by one act a total subversion nj the English Co stitu tiun. 1 hey gave to the King's proclamation, th* same force as to a statute enacted by ' a 1 ai Lament ; and to render the matter worse, if possible, ttiev framed this law as if it wss' only declaratory, and were intended to ex plain the natural extent of royal authority. 14 The preamble contains that the Kiqg had formerly set forth several proclamations, which forward persons had willfully contemn ed. not considering what a King by his royal power may do ; that this licen so might en courage offenders not only to disobey the laws of Almighty God, but also to dishonor the King s most royal Majesty, whwmay full ill bear it; that sudden emergencies often occur which require sjjeedy remedies, and cannot await the slow assembling and delib erations ol Parliament. * * - * F>r these reasons the Parliament, that they might remove all occasion of douht, ascer tained by a statute this pr-ropaftve of the .••rown, and enabled his Majesty, 'with tHp advice of his Councils, to set forth proclama tions enjoining obedience under whatever pains and penalties they should thiuk prop er ; and these proclamations were to have the force of perpetual laws.—lllume, vol, ifi, chap, xxxii, A Bni'TAL ATTACK ON THE IRISH.—The Boston Commonwealth, the organ of Charle £ Sumner, an ex treme Abolition print, in speaking of the Irish says i "Weby no means contend that he is equal in moral and intellectual endowments to the colored man ; but we insist that he is capable of a goo& degree of improvement. When the Demagouge is dead and Croton and Ooehitunta are univer sal then will be the Coppt-rhead'g opportunity. Then we will be'on him (in smfill sums) and in the rape with Sambo. Patrick may savo his distance." This is said of that race that has produced Burke, Sheridan, (1 ratten, Curran, Torn Daniel O'Connel, Robert Emmett, and last, though not least, Ge'nThotnas Francis Meagher, Who his never 1 shown his aek to an enemy, and a host of others, whose names shine resplendent upon the pages of history This is the race whom Abolitionists place below the negro. . )n . >, Mr Washburne. of Illinois, a leading Admin istration member of Congress on the 29th of April. 1862, said : •* • ; • o "AS THE OLDEST MEMBER PRESENT REPRESENTING A COXSTIUENOY PGR TEN YEARS, I SHODLI> DEEM MYSELF BUT A MISCREANT REPRESENTATIVE IF T STOOD HERE AS THE DEFENDER OF THE ROBBERIES AND THB PLUN DERINGS NOW GOING ON AGAINST TIIE PUBLIC TREASURY." * 11 yOL. 3, NO. 8.
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