V POST. PITTSBURGH THURSDAY HORNING, SEPT. 24,1803 The Union as i£ Was, tie Constitution as it Is, Where there Is no law there la no freedom. Democratic Nominations. FOR OOVERKOR, «eorge W. Woodward. IDS SUPREME JUDGE, Waiter H. lioivric. FOR"FRE3IDBKT JUDGE OF DISTRICT COURT, Jolsn 11. Bailey. AS3EMBI.T, JAMES BENNY, Sr,. <'HAS. I*. WUISTON. »r. A. O. McOTAIDE, JOHN SILL, wm; whighih, SHERIFF, JA3IES BUCEHOBK RECORDER, WOWAKD P. KEAIISS. REGISTER, JAMES SALISBURY. FOB CLERK OF COURTS, E. rrEIDLEBERG. TREASURER, JAMES IRVIN. OOUKTY COIfMISSrOJiER, JACOB KKtL. DIRECTOR OF THE POOR, W. n. WISHTMAItf. NATIVE AMERICANISM. "I am not and never have been a 'Na tive American in any politico?sense, any more than I have been a Whig, Anti ma son or an Abolitionist. * * * The speech so often quoted against me, I am not responsible for. It was introduced in. to the debates by a Whig reporter, in vio lation of the rules of the body, which re quired him to submit for revision before publication, and which he never did. * * * I promptly denounced it, in th e face oj the Convention, as I have done many a time since, a 3 a gross misrepresen tation. * * * The Native American party itself is my witness Seven years ago I was the caucus nominee for V. S, Senator. The county of Philadelphia was represented by Natives. They asked whether, if elected by their votes, I would favor their measuresfor changing the nat uralization laws. I answered them NO, and they threw every vote they could com mand against me and raised a shout oi triumph over their victory." George W. Woodward. Pittsburgh, Sept. 14, 1852. TO DEMOCRATIC EDITORS AND PRINTERS. SSs“ lmportant Notice.— Many of the newspapers in the interior of the State are printing the name of onr candidate for Supreme Judge, "Walter B." instead of Walter H. Lowrie, which is the proper way. This mistake, especially if carried out in the printing of tickets, may be the means of depriving us on tie count , of thonsands of votes. Let editors and prin ters at once look to this, and print the name hereafter WALTER H. LOWRIE. DEMOCRATS, BE ASSESSED. Democrats should not neglect their as sessment. They mast attend to this be fore Friday, October 2d, in person, or they will not have the opportunity of recording their votes. Taxes must be paid to the County Treasurer. Our friends, particu larly in the country, should keep this in view. Every vote should be deposited on the Second Tuesday of October. Repub lican Assessors will not go after demo crats. You must attend to your own af fairs. “THE SOLDIER’S FRIEND, If “The Commercial Printing Com pany , would pay a little attention to the charges of corruption hurled against the •‘soldier’s friend,” Gov. Curtin, its readers would be obliged to it. He is openly charged with having defrauded the soldiers, by responsible members of hiß own party, and the Commercial does not even attempt to apologise for these fraud ulent transactions. The enormity of Gov. Curtin's conduct has struck our neighbo 1 * dumb. We have quoted the Gazette, the Chron ide, and the Dispatch , of our city, all corroborating the charges of fraud againßt Curtin, but the Commercial does not at tempt to disprove their allegations, We have now another bit of damning evi dence for fhe consideration of our neigh bor ; it is from the Philadelphia Inquirer , of the 31st of July last, It said : “It is a sad commentary that, while thousatds of brave men rushed to arms to defend the State from invasions, and while the Governor was tick ling them with honeyed word?, hi! minions and "‘ollowers were permitted, like harpies, to deprive them of food, and to compel them to make long and weary march's without ovon the poor luxury of craokers ind pork. It is a matter of record that, while these contractors were receiving enor monssnms, the Philadelphia soldiers were placed on an allowance of a cracker a day for several days together, thanks to the neglect and cor ruption of the Executive Department of Penn sylvania ” WAGGISH. The £vening Chronicle yesterday, un der the caption of “Our Special Dispatch es,” is cruel enough to remark.- Itis hard to make brick without straw, or to give special news when there is no news, liencs wo cut off our specie's daring tho summer, unti 1 there was something to telegraph ab-ut. Spe cials, without anything in them, are only a sham and a useless expense.” After boring its unfortunate readers for a year with “special dispatches” which contain nothing, the Chronicle has the coolnessio inform them that said commu nications .were only sham. And yet, it says that it intends continuing the imposi tion ; is there no end to hnman cdlartity;? Illinois Escapes the Draft. The Provost Marshal General has tele graphed to Governor Yates that the State is in excess of het iadota B,SGl r^ahd..i that there"will, he;i«>dr«rf{ in that under the present call. THE SUSPENSION OF .THE HABEAS CORPUS. Many ciranmstancee have prevented us hitherto from speaking onr mind fully on the subject of the President’s proclamation suspending the habeas cor pus ; but we trust that onr readers will al iow that the greatness of the subject fur nishes a sufficient apology for our delay. It is too solemnly important to lie dealt with hastily, and we have preferred to re flect much before expreesirg ourselveß. We have moreover, felt somewhat dis heartBd at thinking how little sympathy we are to expect from members of the Re publican party, for any opinion we may express on the gravest of all political questions ; though it ought to strike the great heart of the nation, like the knell that warns a city that its walls are attacked. For this very right to a prompt judicial remedy for every restraintof liberty,onrfa thers have shed rivers of patriotic blood, and their sons have forgotten this most glorious part of their history. The long contests of centuries for this right were carried on in order to secure their natur al right to discuES, yes, even passionately to discuss the affairs of Government, and, in order to teach the governed the great principles of liberty, that no single right of a citizen dependf on the mere will of any officer, bat npon the law ot the land judicially applied. Its great purpose was to give the citizen security against a party in power, and especially in times of high popular excitement, for then it is most needed. And now it is just at such a time that we find this right to fail us, and with it is suspended the chief power of an in dependent judiciary, the very corner stone of civil liberty. In this land we have never had but two contests for this right, and the first termi nated in our independence of Great Brit ain, and the second in the destruction of the Federal party and the condemnation of the sedition law. But half a century of peace and prosperity has made ns for get the very spirit of these portions of our history, and now all the leaders of the party in power almost with one voice, de' sire to see all freedom of discussion warn ed that it be not so free as to offend the designs or suspicions of their party, and rejoice even to see the power of the mob ■ and arbitrary power in office lay violent hands on all who disturb the tranquility of their position, or endanger its perma -1 nence. Being the friends of the Presi 1 dent, they feel safe that none of his üßur 1 pations, however flagrant, will fall upon | them, and rejoice when they fall upon their opponents ; forgetting that by aiding in forming such precedents, they are help, ing to establish a law for future years, succeeding presidents, and coming gener ations, by which the party that may chance to bs in power, may secure itself against every power but that of revolatiou. From the very day of the taking of Fort Sumter to the present time we have ad vo cated a vigorous prosecution of the suppression of the rebel organization, and the resit ration of the Union. Congress adopted this in July 1801 ns the only pur pose of the war and the Democratic Par ty in Pennsylvania has ever since taken it as an easeutial part of its political plat form. But this did not suit the party in power. They could uot Btacd on mere patriotic grounds; but must distinguish themselves by adopting measures, which they knew the Democrats could not adopt. They could not consent to work with the Democrats for the purpose for which the war commenced ; but must institute and enforce a new purpose. And the reason is plain to the most careless observation. It is because they saw that the restoration of the old federal fraternity would bring with it the destruction ot their party. They saw that no Beclional party, got up for the purpose of operating againßt an other section and destroying the political equality of the States, coaid outlive a restoration of harmony under the Consti tution. Hence they very Boon began to calum niate all leading men of Democratic prin ciples and to excite the suspicions of their party, and to agitate for new and uncon stitutional measures, and gradually the destruction they aimed at became as palpa ble as they could desire. For suppression of the rebellion they subsiituted*subjuga tion of the South ; for the Constitution, party necessity ; for the law of the land, their party platform and the will of their leaders; and for the flag of the nation, the standard of abolitionism. We had a common patriotic platform in 1861 on which the nation stood united almost to a man. We stand on that still; but the ab olitionists have seceded from it and drawn the Republican Party with them, and now they denounce the old and safe platform, and we who remain upon it and believe in it, are most industriously, vehemently and hatingly calumniated as traitors and reb els, because it is unsafe, not for the na tion, but for their party. No wonder the nation is divided. No wonder the admin istration finds many of its measures ear nestly opposed. No wonder the array is not easily recruited. No wonder the peo ple are unwilling to increase an army, that seems intended mainly for the support of a party which disregards the Constitution. Unconstitutional party action has caused division and hence unconstitutional force is required to suppress the manifestations of division. Instead of healing the divisions thus ere ited by falling back on the platform of 1861, which expressed the common sense of the nation and called forth its hearty support, we are called upon to Bnbmit to still further innovations, more grievous to endure than the previous ones. . This last is the most appalling of them all, and if the nation submits to it, we cannot guesß how far it will continue to submit—perhaps until the principle be admitted that the will of the party is the law of the land, and then all quiet liberty will be at an end, for then every election, if any be left, will be a hostile struggle by force for the possession of power, and every successful election will be a real revolution. Government is a mighty social force, but it is only among barbarons people that that force is directed by the mere will of thexuler. Among all.civilized people Government is social force organized, reg • nlated and directed bylaw. Bnt nowthis|es sential quality of Government is avowed ly abandoned- thfi--lffw..of the land is set aside, amf the wifrof one man, changing Will, every brc< ze of parly tactics has taken ils place. The habeas carpus is suspended. If this act is valid, no man, howevcrlnno* cent of crime, has any right to sue for his liber'.y when arrested, until the President pleases. For the defence of liberty the Courts are closed. In England, where people have had more contests for this right than here, such an act as this could not have taken place, without a great po litical revulsion, if not a revolution. In monarchical England it is never done by the Kißg, but only by act of Parliament, and then only for very short periods. In free America it is done by a President, and to continue during his pleasure. A President repeals a right secured by the Constitution of the United States, and by the Constitutions and laws of every State in the Union : and the dearest of all State laws bendß before the head of a mere party ; for it is not merely Federal bnt State laws that he has suspended. He stnkeE down the jurisdiction ot both Fed eral and State Courts, and nullifies those articles of the United States Constitution which ordain that no man shall be arrested without a warrant founded on oath, and definite charge of crime, and that every man shall have the right to sue for his lib erty before the judiciary. No such power was ever thought of, until the Republican party came into power, and it is the law lessness of their Abolition fanaticism that has led them to this. The will of the President now stands for the old right of popular legislation. Supreme over our personal freedom, he has ns entirely ot his feet, if his power is equal to the prin ciple which he proclaims. He has often claimed this right of sns pension for himself, but in his proclama tions he found j this act of suspension on an act ol Congress. We Bhall not discuss the authority of Congress to delegate such a power to any one, though such delega tions ore usually considered invalid. If i’. is law, then it cannot bj repealed with out the cousent of the President, without a vole of two-thirds of each bouse, and therefore he may perpetuate the power thus granted. The British Parliament always keeps such a power safe from great abuse by very limited suspensions. But the proclamation only professes to be founded on the act of Congress, tor be does not act according to its authority. It provides only for arreßts made criminal by law, whereas he extends it to nnmer. ous other restraints of liberty. Moreover, it requires that all persons so arrested, shall be handed over for trial to the courts, and thus this law itselt leaves a sort of habeas corpus law, without the writ; but this is disregarded in the proclamation. Under it any man may be seized and forced into the army by army officers, without law, and he can have no relief by writ ; and this gives the military entire power to fill up and continue its own or ganization ; though it is a self evident principle that the civil power alone has power to organize and control the mili tary. Heretofore we have had lawless and arbitrary arrests enough, and the habeas corj)us arbitrarily and lawlessly denied ; but now this denial, arbitra'y and lawless still, is become an avowed and proclaim ed rule. Heretofore we have had some hop e to sustain us, because in some cases we could appeal to the law of the land through [be courts; but now this hope is gone during the pleasure oi the President; the courts are to be resisted by tho mili tary power, and all the value of the habeas corpus is gone, so far as the freedom of the poople is dangerous to the party in power. if the President were usurping this pow er for himself alone, we might bear it pa tiently, until peace should be restored; but with hiß ten thousand party minions in every rank of the civil, military and uaval service, who are to exercise it for him and with the overflowing malico which they everywhere show for those who differ from them, we can have no present safety except what arises from our right to indict them for false imprisonment or sue them for damages, when the military will per mit us, These rights are not suspended by the proclamation, and cannot be, with out at least another step of abolition pro gress. We need not enumerate all the cases in which the writ is suspended, the last one is so sweeping, that it is of itself appall ing enough—‘ for any other offences against the military or naval service,’' To understand this, we must go back to the President’s letters on the exile of Mr. Vallandigham, wherein he avows that this means “no defined crime," but only free criticism of public affairs, which army of ficers may consider as “ damaging the ar my,” or “ warring against the military,” not including, however, attacks against any officers who are not of the party. This needs no discussion, for any one who will stop to reflect upon the breadth of the definition, may see, that with the President's loose ideas of power, it may include all acts of party freedom. No man can speak his mind on the subject of the war without danger of arrest, unless he speaks according to the wish of the party in power. We have simply to trust that he may consider us and our opinions unworthy of his notice ; and we hope he may do so, because we have no love for martyrdom. And all this is done after the war has lasted two years and a half without it be ing needed, and when we are told that the rebellion is almost crushed. Let any one stody the matter candidly, and answer if it is not intended, not for the safety of the country and its constitution, but for the' Bafety of the party in power. Maine. The radicals are fnrioualy exultant over the Maine election. Let us consider the figures. Maine gave a majority against Buchan an of 31,324. Lincoln had a majority of 24 000 over Douglas. Last year the Abo*. lition majority was 20,000. It is now re dnced to 14,000. Since 1866, here is an Abolition loss of 17,000 votes. Vl hat are these people making such a fnss abont? Were they really afraid the Democracy was going to carry the Stale. Two young girls, aged abont twelve or fonrteen years, named Julia Halloran and Julia Connell, were drowned while bathing in a'jpond near Boston, on Tues day. When the bodies were recovered, the girls were found tightly clasped in each other's arms, I TAXEic IN ALLEGELEKY COUNTY. In our article.about Taxation iu yester day’s issue, we promised to pay farther attention to the especial burdens of our own county. Our tax payers aro fully aware of the amount of the Railroad Tax, as it has at last been "compromised,” and has found its permanent place in the duplicates of the collectors. We shall therefore confine ourselves to the new impositions we have to bear. If the national debt, at the end of the war, shall loot np $3,000,000,000, as we believe it would do if the war were ended to mor row and all tho debt were funded, the who e interest of this, at 6 per cent, would be $180,000,000. Pennsylvania’s quota of this would be $30,000,000, or one-sixth of the whole, and the sub-divi eion would require Allegheny county to pay nearly one eighteenth oi the State’s TTa A 0 '’ beBld6S the faEdt<3 on funded debt, there will be new and heavy expenses, unknown before the war. There were 179,000 pension papers issned o soldiers in,this war, up to tho Ist of September, and the whole number cannot fall short of 250.000. These bravo and noble men, who have lost ea t or limbs jn their country's service, richly deserve the little pittance the law provides, and they will get it. If their pay will average $8 amonth, the yr arly ag gregate would be $24,(100,000— of this Pennsylvania's share would be $4,000,000 making, with her portion of her tax to pay interest on the national debt (thirty millions) the stupendous sum of $34,000,- 000 ! Allegheny County's share of this, estimately her population nt 200,000. would be one-eighteenth,or nearly $1,900,- 000. This is the yearly snm that we will have to pay, hereafter, tor the two items! of interest and tensions, to say nothing of many other items that will increase the amount, possibly to 2,500,000 ! But we are anxious not to over state the matter, nor excite unnecessary appreheD&ion. We will only ray that the taxes paid by the people of Allegheny County in tho nex t two years to support the war, will amount to as much as the entire Railroad Debt of the County. We may as well say here, mos. emphat ically, that we do not recommend that thiß crushing burden of taxation should be repudiated. We differ from the abolition leaders in this respect. We go in for keeping all legal contracts, aB far as ths ability of the contractors go. Bnt w e would ask tho people whether the Aboli tion Republican party, under whoso policy this immense lead of taxation has been incurred, are fit longer to rule the na tion. We believe the battle for the integrity of the Union is a jußt and sacred battle, but we believe it should have been conducted for hair the money it has cost, and the abolitionists hove no notion of limiting these expenditures if they retain power. Let us, in conclusion, iemmd the peo ple that the Railroad Tar in this county was pat upon them by Republican office holders, at no lime in twenty years ha® there been a majority of Democrats in the County Commissioners’ office. But it may be said no tax has been collected yet in this county for federal usee, except some licenses and excises. The general income tax, the assessment of which wbb con. eluded on the Ist of September is not yet collected ; moreover, we are informed IT WILL NOT BE COLLECTED UNTIL AI?TER THE ELECTION. Why is it not collected? Why? As far as our friends have anything to pay they are ready. Why, we repeat, is it not collect ed? Because it is not good for Mr. Ci a tix that the peoplo should be disturbed by TAXES! But THEY MUST BE PAID, and the people may as well know that they must be paid, whether before or alter the election it does not make much difference to the people, though Mr. Cgbtin may think it may make some differnce to him. The Democrats had no control—it was a Republican Congress that taxed onr tea and coffee and sugar—re-enacting the tea and coffee tax which was repealed by a Democratic Congress under the advice of Gen. Jackson I It was an abolition administration that wasted at least one half ot the 3,000,000,000 raised by an Ab olition Congress to carry on the war. Is this moat reckless and extravagant party to have further control of the fioances of the Government ? EDITGBIAL ETIQUETTE. Commenting upon our notico of Mr. Bioham's speech, in Philadelphia, yester day’s Commercial remarked : "The Port of yesterday morning departs f.om its acoustomed courtesy to mare a coarse attack on Hon.Tnos. J ■ Biuhav. It a-sumes that Mr. 8., is the editor of tbo Commercial, and eharses him with writing a fulsome puff of himself. So far as the notice of Mr B's speech in Ihiladoiphia is .concerned, ho was hundreds of miles away from the city when it was written, and never Baw it until he read it in this pnper- Besides, the Pori is lacking in convcnti nal etiquette when it soos behind tha published title fora responsible name for tho utterances of the Commercial, Tho reason Why we alluded to Mr. Big ham’s speech, at all, was because the Commercial's notice of it announced that it “was replete with eloquence and truth." When we remembered that Mr. Biguam, in his speech in Allegheny, the other after noon, had the audacity to tell his hearers that Judge Woodward, upon hearing of his son being shot in the leg at the battle of Gettysburg “wished that the ball had passed through his heart,” we could not retrain from noticing his eloquent and truthful oration in Philadelphia. For, we reasoned in this wsy; if Mr. Thomas Jefferson Bigham has the face to make such a Bpeech in the county of Allegheny, where he is so well known, and that, too, in daylight, what must have been the char acter of his remarks in Philadelphia after dark ? With all defference to the Commercial we insist that the intrcdnction of Mr. Bio ham's name in our paper instead of “The Commercial Printing Co., was no breach of professional etiquette. He is not only the leading editor of the Commercial , but he is a public man; he appears before the people as a public speaker and, as we have shown, makes mostoutrageons state ments: ho is therefore open to public criticism. But if the introduction of his name in our editorial column is an offense so heinous, what apology has the Commer cial to make for allowing a ruffian cor respondent to assail us byname through the very number of its paper, which com plains of our allusions to its chief editor? Address frprn IJjojDomoor'auc State: Ceiitrat Committee. To the Citizens of Pennsylvania: Wo would respectfully and earnestly addreaß a few words to those of you who have returned to your homes frcm the military service of our country. Od po litical subjects, we address yon all as cit ’zens; it is as citizecis you will attend the polls. Your State, by he-- laws, solemnly ecjoins upoD you not to approach the polls as soldiers. On some of the questions of the day, you have had special means of observa tion. You have been at the South. You have seen its negro population. Many of you have come back convinced how vain and impracticable are the schemes for its instant emancipation and advance ment, in prosecuting which the Abolition party disturbed the harmony of the Union, and at last involved the white race of our country in the work o r mntual destruction by civil war. \ ou have learned, too, from your pris oners, and from the people you have been among, that it is this same scheme for el evating the negro which now protracts the war - After your first victories, the mass of the Southern people could have been brought back into the Union, under the Constitution ; the secession leaders would have been lett without an army; but the Abolition party dictated a policy that Bet aßide the Constitution, and presented in its place emancipation, negro equality and general confiscation. American white men do not submit easily to terms like theoe, and they have afforded to the se cession leaders the very means they need ed to stimulate their followers to desper ate and protracted resistance. Thus the war has been kept up with all its terrible expenditure of life and blood and treaa- Qre - . T he A bolitionists have been the best recruitiug officers for Lee and Davis, for wiihoot the help oi the Abolition procla mations they never could have drawn from the small white population of the States they occupy the vast armies which, in nearly every battle, have exceeded in num bers, but not in valor, the Boldiers of the , union. Practically, the Abolition party at the North has proved the most useful ally to the secession leaders, for the Ab olition policy has silenced and kept under the Union men of the South, of whom Mr. Lincoln said, in his first message, “It may bo well questioned whether there is to day a majority of the legally qualified voters ot any .Mate, except perhaps South Carolina, in favor cl disunion ; there is much reason to believe that the Uuion men are tho majority in trany, if not in every other one of the so called seceded States.” Here was the weakness of the rebellion, till Abolition came to its aid and united the Southern people. The Democracy have advocated a con stitutional policy,maintaining at the North and always ofiering to the South, the orig inal Constitution agreed to by onr fore fathers. Thus we saw a mean* of giving the Union men of the South the upper hand of the secessionists. This is pre vented by the policy of the Abolitionists at the North; and when they lose politi cal power hero, then their twin brothers, the secessionists of the South, will fall from power there. Both look to military despotism as the means to keep their hold on power. As soldiers, you have had full experience of military rule. You know its uses, its haidships and its evils. Neces sary in armies, it is not, as you well know, a form of governmant fit for a free people Ihe strict submission, the unquestioning, obedience to every superior required by military discipline—these you agreed to give in miliiary duties during the term of your enlistment. But do yyu want to live under the same rule at home ? Do you Bee with satisfaction “provost marshals” lording it over the Constitution and the laws, in all cur peaceful towns and vil lages? Are they better and wiser than our judges and magistrates? You know tome ot them well. Some are gallant offi cers. but many are ignorant partisan poli ticians, needing u 3 much as any men to be held in check by the law from perpetra ting wroi-gR and falling into errors. By the Conscription act all mon from the age °f swtn5 wtnl y to forty ti»e are made liable to military duty, and lrom all who may be claimed as within this class, as well as from all soldiers, the protection of civil justice is now taken away by proclamation; and no citizen is to be allowed to vincieste his right to liberty if deprived of it by any niilitary authQrity. hi Ist you were fight ing forthe Constitution, 700 and all of us, it seems, have lost the constitutional rights and safeguards of liberty which are our birthright as American freemen. Btnmp orators, some of them political generals, forbid yon to reflect on these thicgß. They tell you cow to think only of war. There is 4 time and place for all things. Id the field you have thoughtand acted as soldiers. Your noble deeds prove how well you did your military duty. You will do it again when you return to the Geld. Bat if you are to be here on elec tion day, now is the time for you to think, as free-born citizens, of tbe political con dilion of your country. We ask you to vote with us to maintain, for yourselves and your children, the free constitutional Government that your fathers left to you. Think of these things now before it is too ' late. The next proclamation may asßail 1 the ballot box. Let us use it wisely while 1 it is yet left to us, < But you are urged—perhaps you will be ordered —not to vote for the candidates of the Democracy. Why not ? We cannot reply with fact or argument to the vile flung made up of vulgar abuse and polit ical nicknames, such as “Copperheads,” “traitors,” “secessionists,” and the Yon learned to despise these loDg ago, when they were poured out upon the gal lant 6ons of Pennsylvania— upon Mc- Clellan, McCall, Patterson, and many others. who have been your leaders and your comrades in the field. A life spent in honorable service of your country it no protection from partisan abuse, but rather seems to provoke it. You will judge men by thoir lives and characters in the past, if yon wish to be sure of them in the future. When did our candidate for Governor, George W. Woodward, forget his duty in order to serve himself or his party, in any trust that Pennsylvania gave into his keeping? “He deprived the sol diers of a vote,” say some of the Repub lican politicians. We are very glad to meet a charge that has any meaning in it. We will give a few words to this. When yon come to the polls in your proper election districts, y*u will find that no one has deprived ypn of yonr vote. There was a question whether the Consti tution of Pennsylvania provided, any means for a citizen to vote when he was absent from his home on the day of an election. Four caseß of camp voting came, about the Bame time, before the courts, or rather three cases. For in the case known as Shimmelpeuuich's case it was proved and admitted that no votes had been really given by any one ; the pretended returns were shown to be for geries made up in Philadelphia, and as such the courts rejected them. The case of most importance was the case of Ewing against Thompson, well remembered iu Philadelphia. The elec tion was for Sheriff of that County, a very lucrative office, of great political impor tance. Mr. Robert Ewing, the Democrat- ic candidate, had a majority, if votes given for him in the camps in Virainia could be counted. To politicians, the other cases were important only because the de cision in them would decide whether a Democrat or a Republican should be the Sheriff of Philadelphia. The Republi cans opposed the soldiers 1 vote because It was for Ewing, the Democratic candidate. Mr. Mann, the Republican District At torney, made np a case by Indicting " German named Kunzman for votin'* fraudulently in a camp in ln tbis case J udge Allison, of the Court of a n i inon ea «» a Republican, first decid ed that, under the Cohetitutioti. of Penn sylvania, votes coat'd iot be given by soldiers who were absent from fche ; State. A later decision in thfe:Supreme Court tS* I f^ e ca^ e against Miller, lnat Court also decided under the Con stitution of Pennsylvania the voter must vote in hieprecinct. The language of the Constitution is clear. Judges have no power to alter it, though the people may do so ; and a proposition to alter the Con stitution in this point will come next year before the people. At present it reads thus: “Sf.c. 3. In election by the citizens, every white freeman of tbe age of twenty one years, having resided in the State one year, and in the election district where he offers to vote ten days immediately; pre ceding such election, and within two years paid a State or county tax, which shall have been assessed at least ten days be fore election, shall enjoy the rights of an elector,” Ac. Now, the baseness of the attempt of the Republicans to excite prejudice among soldiers against the Democratic judges lies in this : The constitutional objection against the camp vote was first raised by Republicans, in order to secure the office of Sheriff of Philadelphia to the Repub lican candidate. The rejection cf the camp vote did secure the office to the Re publican candidate, Mr. Thompson, and he holds it now. Judge Allison, Jadge Reed, Judge Strong, all decided againßtthe camp vote} but the abuse is all directed against the Democratic candidates; yet there were the jadges who in the decision showed that no party feeling could sway them lrom doing what they knew to be their duty. For this the Democratic party honors them, and nominates them to high offices, of which they have proved worthy. Mr. Robert Ewing, who lost his case, is among their warmest supporters. If jiie Republican politicians can make capital out of this matter, it will not be among honest men who want honest jadges. In giving the decision of the Court against the camp vote, Judge Woodward was not forgetful of the honor due to our soldiers. He said : ‘‘lt U due to our citizen soldiery to add, however, is respect to the cases of fraad that have been before ns, that no soldier was implicated. The frauds were perpe trated in every instance by political spec* ulatora. who prowled around the military camps, watching for opportunities to de stroy true ballots and substitute false ones, to lorge and falsify returns, and to cheat citizen and soldier alike out of the fair and equal election provided for by law, * * 1 o voluntarily surrender the comforts of home and friends, and busi ness and to encounter the privations of the camp and the perils of war, for the purpose of vindicating the Constitution and the laws of the country, is indeed a signal v'sacriflee to make for the public good ; but the men who make it the most cheerfully and from the highest motives would be the very last to insist on carry ing with them the right of civil suffrage, especially when they see, what experience proves, that it cannot be exercised amidst the tumults of war without being attend ed by fradulent practices that endaDger the very existence of tbe right. Whilst any such men fight for the Conslitu tion. they do not expect judges to sap and mine it by judicial construction.” (Chase vs. Miller, 0 Ifright' s Reports.) Nor was he found wanting at a later period, when tbe gallant Army of the Po tomac, inferior far in numbers, confront-1 ed the hosts of our. invaders on the soil of Pennsylvania. Whilst bungling misman agement delayi d her own militia until New 1 ork and New Jersey got-the start of us, Judge Woodward, with his two sons in the field, gave all the weight of his position and character to the call of arms. He said : ”lhere ought to be such an instant up rising of young men, in response to this call, as shall be sutiicient to secure the public safety, and to teach the world that no hostile (cot can, with impunity, tread Lho soil, of Pennsylvania.” (Philadel phia Inquirer, June 30, 1663.) The Democratic party has been as much belied to you as its candidates. But many ot you are Democrats, all of you have camped and marched and fought side by side with Democrats, in the service of the Luion. You know whether they have been true to it and to you. Some of the best Ebldiers of this war are Democrats, and for no other reason they have incur red the hatred of the faction whose test of merit is—devotion to tho negro 1 In the State Legislature, in the Federal Con gress, your rights and interests were alway, maintained by representatives of the Democracy of Pennsylvania. Of its principles we can make no statement so authoritative as its platform. We cite to you from it the following resolutions : 11 Resolved, That the soldiers composing our armies merit the warmest thanks ot the nation. Their country called, and nobly did they respond. Living, they shall know a nation’s gratitude ; wound ed, a nation’s care ; and dying, they shall live in our memories, and monuments shall be raised to teach posterity to honor the patriots and heroes who clfered their lives at their country's altar. Their wid ows and orphans shall be adopted by the nation, to be watched over ana cared lor as objectß truly worthy a nation's guar dianship. Ilesolved, That the Democracy of Pennsylvania ever has been true to the cause of the Union. It was in the name, and for the sake of the Union, that our party was made ; that we denounce the least intimation that the Democratic party entertains now, or ever has enter tained, or ever can entertain, the slightest sympathy with the present gigan tic rebellion, or with traitors in arms against the Government, or would ever consent to peace upon any terms involv ing a dismemberment of the Union, as utterly unjust; and in proof of this, we point with exultation to the lavish con tributions to tho war in blood and treasrre heretofore, and now being made by the hundreds of thoosands of Democratic citi zens, who weEe among the first to fly to the rescue of the Union, and peril their lives in its defence.” | Charles J. Biddle, Chairman Philadelphia, Sept. 19, 1863. ’ Who Are the Agitators? The Pittsburgh Commereidl', appears to be in the fog as to who the agitators are— who converted a once happy and united country-into a warring, blood-thirsty and disunited people. I will tell the Commer cial who the agitators are. They are the fanatics Washington and Jackson warned ns against; they are the men who would have defeated the compromise act of 1850 if they could, which defeat Mr. Clay said would have been a triumph of ultraism and impracticability ; a triumph of the most extraordinary conjunction of ex tremes ; n victoij won by abolitionism : a Victory won by free soilism ; the victorv of discord and agitation over peace and *“«»“** > aad 1 pray ‘o Almighty God, Baid the great Statesman, that it may not W?iTT eDCe .° f ' a 0 ■ DaaB l'>cious result, lead to the most unhappy an d disastrous consequences to our beloved country. They are the disturbers of the peace o F ' Clay ? rged na t 0 “ranse koaaid, arouse the laboring classes in the free Stales against abolition. The Blaves being free would be dispersed ' throughout the Union j they whuld enter ID .to competiticn with the free laborer; with the American, the Irishmen, the . German reduce his wages ; be confound* < ed with him and affect his moral and so cial standing.’ 1 Why do not you, Mr. Commercial, arouse the laboring classes & S a thst abolition ? They are the members ot Congress who voted for Blake’s reso mtion, and who recommended Helper’s L/nais to the people of the United States, one extract of which is BnfEcient to indi f!lte^-cllaracter: “Teach the slave ““**> bnildingsj to kill their cattle and hogß j to conceal aßd de stroy farming utensils ; to abandon labor in seed time and harvest, and let the crops perish ; to make slave holders objects ot derision and contempt by flogging them whenever they shall be guilty of flogging " their slaves. ” . The members of Congress whoendorsed these sentiments, are among the agitators, Mr. Commercial. What a record these agitators have made for themselves'! Horace Greeley declared, “I have no doubt but the free and slave States onght to be separated.” Mr. G. W. Julian, a member of Congress from Indiana, in a speech said, •‘I tell yon we are a section al party. It is not alone a fight between the North and South ; it is a fight between freedom and slavery ; between God and add >. betw een heaven and hell.” c r ' „ rin S ame , a member of Congress from Massachusetts, said, “ When we shall have elected a President as we will, who will not be the President of a party nor of a section, but the Tribune of the people ; and after we have exterminated a few more miserable doughfaces from the North, then If the Slave Senate will not give way, we will grind it between the up per and nether mill stone of our power.” Rev. Mr. Wheelock addressed a lerge congregation in Dover, New Hampshire, in a sermon, in which he said, “It is a great mistake to term this act (Brown’s) the beginning of bloodshed and war. Nev er could there be a greater error. We have had bloodshed and war tor the last “ml jke campaign began March 7, itsoo. lhe dissolution of the Uniondates I from that day, and we have had no Con stitution since.”- An extract from the fntmne says, “The time is fast approach ing, when the cry will become too over powering to resist. Rather than tolerate national slavery as it now exists, let the U nion be demolished at once, and then the sin of slavery will rest where it be longs.” Thege demons of discord are now in o * l estimation good Union men, and the Democracy are called Copperheads, because they think with Jackson, that the Constitution cannot be maintained, nor r. u p. lo n preserved in opposition to pub lic feeling by the mere exertion of the co ercive powers confided to the General Gov ernment. That the foundations must be laid in the affections of the people, in the security which it gives to life, liberty and property in every quarter of the country: and in the fraternal attachments whifchthe citizens of the-aeveral States bear one to another as members of one political fami ly, mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other; and that the citizens of each State should studiously avoid everything calculated to wound the sensibility or offend the just pride of the people of other States. And thay should frown uponlany proceedings within their own borders likely to distuib the tranquil ity of their political brethren in other por* tions of the Union. .If Andrew Jackson was a Copperhead, I guess the Democra cy can stand the appellation. If Andrew JackßOn was loyal, then are the Abolition ists rank traitors. Hickory. I’ECTORAJ. eortJH SYRUP, Prepared by Dr. KEYSEIL Jj' 1 ! e ™“ Bt Eff'ctuiland agrceab'e ooosh rem * J h D<mß - h™ been sold hero and throngh- m “ y Jeare ' the In botUes at 60 Cents each, .? n a „ 6 , about throe tanos the ouattity of the ordinary ?5c articles. Said by Simon johnstor; Corner of Smithfleld & Fourth rts. ror.i.sir Reasons why it is better than dry Polish; !• It is already mixed. 2. It has bo smell whatever.. It produces no diit or dust. ?■ It stanas the most intense heat 5. I t preserves from rust. _ if > B “*® most economical polish, i. It is not one-fourth the labor. _ . SIMON JOHNSTON. corner Smithfield and ltonrth sts' New Advertisements. For sale by 8024 A PRACTICAL smjr FITTER TO whom o-Mutan* <mployment cm be given. Apply at the office of th 5 House of Refuge No 67 Fourth sir ot. _bo?4-3«1 NEW GOODS ARRIVING daily A SPLSUDID STOCK OF RALJIORAI, SKIRTS, HOOP SKIRTS, BLANKETS, FLANNELS, ODS FOB MEN AND BOY’S WEAK, MUBLINS, PBINTS, [Forth© Post. GINGHAMS, A fan Hue of Housekeeping Goods, At as low. If not lower priooa than can be found WHOIEBAIE BUYERS Are particularly invited to oall and examine William Semple’s, Bos. 180 & 182 FEDEBAI. ST., V HOOFING, H n*TOir. OI.PDEN ACO w A are preparod to co GRAVEL ROOEINg Out of the oity on short notice- loa o^6 CQraer * Wood ,ts -. atoiy. {-JAMB BAGS.- - | A new end sp.endid assortment, For s&lo JAMES GOWN. 136 Wood (t. HASTED. H L RING WALT. See 1 ' FRENCH MERINOS, REPPS, COLORED ALPACCAS, DELAINES, DRESS GOODS, SHAWLS, *c«, dp., anywhere. oar stock at ALLEGHENY, PA.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers