into the argument, I will say that, in took ing to the powers of this Government to collect, safely keep, and disburse th• public revenue, and incidentally to regu- late the commerce and exchanges, I have not been able to satisfy myself that tli establishment, of a bank of discount, it, the ordinary acceptation of that term, wa- a necessary means, or one demanded bs propriety, to execute those powers. What can the local discounts of the bank have to do with the collecting, safe keeping, and disbursing of the revenue? So far as the mere discounting of paper is concerned, it is quite immaterial to this question whether the discount is obtained at a State Bank or the United States Bank. They are both equally local —both begin ning and both ending in a local accommo dation. What influence have local dis counts, granted by any form of bank, in the regulating of currency and the ex changes P Let the history of the late United States Bank aid us in answering this inquiry. For several years after the establish ment of that institution it dealt almost ex clusively in local discounts, and during that period, the country was, for the , most part, disappointed in the consequen ces anticipated from its incorporation- A uniform currency was nut provided, exchanges were not regulated, and little' or nothing was added to the general cir culation ; and in 1820, its embarrassments' were so great that the directors petitioned Congress to repeal that article of the char ter which made its notes receivable every where in payment of public dues. I t had, up to that period, dealt to but a very small extent in exchanges, either foreign or do mestic ; and as late as 1823, its operations is that line amounted to a little more than $7,000,000 per annum ; a very rapid augmentation soon after occurred, and in 1833 its dealings in exchanges amounted to upwards of $100,000,000, including the sales of its own drafts ; and all these immense transactions were effected with out the employment of extraordinary means. The currency of country became sound, and the negociations in the ex• changes were carried on at the lowest possible rates. The circulation was in creased to more than 822,000,000, and the notes of the Bank were regarded as equal to specie all o , er the country; thus showing, almost conclusively, that it was the capacity to deal in exchanges, and not in local discounts, which furnished these facilities and advantages. It may be re marked, too, that notwitstanding the im mense transactions of the Bank in the purchase of exchange, the losses sustain • ell were merely nominal ; while in the line of discounts, the suspended debt was enormous, and proved most disastrous to the Bank and to the country. Its power of local discount has, in fact, proved to be a . fruitful source of favoritism and corrup. ton, alike destructive to the public mor als and the general weal. The capital invested in banks of dis count in the United States, rested by the States, at this time exceeds 8350,000,000; and if the discounting of local paper could have produced any beneficial effects, the United States ought to possess the sound eat currency in the world but the reverse is lamentahly the fact. Is the measure now under considers boa, of the objectionable character to which 1 have alluded ? It is clearly an unless the 16th fundamental article of the 11th section is made otherwise. That ar tide is in the following words. " directors of the said corporation shall establish one competent office c f dis • count and deposit in any State in which two thousand shall have been subscribed, or may he held, whenever, upon applica tion of the Legislature of such State, or Congress may by law require the same. And the said directors may also estab lish one or more competent offices of ilia • count or deposit in any Territory or Dis trict of the United States, and when estab lished, the said office or offices shall be only withdrawn or removed by the said directors prior to the expiration of this charter, with the previous assent of Con gress. Provided, in respect to any State which shall not, at the first session of the Legis lature thereof, held after the passage of this act, by resolution. or other usual legis lative proceeding, unconditionally asset' , or dissent to the establishment of such office or offices within it, such assent of the said State shall be thereafter presum eil: And provided nevertheless, Thai whenever it shall become necessary and proper for carrying into execution any of the powers granted by the Constitution, to establish an office or offices in any of the States whatever, and the establishment thereof shall be directed by law, it shall be the duty of the said directors to elitist). lish'such office or offices accordingly." It will be seen that by this clause the directors are invested with the fullest pow• er to establish a branch io any State which has yielded its assent; sod having once established such branch, it shall not after wards be withdrawn except by order of Congress. Such assent is to be implied and to have the force and sanction of an actually expressed assent, "provided in respect to any State which shall not, a the first session of the Legislature there of held after the passage of this act, by resolution or other unusual legislative pro. ceedtng, unconditionally assent or 'ljssel' o the establishment of such office or offs ces within it, such assent of said Stet, shall be thereafter presumed." • The as sent or dissent is to he expressed uncon:l lionally at the first session of the Legisla tune by some formal legislative act; and if nut so expressed, its assent is to be ins, olied, and if the directors are thereupon nvested with power, at such time there •fter as they may please, to establish ranches, which cannot afterwarils be withdrawn, except by resolve of Con- Tess. No matter what may be the cause which nay operate with the Legislature, which ither prevents it from speaking, or ad• tresses itself to its wisdom, to induce de lay, its assent is implied. This iron rule is to give way to no circumstances—it is unbending and inflexible. It is the lan guage of the master to the vassal—an un conditional answer is claimed forthwith; and delay, postponement, or incapacity to answer, produces an implied assent, which is everafter irrevocable. Many of the State elections have already taken place, without any knowledge, on the part of the people, that such a question , was to come up. The Representatives may desire a sub mission of the question to their constitus ents preparatory to final action upon it, but this high privilege is denied; whatever may be the motives and views entertained by the Representatives of the people to induce delay, their assent is to be presu med, and is ever afterward binding, un less their dissent shall he unconditionally expressed at their first session after the passage of this bill into a law. 'Fliey may by formal resolution declare the ques tion of assent or dissent to be undecided and postponed, and yet, in opposition to their-express declaration to the contrary, their asseut is to be implied. Cases innu merable might be cited to manifest the ir rationality of such an inference. Let one or two in addition, suffice. The popular branch of the Legislature may express its dissent by an unanimous vote, , and its resolution may be defeated by a tie vote in the Senate; and yet the assent is to be implied. Both branches of the Legislature may concur in a resolution of decided dissent, and yet the Governor may exert the veto power conferred on aim by the State constitution, and their ,egislative action be defeated; and yet the assent of the legislative authority is implied, and the directors of this contem plated institution are authorized to estab lish a branch or branches in such State, whenever they may find it conducive to the interest of the steckholders to do so; and having once established it, they can, under no circumstances, withdraw it, ex cept by act of Congress. The State may afterward protest against such unjust in• , erference—but its authority is gone. Its assent is implied by its failure or ire ability to act at its first session, and its voice can never afterwards be heard. To inferences so violent, and, as they seem, to ine, irrational, I cannot yield my con• sent. No court of justice would or could sanction them, without reversing all that is established in judicial proceeding, by introducing presumptions at variance with fact, and inferences at the expense of rea een. A State in a condition of duress would he presumed to speak, as an indi vidual, manacled, and in prison, might be presumed to be in the enjoyment of free dom. Far better to .say to the States "lotilly and frankly, Congress wills, and submission is demanded. It may be said that the directors may not establish branches under such circum stance.; but this is a question of power, and this bill invested them with full pow er to do so. /f the Legislature of New York, or Pennsylvania, or any other State, ;Minh] be found to be in such a condition as / have supposed, could there be any security furnished against such a step nn the part of the directors? Nay. is it not fairly to be presumed that this pro viso was introduced for the sole purpose f meetieg the contingency referred to? Why else should it have been introduced? And I submit to the Senate, whether it can be believed that any State would be likely to sit quietly down under such a state of things? In a great measure of public interest their patriotism may be successfully ap pealed to, but to infer their assent from circumstances at war with such inference, I cannot but regard as calculated to ex, cite a feeiine at fatal enmity with the peace anti harmony of the country. I must, therefore, regard this clause as as sorting the power to be in Congress to es toblish offices of discount in a State, not only without its assent, but against its dieeent; and so regarding it, I cannot sanction it. On general principles, the power and control, deprives the traneac• tien of all pretence to compact between them, and terminates as we have seen, in the total abrogation of freedom of action on the part of the States. But further; the State may express af ter the most solemn form of legislation, its dissent, which may from time to time thereafter be repeated, in full view of its own interel, which can never be separa ted from the e e and beneficent opera tion of this G..vernment; and yet Con gress may by virtue of the last proviso, overrule its law, and upon grounds which, to such State, will appear to rest on a constructive necessity and propriety, and nothing more. I regard the bill as asserting for Con cress the, right to incorporate a United states Bank, with power and right to es• iblish offices of discount and deposits in the several States of this Union, with or •vithout their consent, a principle to which have always heretofore been opposed, ell which can never obtain my sanction. nil waiving all other considerations rowing out of its other provisions, I re ern it to the House in which it engine oil, with these my objections to its appro val. JOHN TYLER. WASHINGTON, August 16, 1841. IF ORRIN* G., 1 R 7 17 8 COUNIY CONVENTION. At a county convention ot the Work. ingmen of Huntingdon county, held in the borough ot Alexandria, on Friday, 27th August, 1841, On motion. _ _ It was unanimously agreed that John Bumbaugh be appointed Chairman, and 'Vhomas M. Cadwallader Secretary of said Convention. Upon calling over the several townships' and boroughs, the persons appointed were , admitted delegates. ‘N hereupon the following ticket was duly elected, and with confidence sub•' mated for the support of the uorkingmen cf H untingdon county. Assembly. Jesse Moore, Franklin township. Thomas H eston, Snyder township. Sheeif. John Shafer, Shirley township. commissioner, James Davis, West township. Auditor. Jacob S. I atson, Franklin township. Treasurer. John Simpson, Huntingdon, Resolved, That all classes of citizens are entitled to a representation of the ot fices of our county, according to the ratio, of their number; LAW we as workingmen, l will use all honorable means to have such, representations by selecting from our' number such as are worthy, and bring' ing them before the people at our elec tions. Resolved, That the proceedings of this' convention be signed by the President and Secretary, and be published in all the . papers printed in in this county, or by all the editors that are willing to do so. JOHN BUMBAUGH, PRES'T. Tons. M. CADWALLADER, Seey. ADDRESS Of the Committee appointed by the DD''orking►nen's Con-, 'mutio►n at dlexandria, au gust 27, 1 S4l. Friends, Fellow Citizens, Workingmen: You are now called upon to come for• ward for the noblest purpose to which you, as American citizens, can be called, which is the defence of your just rights by claiming your right of representation in the halls of legislation, and in the managing of our county matters, by sup• porting the ft orkingmen's Ticket, which has been formed this day from the citizens of the several townships, who pessess the confidence of their neighbors, and who have been nominated without their own interference or the influence and manage ment of designing politicians, and are men in good repute among their neigh bors for honesty, sobriety, and attention to their own business. It would be ex pecting what has never happened, that an indolent man who neglects his own busi• ness would he a proper person to attend to. the business of others, anti attend to it faithfully. We think it is evident to ev ery person who wishes the good of his country and who has thought deliberately upon the subject, that it is high time to break through the shackles of :arty, and only support such men for office as those whose station in life justifies entire crnfi• (fence in them; whose characters are with out reproach and are esteemed by all that know them for industry and honesty, 'who have proved faithful to trusts eonfided to them, and who are capable of filling the offices for which they are recommended. We have selected men from among our selves to represent us; for if the working men cannot attend to the interest of the workingmen, no other will, and we can confide in no other. In regard to a Governor we can at pre sent do nothing, but submit to the two or ganized parties. We say let every man support such of the men that are at present candidates for that office as he may think proper, and be prudent in his expressions, so as not to offend or excite ill feeling in a brother workingman, who may think tit to support a different matt. But shoulo we succeed in carrying out the original design, and the workingmen see that the only object is that of bringing forward and sustaining his interests, the slights or insinuations of those opposed to it will be no longer regarded; they will come for. ward in defence of their rights—other counties will become awakened upon the subject, and by the next gubernatorial election we may support a workingman for Governor with some chance of suc cess. It may be asked, what object the work- ' ingmeu have in coming out in opposition to others? We will endeavor to give a few of the reasons as briefly as possible: Firstly, The leaders of both parties have I acted hypocritically towards the working :man, by professing to be his friends when they wanted his support; hut, as soon as they have obtained power, the object seems to have been to see which could plunder him the most. Secondly, things have be• come so arranged under the leaders of thy different parties, that it is hardly pos sible for an industrious, high minded man to be nominated for an office of any im portance, unless it is by the party, (which ever it happens to be,) which is so much, in the minority that there can be but lit• tle chance of his election. •It can be nothing new to tell you that before a workingman can obtain a nomination from either party in power, it is necessary tot neglect his own business, get his hands brought down to certain softness, study etiquette, attend to the leaders, part with hi; independent principles, and become al. most bankrupt from neglect of his own bustness and fashionable living. Ile would then, if he possessed any quali fications that would be useful to them, orl !would work kindly in the off-side of any lof the leaders they could hitch him up with, begin to be spoken of as a suitable ►nan for office, knowing that he would then submit to have the collar of party fastened. around his neck and do the bidding of the leaders. But still, a professional Amin would be preferred, as a great part of his business education has been to consider the producing classes as corn mon stock, to be used as it may suit thel interests of what they call the higher or-1 The Best Story Ever Told. 'der—in this way only are their interests A correspondent has sent us the fol. considered identified. Most offices are lowing capital story, over which we have connected with comparatively little labor:laughed until our sides ache.--N. 0. Pic. and a sufficient salary to make them desi-1 * * * *. We had a pleasant rable to professional men. By such men tr i p from New Orleans to Cincinnati, and having the control and management of had scarcely landed at the latter place our government, (and such have had it when the bell of a little steamer, for "up , from the beginning) has originated high the river," sounded. Our party hurried salaries, or in addition to what would be a on board and found the diminutive craft fair salary, donations, perquisites, clerk- already crowded ; but, as we never ex, hire, office rent, incidental expenses—ev- pect very good accommodations on that ery thing that can be thought of or mana• part of the river, and no other opportune ged in, has been done, and will still con ty offered for leaving soon, we concluded (,time to be done, and to a greater extent, to remain. Upon looking around to see if we continue to support the present par- what chance there was for amusement on ties. Demagoguism, prostitution of office our trip from my fellow passengers, I was to make all public measures bend to the individual interest of the office holder and particularly struck with the appearance of an elderly lady, who seemed very ill ,his satellites, have been greatly increased at ease. Every time strain was allowed these last ten years. Each party professes to escape from the boiler she appeared to to be better than the one opposing it. Both fancy it the prelude to a grand explosion, parties have been in power—both profess and was evidently in a state of continual to have done their best, and why have the excitement. As she is to be my heroine, above abuses not been corrected? Alas! I may as well attempt to describe her, al all who confide in such promises of reform though I shall hardly do her frill justice. as these parties make, must have been, She was one of the tallest women I ever l and must continue to be most wofully dis- saw, but the effect of her height was ta appointed; for every change, instead of ken away by l'er immense breadth. She reforming, has only augmented the abu- was one of McDonald Clarke's style of sea. O ffi ces have been dealtout to idle, croaking' politicians, who have neither beauties—"with a waist like a cotton bag and a loot like a flounder." Never did I principal nor interest only in abusing the see such a moving mass of flesh encircled office so as to get the most money for the by a petticoat. Oh! she was very fat.— least services. It is hardly probable or Upon inquiry I learned that she had been' possible that any change for the better can be made as long as non •producers are al- a passenger on the steamboat F—, at the time it was burned a few years before, lowed to represent workingmen or produ- 'and narrowly escaped with tier lite. On cers; and as long as offices are made the ly a few weeks had elapsed since the ca• main object and end of politics, insteadof tastrophe of the Ben. Sherrod, by which making those who hold them agents, curd some scores of hapless mortals were hur• the offices merely the means of benefittin. ' , officer, but those for whoa: he acts.iried into eternity through the combined not the o lageney of fire and water. What wonder A non-producer cannot have the same that the woman was alarmed at the pros idea of what is a sufficient compensation pect of a steamboat voyage! for services as has a workingman.— After we left the landing, the principal A lawyer will charge $5 for an advice topic of conversation among the passer anda little business that will occupy from . ors was the numerous accidents which half an hour to two hours, and will of Flail lately happened. Nearly every per course look upon $5 as the representative son was equipped with a life preserver, of a couple of hours o f his time; whereas and sonic were so cautious as to hang them, the workingmen esteems $5 as a repres up in their berths, filled with air and rear sentative of from sto 10 days, mid often dy for use at a moment's warning. Night hell' a month's hard labor. Now can these came, and all were snugly ensconced in 'different classes of men have the same their berths, when there arose the cry of idea of economy ? No, it is a thing itn- fire! The wood on the bow of the boat possible, and from the apathy of the pew- hail caught fire, and was blazing fiercely ple, and the success the leaders have had up, shining through the glass doors of the in plundering, they have placed at the social hail and the cabin windows until the 'head of the political creed of both parties whole boat seemed enveloped in a sheet of , the most damnable doctrine that has ever flame. In an instant all was confusion been promulgated by moan against his and ;damn. Passengers tumbled oat of fellow man, which is that "the spoils t their berths, and over one another ; some belong to the victors. ' Now, the enqui- grasped their preservers—some ran for ry arises, who are the victors? which their baggage—some for their wives--the is easily and truly answered, by saying, wise ones kept quiet. In the midst of the the tbrtunate office hunters, who have sue- hubbub, the doors of the ladies' cabin flew ceeded in obtaining an election. And wide open, and out burst our fat lady, then, who is to be spoiled or plundered? dressed all in white, her lace "a map why, the people—the workingmen--the whereon terror was drawn in all its shapes' producing class; for from no other can it be and around her waist a huge life preserver taken, and offices are creatert tor the ex- not inflated. Seizing this by the nipple elesive benefit of the officer without any with both hauds, she rushed from one to regard to the people. Now we would another exclaiming, in a voice of agony, are we for ever going to hold still "blow me up! blow me up!! for God's sake and be plundered? 'ssv e may he certain blow me up!! will nobody blow me zip'!!" that so lung as we remain divided, some Had the old lady actually exploded, I of us belonging to one of the parties that must have done as I did, roll on the floor be, arid some to the other, it must remain in a fit of inextinguishable laughter, with so and continue to get worse; for the half the witnesses of the scene for my, wire-workers of both parties are of the companions. The boat was stopped, the non•producing class, or those not having fire got under, and, not the least difficult their interests identified with ours, and of operation, the fat lady's alarm subdued. course have no interest in redressing our 'fire next day we landed her at her place (grievances. Some say, let us wait a while of destination, since which time I have longer ; may be they will do better. But never seen her, but the recollection of the we think that we have waited much too scene has cost me many a fit of the side long already; that we have a State debt ache. Yours, truly, N. S. now of upwards of thirty millions, and it • rs yearly increasing from two to three millions, which will most certainly have to be paid, if not by us, by our children; that the lands are bound for it, and the means to pay will have to be produced by the hand of labor. Th, people were told, while they were making our canals and railroads, that the profits of them would in time pay for their construction ; and we believe, if they were rightly man aged, they would nearly pay the in terest on the cost. But how is it now ? who the officers having charge of them, and who had it when the other party was in power? Are they not, with but few exceptions, the idle, the brawling politi• clans that hurrahed at taverns and public, gatherings, and did the dirty work at elec tions, influencing men to vote contrary to 'heir will, and thereby bringing the right of suffrage into discredit? The number of 'officers and their salaries are yearly in creased, as spoils which they were of right )entitled to, because they had happened to Mat-tin the power. And what has been the course pursued by. the members of our Legislature? Are they not bound to sup port all measures brought forward by the leaders of the party they belong to, and to oppose all that are brought forward by the opposite party, without regard to the utility or principles that are contained in either? Now, we would ask, is it not high time to break through all party dis tinctione, and elect men who will supple all that is just and right, and oppose all that they consider wrong, and have a pro• per regard to the oath they take as Legis lators? If all, then, are satisfied to sup port the principles we advocate, and be lieve as we do, that we must think as well a. work,--Come forward manfully and support the Workingman's ticket, and dis regard the slights, insinuations, or hum buggery of the other parties. ROBERT LYTLE, Jr. THOS. BURCHINELL, DANIEL HEW IT, } Committee JOHN S. ISETT, JAMES TERRY. From the United States Gazette. WASHINGTON NEWS. W ASHINGTON, Aug. 25, IN THE SEN 4TE, There was another paper presented like unto those which have emanated from Virginia of late, anti-Bank, anti-Tariff anti-Bankrupt, anti. Distribution—in short anti-every thing that is calculated to bring peace and prosperity to the country. This document emanated from the town of Petersburg, and was presented by Mr. Calhoun. It recommends to President Tyler to veto the Land Bill, should it pass. Such, however, are nut the doe. trines of the State, but of cliques in Vir• gime, disposed to lend themselves to the destruction of Whig principles. Had the W higs condemned all these measures, the opposition would then have been in their lavor. There is no opposition uu the score of principle, but of men. We had the resolution up for the ad journment of Congress on the 30th lost, but it was voted down —l9 ayes, 22 nays. The session will doubtless be protracted until the lot October. The very able Select Committee ap pointed by the Chair to represent the dank Bill, was pretty severely animad verted on by the opposition, who claimed that they had not been represented in a measure where all were equally interest.. ,ed. Mr. King desired that two members might be added from the minority to fill up the committee, but the motion, after some debate, was withdrawn. Mr. Benton told them that when his party was in power, it gaVe the commit tees majorities of their political friends, but then it allowed the majority to be fairly represented. In the course of his remarks, Mr. B. said that he had heard that Nicholas Biddle was restored to his power, and that Mr. Jaudon had assisted in drawing up the bill which President Tyler had killed. THE LAND BILL The question nu the passage of this bill will be taken to morrow, which will re juice the hearts of the States. Messrs. 'Woodbury, Wright, Walker, and Sevier opposed the general principles of the bill with great zeal. In short, "Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart" all barked at it, but they could not hurt it. Rumor still speaks of the resignation of Mr. Granger ; but if the Cabinet goes out, it will go en masse not by detached. fragments. Aug. 26, 1841 THE LAND BILL PASSED. It seems by the proceedings of the Sen ate of The United states, that the Lund Bill has passed that body. We regard this as the bill of the session, the import. ant measure upon which the most of pub lic expectation depended, Of the feel ings ut the Loco•loco's, at whose head is Benton, one may judge by the ruffianly language of that Senator, when, com mencing a noise against the bill, he de clared that the Senators of Virginia had committed a FRAUD. M r. Archer seemed filing that blackguardism should have its swing, but Mr. Clay called the Sena tor to order, as insulting the body in which he stood. Of this bill and its pas sage, the National Intelligencer thus sraks : We are enabled, to our great delight, to continue the annunciation of glad tid ings to the people. _The Land Distribu . tio - n and Gi•nei•al Preemption Bill yes terday pasted the Senate, by 2B votes to 22. It had, as the reader knows, previ ously passed the House of Representa tives; but having beeen amended in the Senate, (by a provision to suspend its op.. eratiun when duties are laid on importa tions beyond 20 per cent on their value,) it has yet to go beck to the House for its action upon that amendment. Respecting the passage of the Land Bill, we have but one regret, and that is. the Mrs. Preston could not, in view of the oflinioo of his own state on the sub ject, vote in favor of it. We regret it, because his vote would have added so. much weight to the preponderance in its. favor. Every other Whig voted in favor of the Lill, which is therefore emphatical , ly a Whig measure. After Mr. Benton had ended . his speech, . - (which he did, by the way, with a solemn appeal to President Tyler to veto the bill) , Mr. Smith, of Indiana, Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands, who has• indefatigably watched and cared for' the bill, during its whole progress, waived his right of reply, from his anxious• and laudable desire to teiminate the debate,• and conic to a final vote upon the bill. Thus the debate was happily closed. 1 From the New York Sun—Extra. APPALLING CALAMITY AT SYRA CUSE, N. Y. NEW YORK, August 22. !re learn from Mr. Stoat, formerly a resident of this city, the following partic ulars of one of the most afflicting occur- Irences it has been our lot to record. At about 10 o'clock, Friday night, a fire broke nut in a carpenter's shop on the west side of the Oswego canal, at a distance of per haps one hundred 3 ards from its junction with the Erie. From the combustible na ture of the materials, the fire extended rapidly and attracted a large concourse of citizens and strangers, /kc., and the fire department was promptly on the spot, and proceeded with their usual alacrity and daring to, extinguish it. A barrel of gun powder, which, unknown to any one, unless it were the proprietor, had been re cently stored upon the premises, ignited and exploded with terrible effect. Not less than thirty persons were in stantly killed, and from forty to fifty wounded, many of them so badly as to leave no hope of their recovery. The ex. lent of the calamity is by no means yet known, as some persons were known to have been thrownAnto the canal, and num bers were missing. when the cars left Syracuse, on Saturday morning at 8 o'- clock, the citizens were engaged in letting the water out of the Oswego canal, in or der to recover the bodies of those who had been thrown into it. A railroad car was despatched to Au. burn for medical aid, as it was impossible fur the physicians of Syracuse to attend to all the sJtrerers. The powder which exploded and caused this dreadful destruction was placed on the ground floor of the burning building and consisted of ten or fifteen kegs. The fire was believed to be the work of an in. cen di a sy. The whole village has been thrown into mourning and distress by this afflicting event, Funeral services were held at the several churches on Sunday. During the progress of the fire the alarm was given that the building contained pow. der—hundreds of those wo heard the cry sought safety in flight. and found it—oth ers who did not hear, or considered the danger less than it was, remained. The explosion of the powder, awful and terrif fic as an earthquake, followed, and, in an instant, numbers were sent into eternity.
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