L le No. 2477. TERMS OF SCBSCIUPTLON.F o \£ DOLLAR PER AXtfKM, IX ADVANCE. For six months, 75 cents. -jVll N'fDV subscriptions must be paid in Jf the paper is continued, and n. t '[^jtbiathe first month, §1,25 willbecharg •f njt'pai'l in three months, §1,50; if not r six months, §1,75; and if not paid in inths, §2,00. pjners addressed to persons out of the a v will be discontinued at the expiration of ;:,; ne piiJ fjr, unless special request is made -1 contrary or payment guaranteed by some ■onsible person here. ADVERTISING, lines of minion, or theirequivalent,con -1 a square. Three insertions §l, and 25 preach subsequent insertion. [e West Branch Insurance Co. OF LOCK HAVES, PA., URE3 Detached Duildings, Stores. Mer chandise. Farm Property, and other Huiid , and their contents, at moderate rates. PIRECTORS. B John J. Pearce, Hon. G. C. Harvey, eB- Hall, T. T. Abraras, ides A. Mayer, D. K. Jackinan, irles Crist, " VV. White, Thos. Kitchen. Hon. G. C. HARVEY, Pres. T. T. ABRAMS, Vice Pres. [i. Kitchen, Sec'y. REFERENCES. a _jel H, Lloyd, Thos. Bowman, I) D. V U'inegardner, VVm, Vanderbelt, A Mackey, Win. Fearon, Thite, Dr. J. S. Crawford, iesQuingle, A. Updegraff", i\V. .Nlaynard, James Armstrong, i Simon Cameron, Hon. Wm. Bigler. 4Agent for .Mitilin county, G. W. STE W f, Esq. ap23 .ainity from Loss ami Damage by Fire. Mif Perils of .Marine and Inland Transportation CONTINENTAL INSURANCE COMPANY. i/ •■•rated by the Legislature of J'euusylt a nia, icith a Perpetual Charier. Authorized Capital, 81,000,000. e \o. 61 Walnut St. aboic Second, Pliiia. i-e Insurance on Buildings, Furniture, Mer &c., generally. Marine insurance irgoes and Freights to all parts of the H. Inland Insurance on Goods, &c., by . s Rivers, Canals, and I,arid Carriages, to I : arts of the Union, on the most favorable has, consistent with security. DIRECTORS. ■ -je W. Colladav, William Bowers, i >l. Coleman, Joseph Oat, ain V. Machette, Howard Hinchman, GEORGE W. COLLADAY, President. MI.EX W ii. SON. Secretary. 's™\gent for Mifflin county, Wm. P. EL >TT, E-q. febl9-1y INDEMNITY AGAINST LOSS BY FIRE, ttiklut F ire Insurance Compa ny of Philadelphia. :.-e 435 and 437 Chestnut street, near Fifth. TATHMEXT OF ASSETS, January 1, 1838, |putjtisheJ agreeably to an act of Assembly, ing— •t Mortgages, amply secured, $1,596,823 19 il Estate, (present value SIOO,- W,) cost, 74,280 93 uporary Loans, on ample Col* Herat Securities, 101,088 17 'Ws, (pres'l val. $76,964 22) cost 71 547 97 :tfs arid Hills Receivable, 4 307 00 ' 40,855 4* | $1,888,904 74 ! Perpetual or Limited Insurances made on every ■ -criptiori of property, in Town and Country, .lies 3- low as are consistent with security. >ince their incorporation, a period of twenty* ':iit years, they have paid over Four Millions f i) lilarv losses by tire, thereby affording cv i nceof the advantages of Insurance, as well • the ability and disposition to meet with rjmptne-s all liabilities. Losses by Fire. js>es paid duting the year 1857, $203,789 4 DIRECTORS. 'as. .V Bancker, ! Mordecai D. Lewis, J bia- Wagner, I David S. Brown, itiiiel Grant, i Isaac Lea, '"■rj It. Smith, J Edward C. Dale, La. W. Richards, i George Fales. CHARLES N. BANCKER, President. '4i. A. STEEL, Sec'y pro tem. _ IfpAgent for Mitliin county, H. J. WAL* TRS, Esq., Lewistown. feb2s 1T277 GB.QCESRY, PROVISION AND FISH STORE. THE subscriber has opened a Grocery, Pro | vision arid Fish Store opposite Major Eisen - Hotel, where he has just received a fine Mortment of fresh jFamUg (Groceries, rating which may be found fine Coffee, Sugar, •;a, Molasses, Syrups, Cheese, Crackers, -h, Ham, Shoulder, Fine Ashton and Dairy hit. Tobacco, Segars, Soap, &c. Also, Brooms, Tubs, Buckets, Baskets, and a ■"it assortment of Willow-ware, which he -ers for cash very cheap. ! will pay Cash for Butter, Lard, Potatoes, baions, &c. Call, see prices, and judge for yourselves. sep3 JAMES IRWIN. CHEAP GOODS AGAIN! I'llE undersigned having purchased the stock of goods of Samuel Comfort, Don ating of all kinds of DRY GOODS, suitable : - r Badies, Gentlemen and Children, Grocer- Queensware, Readymade Clothing, &c., •jitod selling off the entire stock AT COST! °bse out the establishment. Persons wish > to buy CHEAP will do well to give us a 1 Country dealers wanting goods to keep •P their assortment will do well to examine stock, as we will self atPhiladelphiaprices. b. Country Produce, at market prices, ; be received in exchange for goods. G. W. SOULT, . 11. 11. COMFORT. bewLtown, June 10, 1858. .<OO lights best Window Sash, from 8x l0 to JOxiS, for sale very low. FBANCIBCVB imHWfflaiß AST® iPwsassiaaE) an? ffm-sriSHHaaijEa teWMOT, Hmmmssr (e®®syoir 9 IPA* Dolttfcal. SPEECH OF COL. JOHN W. FORNEY, Delivered on the 2d of September, at Tarry town, N. Y., in the ( Jth Congressional Dis trict, represented by the lion. JOHN B. IIASKIN, who was re-nominated as the Peo ple's Candidate for Congress on that day. After some remarks relative to Mr. llaskin, Mr. Forney said: My fellow-citizens. 1 must be a little per sonal, because, appearing before you as I do, I am impelled, if not compelled, to re fer to a portion of the political history in which 1 have borne a prominent part. — My relations to the present Executive of the United States begun with early boy hood, from the time long before 1 became a voter, when L was his intimate confident and friend. From early youth down to the present hour, or rather to a period one year ago, I sustained toward Mr. Buchan an relations not only of intimacy, but of more than intimacy. Ilad he been my father, if his blood ran in my veins, i could not have been more devotedly attach ed to him. [Applause.] 1 believe that that sentiment and affection was reciproca ted. We had tried in our good old State of Pennsylvania, for many years, to elect this gentleman to the Presidency. It fell to iny lot—born in the country where he grew to manhood, in the country where he read law, in the country where he -till has his residence, in that country where he says he expects to die—and knowing him thus well, it fell to my lot to do a good deal of the hard work incident to the fulfillment of the aspirations of himself and the wishes of his friends. In 1841 we went to the City of Baltimore instructed to vote for a distinguished citizen of your State, Mr. Van Buren ; but owing to the publication of his celebrated Texas letter, the delega tion f an Pennsylvania, as is well known, concluded that Mr. Van Buren had forfeit ed the confidence of the Domocrati • Party, and that it became us to present our own favored citizen for that high place. We did so, and we failed. But .-fill in 1848 we reappeared upon the scene with cur fel low citizens, and there the friends of Mr. Van Buren in this State repaid us in kind for the good turn we had served them four years before. [Applause.] Undaunted, we continued to organize and in 1852 we reappeared in the same scene with our for mer friend, and we were again defeated. That seemed to be the last chance —the last shot in the locker—if I may use the expression. But he was appointed by President Pierce in 1853 to fill the high and important mission of Minister to Eng land. While there he was removed from the scenes of domestic politics, and quietly rind observantly watched the movements at ) home pending and succeeding the repeal of the Missouri line. Mr. Buchanan had been | known for his attachment to that line.— Though in 1810, while a student of law with Mr. Hopkins, at Lancaster, Pa., he at tended a meeting in which he denounced it; subsequently in l -MT. he came out in his celebrated Berks County letter, and sta ted there that the only way to settle the Slavery question was to run the line to the Pacific so as to secure to the North and to the South their respective benefits on each side of it as proposed by its original friends. Therefore, it was, that while at a foreign court, absent from his own country, his name became peculiarly the name of the American people, as the one that would lead the I'emocratic party to victory again. His old friends in Pennsylvania moved for ward, and again we organized. We saw the time had come when our champion could be presented to our pt-oplo. We re paired to Cincinnati. Rivalries —home ri valries—had been extinguished ; bitterness growing out of the Missouri line and the passage of tho Kansas Nebraska bill had temporarily removed other candidates from the field (or so we thought); and Cass men, Dallas men, and Buchanan men in ! Pennsylvania made common cause, and re paired to Cincinnati for tho purpose of put ting this gentleman iu nomination. When we reached there, the first indication that appeared was, that the extreme South had resolved upon Mr. Buchanan's annihilation. They saw in him the light of a moderate conservative sentiment. They saw in him, for the first time, a public man who having been absent from the country, therefore disconnected from the exciting rivalries of the day, would be compelled from his po sition, todo justice to Northern feelings, and extinguish sectionalism. They did not trust to him on the issue of the day. He was not a good enough Kansas and Nebras ka man for them; and they fought us, as the history of that Convention will show, for five long days with a bitterness and an imosity such as political conventions can scarcely rival. But lie was the only man to rescue the democratic party from defeat. He was the only man to prevent the elec tion of a Republican, and the only man who could carry Pennsylvania; for upon the contest of that state did the entire tide of battle turn. From your own State a similar disposition w;is manifested in cer tain quarters. In this quarter, now, where I this disease of Lecomptonisw rages tho j most violently, and where the affection for the administration is indulged the most ar i dently, Mr. Buchanan received nothing THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1858. but coldness and contempt—but we nomi nated him and returned to Pennsylvania, for the fir?t time joyous in having achieved our long cherished wish. And when we returned there, we came with the full and confident hope that there would be an end to the difficulty in electing a man whose na ture was believed to be conservative, whose character was believed to be so prudent, arid whose entire record had been national and constitutional. At that time T believe the Republicans themselves abandoned the campaign. They looked upon his nomina tion as their death-blow. They looked around in vain for a candidate ; but events (and there is no necessity for spinning out this detail to a greater length) brought on a series of excitements such as we have never witnessed in our country, and by the middle of August 1856, the campaign was more than doubtful. \\ hy did it become doubtful? Because the Public Opinion of the North had been stirred to its deepest depths by the excesses of the Pro-Slavery minority, backed by Federal power, in tlio territory of Kansas. That was the only question. It was not tho Ostend Confer ence, it was not the Pacific Railroad; it was nothing but the single issue—Shall the people of Kansas be permitted to dis pose of their own affairs in their own way? Bhall they vote upon their domestic insti tutions, not Slavery alone, but upon all their institutions, unmolested by the bayo nets of the Administration on the one hand and the onslaughts of bands of foreign marauders on the other. No man felt more deeply in reference to Kansas than did Mr. Buchanan. No man talked more freely about it. In his letter of acceptance of the nomination and in the speech he deliv ered to the Committee upon it in his par lor at Lancaster, (at which 1 happened to be present. ) he laid stress upon the great principle that the will of the majority should prevail. Why, he said to me u thousand times '*The South must vote for •• me, and the North must be secured; and '• the only way to secure the North is to "convince those gentlemen that when I "get in the Presidential chair I will do "right wiili the people of Kansas. lam '• now 66 years of age. f have reached that " time of life when I cannot have any am- " lotion ibr a re-election, and if 1 have, the '• only way to secure it is to he . trongwith "my own people at home. I watched this " struggle from my retirement in London : "I have seen what i concicve to he the •• mistakes of others. Lam not responsi " Lie for the Administration of President "Pierce: therefore, 1 will inaugurate a new " system ; 1 will show to those gentlemen "that, a Pennsylvania President will stand "firm to the pledges of a Pennsylvania " gentleman and a Pennsylvania Democrat." Now, fellow citizens, in that letter of ac ceptance, if you will refer t. it—it is not necessary for me to produce it here —you will find that he stated distinctly that the Territory of Kansas should be protected in the sacred right of suffrage, una wed by any influence whatever, and that the will of the majority should prevail. We went into the canvass. It fell to my j lot to be at the head of the State Democrat- j ic Committee of Pennsylvania. Ail my af-! feetions were in that Stato; all tho emotions 1 of nature, physical and mental, were en- | listed on tlie side of the candidate she had j presented. I lis whole career, his character, i my personal attachment and the sincere de votion 1 felt for him, his family, his cause, i and all about him made me so anxious for ' him to succeed, that I indulge in no vain j expression of speech when I say to you that I would have forfeited my life for him. ' My devotion for him knew no bounds. Day and night, night and day, 1 toiled in , that campaign. And there are those here to-day from my own State who will bear witness to the fact when I say all my own resources,all my fortune, my every exertion, every aid that oould be enlisted was enlist ed to produce the final result. And above all others in that campaign was the great principle of popular sovereignty. [Ap plause.] That was the standard which marshaled the way. That was the shib boleth—that was the war cry. From Lake Erie to the Delaware River—from Pittsburg to Philadelphia—in every village and town in the State —everywhere that I could in duce a pen to write, or a tongue to speak, that was the theme upon which those pens wrote and those tongues spoke. Why, gentlemen, Mr. Buchanan had no confidence or reserve upon this subject, lie was public, he was open, he was unreserved in his declarations to everybody. He sent to the traduced John Hickman, in an adjoin ing county. He told him, through his friends and agents: "Vou, Mr. Hickman, [ occupy a peculiar relation; yon voted for the Topeka Constitution; you denounced | the Kansas-Nebraska bill; you were oppos ! Ed to the repeal of the Missouri Compro | misc line; the Democratic party of your dis i trict have nominated you; the Republicans . like you; they believe in you. Now I want i you to take the stump and go before your people and pledge me, James Buchanan, that I intend standing by, and if necessary "lying by this principle of Popular Sover eignty." For myself, if I could descend to the baseness ot republishing private let ters, J might fill a volume with similar pledges from similar authority. Why, gen tlemen. when the distinguished Secretary i of ~ tate, Mr. Oobb, who from having been a superfine Union man has been converted into a fire-eater, equal to Mr. Chaubert himself—when Mr. Cobb came into Penn sylvania, and traversed our State from end to end, and from couuty to county, talking to delighted audiences all the time, what was the burden of his theme? Why— Popular Sovereignty. I would take "the Army and Navy, I would use every power of the Federal Government, I would sur round the Territory but what the people of Kansas should vote, and by their vote the destinies of the future State should he de cided. \\ henever a Southern orator came into Pennsylvania and called upon me, I said to him : " Now, sir, 1 have hut one thing to say to you; we have hut a single tiling before the people; every day is mak ing the campaign more and more doubtful; every day is making the popular feeling more and more intensefMr. Buchanan him self feels that everything depends upon the prudence, the sagacity, and the spirit of conciliation by which this campaign is conducted, and for God's sake take care what you say about Kansas; leave your vio lent Southern feelings at home; you must not come to threaten; you Governor John ston, and you Mr. Scott, of Richmond, and you - Mr. Extra Billy Smith and you Mr. Secretary Floyd, all of you, must remember that if you lose this battle here, you lose it altogether; it will be your loss, and there fore must allow us to manage it in our own way. And they did accede to that policy, without any protection, and gladly. There was no deception in that fight, at least so far as I was concerned. 1 -owed the state with private letters and private pledges upon this question. There is not a county in Pennsylvania in which my letters may not be found, almost by hundreds, pledging Mr. Buchanan, in his name, and by his authority to the full, complete and practi cal recognition of the rights of the people of Kansas to decide upon their own affairs. [Applause.] Uentlenien, he was elected. He formed his f abinet. lie issued his Inaugural Ad dress; and here, at this point, let me .-ay. that the piublic confidence inspired by his nomination by the Democratic party, and the apprehensions of his election inspired in the Republican ranks, that puldib con fidence in the man was renewed and re vived hy the publication of his Inaugural Address. The Repu' iicans, many of them who had voted for John C. Fremont .u !: "We believe in Mr. Buchanan; if he stands by the doctrines of his Inaugural Address we will stand by him.'' Now, bad he done so, the Republican and the American parties in my opinion would have bcenextin guished; would luive been one great, happy national family. Alter all, what the great muss of the people in this country desire is a good Government. Every man in this country is not an office-seeker. Nine out of ten are disinterested in their relations to this Government, and they are ready to vote lor John 11. Haskin or for John Smith, if they have confidence in the man; and Mr. Buchanan would have suited the coun try as well as any oilier man, if he had but fulfilled his pledges; and therefore it was that when the inaugural address was pub lished, they said one to the other—We boliovo in Mr. Buchanan—we are sorry that we have not voted lor hiui; but we are willing to trust hiui and stand by him to the end. Mr. Buchanan had before him a future which Washington, if he had boen living, might have envied—a future which, il he had walked resolutely in the path he had marked out —the path illuminated by his resolutions and pledges—would have allowed him to go down to the grave with the acclamation of the people. Posterity would have pointed to his administration as a model and example to all generations; Pennsylvania would have 110 cause to have heen ashamed of her once favorite son. No, my lellow countrymen; but he did not stop here. As if for the purpose of accu mulating pledge upon pledge, as if for the purpose of piling up a pyramid of promi ses upon the question, what did he do next? He looked around to see whom lie should get to go to Kansas for the purpose of settling the vexed question which had rendered Kansas, what it has been graph ically termed, "the graveyard of Govern ors." lie sought no inferior man; he would not be tempted to take an ordinary man. Ile selected a gentleman, a states man, who had been presented by a large portion of the leading and prominent men of the South for a seat in his Cabinet, who had for years represented bis State in the councils of the Nation, il e selected Robert J. Walker. And when he called upon Mr. Walker, and asked him to proceed to the Territory, Mr. Walker said to him, "Why, Mr. Buchanan, that would finish me for ever; it lias ruined every man who has gone there; it will ruin me. I have reached j that time of liie when I cannot afford to | risk all my prospects and probably the peace and happiness of my family." And he | said further, " I cannot run the risk ot be ing most probably betrayed and deserted by the Administration that appoints me." 1 Mr. Buchanan said to him, "Mr. Walker, if : you will go there, you win settle this ques tion iu a tew weeks. Everything is ready; : here are your instructions. 1 pledge you my word that®very thing you desire ju ! shall have." Mr. Walker, as if inspired by a sublime suspicion, said, " Mr. Bu chanan, 1 will not go to Kansas until you allow nie to meet your Cabinet face to face, anil ascertain from that Cabinet in person whether they will agree that I shall go there and carry out the pledges of the campaign of I80O." Accordingly, a meet ing of the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan was called. At the meeting every member of 'he Cabinet was present. Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Walker were present —Mr. Bu chanan in the chair. (Jov. Walker said " 1 have desired this meeting because I have determined not to go to Kansas unless I have lull instructions to carry out those pledges and those principles; if there is any opposing voice, I will not go; I do not want to go; it is by no means an enviable : position; but if I have the permission and consent of you, gentlemen, for this I have asked, I will go." The Cabinet was polled; hut one member of the Cabinet objected to , the programme laid down by Gov. Walker, i I need not mention his name. Gov. Walk er said, " That settles the question, gentle men; I do not wish to go; a single negative is sufficient, and I will retire from the field." ; But they took that member of the Cabinet | into an adjoining room, and there they con vinced him that Gov. Walker was right. '1 hey returned and gave Walker his instruc tions. lie went to Kansas with his in structions in his pocket, and accompanied by a man well known to the country, Mr. Stanton, who went out with similar pledges, j Now, after this plain statement of the facts, ! j I will coine down to my own part of this cam- j I paign. My ambition to assist and build up ! my good old State, to push forward her great j interests, and assist in the development of her ■ industry—to do that which we must all do, j at least it we desire success—for the older . you grow you should be stronger at your own home—to build yourselves up in your own ; counties and own States, and when you do j that you wiil be respected and strong at the j seat of the Federal power. Therefore it was that in the year 1857 I started the newspaper j which now bears my name at its masthead, i I did this for the purpose of advocating Mr. j I Buchanan's policy throughout. 1 had abun- j • darit pledges as to his course, but before pub j lishing that paper I took care to write to Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, and to himself, and told ; them • n what ground I intended to stand on this question of Kansas. They were so good as to send me sufficient written testimony strengthening me in the position I had as sumed. I went on with Walker and Stanton, until the Oxford and McGee frauds took place, when there \vu- a hurst of execration through out the country. The whole Democratic press had argued constantly the policy of the Ad- ; ministration up to that time; but when Gov. { V< alker rejected thes-e frauds, there was si | lence. A pall fell ever the columns of the Wi ishington Union. Nothing was said upon j the subject of the Oxford and McGee frauds. No voice was heard in Washington against it; but I supposed some malign influences for the mom> nt had surrounded that journal—that it had laid an attack of some peculiar insanity, ! which has lately become chronic with it —and ' I allowed it to pass by. But when the dark, damning deed of Lecompton was perpetrated, then I saw for the first time that those gallant ! men in the Territory, Walker and Stanton, j and those who acted with them, had been de i serted. I saw that Democratic principles had j been carried out by them, and we wore now called upon to turn our backs upon ourpledgcs : and betray our manhood. [Applause.] Gen- j tlemen, there was something too much of this, j and when ihe cup was presented to my lips 1 i refused it. [Cheers.] Administrations may change, Presidents may change, l ut 1 had I been too fully committed on this subject to go ! back to Pennsylvania and turn my back upon j pledges which i had both spoken and written | 'to thousands of men. I did not for a moment | believe that the Administration had concluded to abandon the principles which had put them into power, that thoy were resolved to make ; their policy a test; so when 1 went to Wash j iugton and called upon my old friend, 1 said j I to him, " Mr. Buchanan, for the first time in : our lives we are at variance; I find myself | standing by one principle, having followed I your lead, and you have deserted it." "Well," j said he, "can't you change too? [Laughter.] ! If I can afford to change, why can't you af ! ford to change ? [Renewed laughter.] If j you and Douglas and Walker will unite in 1 support of my policy there will not be a \ whimper of this thing; it will pass by like a summer breeze." 1 told him that it was very ; well with an Administration surrounded by ! j office holders and living all the time in the ' j atmosphere of flattery; that was followed by i thousands of gentlemen who expected places; j that they could come to him and say, " You j are right, Mr. Buchanan ; we are down on ! our bellies; please to walk over us, please j trample upon us, and we will be happy and : content, and hope you will believe your policy j is right." "But I tell you," said I, " that there is a still small voice in the people that j instinctively rejects frauds, and this is not only a fraud but a dishonor. Ido not claim jto "be more honest than any other man. I | have done, as all politicians have, some things which may not square exactly with the rules ; of religion and right, and which, il 1 have, I i regret: but this thing will not do. [Loud j cheers.] I have reached the stature and years of manhood, and 1 eanuot go back to ; Pennsylvania to eat my own words and bo come the slave of power. [Renewed cheers.J 1 cannot. But then, Mr. Buchanan, you must tolerate this difference of opinion. Gen. Jackson tolerated differences of opinion in his friends. Col. Polk tolerated differences of opinion, and you differed with him in his views on the tariff, and yet you remained in bis Cabinet. Mr. Pierce tolerated difference of opinion. But here you are. Men who j put you where you are—who ask nothing at . 1 your hands—who have refused your favors— have trampled all the patronage that has been offered them underfoot; here they are, asking 1 to be tolerated in the indulgence of an honest opinion." The reply to that was, " Sir, I in tend to make my Kansas policy a test."— " Well, sir," said I, " I regret it ; but if you make it a test with your officers, we will make it a test at the ballot box." [Loud cheers.] Repeated efforts were made to heal the differ- New Series—Vol. 111, No. 45. enco. But. it seems to me, gentlemen, that when the Presidency is conferred upon a poor mortal, it transfers him into a god, in his estimation, or a lunatic. [Laughter.] No'- body is permitted to approach power to tell the truth. Power never hears the thunder voice of the people, sitting as it does in its cushioned chairs, between marble walls. The independent man, loud and bold, with a clear eye, who comes to tell the truth, is waved from the Presidential presence as a rude iir truder. Then we weut home. As I said, re peated efforts were made, and made in vain, to heal the differences. The conferring of this Presidential patronage of vast millions— more than the monarch of Great Britain en joys, and nearly as much as the French dee j pot wields—this patronage induced Mr. Bu chanan to believe that he could make his test successful. How was it made ? Gentlemen, when the chapter which shall detail the man ner in which the Administration has used its patronage is written, it will be a black one. When our children and our children's chil dren come to read it, they will not believe that an American citizen, elevated to the Presidential chair, in the face of such a peo ple, covered with such an armor of pledges, ; would have gone into that chair to have used his army—aye, his army and the treasure — i your money and mine—your officers and : mine—for the purpose of putting down a gal lant band of men for standing by the plain word of God's truth ; would wish that ! when the historian comes to write, that he would not be compelled to write that that President was born in Pennsylvania. [Ap plause.] Now, gentlemen, there has not been an clement lacking to relieve this unredeemed ; infamy— not one. There has not been a sin gle circumstance lacking. They have gono | on step by step, with a tread of fate and des ; tiny, trying to crush out the brave and gal lant spirits who have stood forth asking for nothing but to be allowed to do right. Look at the South, in whose name this deed, L comptonism, has been perpetrated. After its representatives in the Senate and the House ! have assisted in hounding down Stepheu A. Douglas and David C. Broderick and their gallant compatriots in the House, the South begins to say, as they see the Administration hell-hounds pursuing and attacking Doug las and his friends, " This is too much. We i " are willing to accept Leeompton as gilded " poison which has been extended to us, and ! " which is to help us, though the only thing ! '• it lias done has been to commit our Repre " sentatives to a gross wrong toward the "North. But we cannot bear this pcrsecu " tion." Bead the letter published the other day in the New York papers from Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland. Read the statement of Alex. 11. Stephens and Henry A. Wise. They are clamorous.against these attacks on j Mr. Douglas. Public men in this country forget in their truckling to the South that i Southern people are Americans as we arc. I hey have their slavery; they have their pe i culiar institutions; but they reject a wrong, ■ they reject an infamy, they reject unfairness . just as readily as we do. They will not sub mit to this tyranny of the Administration v upon Mr. Douglas and his friends. And I so it will be when the Administration begins ! bv courting the South—by declaring that the | only thing the President should do is to yield i Uf the South—that Administration will end I by the South turning upon it. What then? l lt will be Tjlerised. [Laughter.] The Ad ministration of James Buchanan Tylerised— supported by a set of office-holders and ex pectants only, with all the great parties, and the one that puts it in power inclusive, stand | ing from it and shunning it like a contagion! I " Imperial Cie.-ar, dead anil turned to clay, | Must stop a Pule to keep the wind away." [Laughter.] I am aware that i am talking to a mixed j audience—there are here present Americans, Republicans and Democrats. [A voice—No ! doubt of that.) MR. FORNEY (continuing)— Now, gentle men, we who act with Mr. Haskin, we who follow the flag borne by those great heroes of the day—those immortal chieftains, lienry A. Wise and Stephen A. Douglas—are constant ly twitted with combining with what are po litely called Black Republicans. [Laughter.] But have you Americans who are present wit nessed the e9orts of the Administration to make a union with you? The Administration can combine with the Americans (I believe you are called Know Nothings sometimes) and that is all right. Or if a BJack Republi can comes out for Lecompton, he is immedi ately washed clean and wiped. [Laughter.] Why gentlemen, the principles that wo fought for in 1850 are now reduced to—Lecompton. We may be hs true as the north pole upon principle, hut if we don't go for Lecompton we are d--d indeed. [Laughter.] But if the Republican or American becomes Lecompton iaed, he is not only speedily forgiven, but ho is elevated to the highest seat in the syna gogue, aud he is pointed at as a brand rescued from the burning. [Laughter.] The Admin istration is pledged, recollect, to a platform of hostility to secret political societies, lie is pledged in its platform to those who speak with a rich Irish brogue or sweet German ac cent. But, gentlemen—you Americans and you foreigners and adopted citizens are not to recollect when an American becomes Le comptonized : only those are infamous who unite with Republicans and Americans to vindicate a principle. [Applause.] Then you are out of the party and are excluded from decent society, and henceforth and for ever you are never to be forgiven unless at the last moment you come forward aud say • " Praise unto thee John Calhoun and Le compton." [Laughter.] I have been tuilip" in the Democratic party since I was a boy" and I am not now quite 41 years of age. "i never voted any but a straight out Democratic ticket. My excellent friend, Samuel J. Ran dall, who was a very good American, and who was elected to the Senate of our State—Sam said to me: "I am freshly in the party, and you are freshly cut of it." Thus I find my self turned out of the Democratic party if I will consent to it, and because I will not consent to leave Democratic principles. [Laughter. l This is an age of newspapers and telegraphs on the land and through the sea. [Cheers.] And when tuese transpire there would be no God in Heaven if the ballot box did not damn such a party in October next. [Cheers.] And you in New York who think the Democratic party is sold body and breeches to this official >
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers