BEDFORD INQUIRER, ' BEDFORD, Pa. Friday Morning, July 13, 1861. "FEARLESS AND FREE." D. OVER—Editor aud Proprietor. THE MESSAGE. Tbe message of President L incoln will be found in our columns to-day. We presume is will be read more generally tban any' other message of any President sioce the founda* tion of our Government- It is ably written, and its arguments against secession, &c. are unanswerable. There is no doubt that every sentence of tho document is from the pen of the President, as every line bears upon its face the nervous and peculiar style of iff author. The call for 400,000 men and $400,000,000 will be promptly, we believe, voted by Congress. Tho Gazette says that we take "great pains to prove that Democrats are Union man," and that "to this end we publish tbe letters and speeches of eminent Domocrats," and "that Democrats have always been for tbe Union." Now, we plead guilty. We DO publish tbe letters and speeches of "eminent Democrats" "te prove that Demooratb" and the Democrat ic party is for the Union. The eourso of the Bedford Gazette is an exception. It is a secession, disunion paper, and publishes the treasonable messages of Jeff Davis, &o.— As a party, that party ie loyal to the Consti tution ana the Unioc, ami to prove to Demo crats who see no other paper than tho Gazette, that this is tbe fact, we pubiisb these arti cles. THE TREASURY AND WAR REPORTS.—The Report of the Secretary of the Treasury shows that for the fiaical year just closed he requires, , in addition to the appropriations a'ready made, j §217,168,850, nearly all of whieh is for the Army and Navy. For the year ending July 1, 1862, the probable demands upon theTreas sury are estimated at §318,519,581. From the Secretary of War's Report we learn that under the oall of the 6fteenth of April last, 75,000 men from the militia for irree months, there are new in the aarviee of the United states 80,000 men. Under the proc lamation of the 4th cf May, for volunteers to serve for the war, there have been accepted and are now in the service, Regiments equal to 155,000 men; making tie total volunteer foroe cow In service, 235.000 men. Add to this fifty-fire Regiments, accepted but net yet in service, 50,000 men, and new Regiments of the regular army, 25,000 men, makes the ag gregate fo'-cc now at command, 310,000 men. Deduct three months, men after their time j expire', 80,000, leaves a foroe still at coro maud of the Government of 230, 000 men. , THE WAR CONGRESS.—The extraordinary ' se?eion cf Congress assembled on Thursday. Tfciity-nioe Senators ,vcre present, including Messcrs. Pearco and Kennedy of Maryland, Johnson of Tennec>, Breckinridge of Ken tucky, and Polk of Missouri. Hon. Galusba A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, was elected Speak er of the House, he receiving 99 votte, Mr. CritteDdeu 12, Col .Blair 11, &Dd the ballantfe scattering. Mr. Tennessee was elected Clerk. The vrfcc stood, Ethreidgo 92, Forney 41, Dietrich (ill.) 21, Florence 2. Col. Charles J. Riddle, iu command of one of tbo Regiments recently in this place, but now in Cumberland, has been ejected to Oon prVsa tn Philadelphia, in place of E. J. Morrii, resigned. The Distrie: is R publioan, and only about half tbo vetcs were roll. d. His n.njority is a little above 200 cvsr ("has. O. Neill Riddle was a Breckinridge Democrat and his eiection is ... be attributed 'o th 9 mis take of a few Republican leaders attrmp'ing tn force a party nomination on the pccpia at a time when rityism ought to he dropped. The map of our eoucty has finally ma le its appearance and we think in good style, rnd perhaps in good time, as a thorough knowledge of the border counties of our State is- indis prpsible in the prosecution of tho present war, and can only be obtained from these eouotv map We believe that the author has done brtter ibsu was gencral'y expected, and hope his woik a*iil be w-U received throughout the county. No utfe ir has ever yet succeeded, however, in chia full satisf ration to ail, and it should n i be cxp-cted in this caße ; but his work certainly ' - - well, and us far as we known ccr.tasr. few < r. ~r. 4TH Jct.T.—Our " z ns aloog with the Bedford Rifiomeo, met in tho Uuien. School House on the morning cf the 4th, to celebrate the natal day of the nation. Tbo ladies, eseinked by the gentlemen, sang patriotic song, the Dcclarsritu of Independence was then read by Hoc. Alex. King, after wht-h the Star Spangled Binner wis sung, cl the people returned to their homes, and spent the day in a patriotic manner. PRB&IDENFS MESSAGE. Fmow CiTiKf s or THB SEICAT AS HOUSE or RErEESBNTATiTEs - Having been convened on an ; extraordinary cccation as authorized by the Con- i stitntion, yonr attention is not called to any ordi- j narj suhjeet of legislation. At the beginning of the i present term, far won ths a;w, the functions of the Federal Government were found to be gen erally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida, excepting only those of tnt P° Bt Of fice Department. Within these SUiu all th e forts, arsenals, dock yards, custom houses and the like, had been seized and were held in open *° this Government, excepting only forts Pickens, Taylor, snd Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The Forts thus seized had been put in improved condition. New ones had been built, and armed forces bad been organized and were organiz ing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose The forts remaining in the possession of the Fed eral Government in and near those States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Snmter, which was nearly sur rounded by well protected hostile batteries with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A I disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow fonnd their way into these States, and had been seized to be used against the Government. Accumulations of tho public reve nne, lying within them, had been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving bnt a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the Government. Officers oi the Federal armv and navy had resigned in great numbers, and of those resigning a large proportion hid taken lip arms against the Government. Si multaneously, and in connexion with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Onion was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose an ordi nance had been adopted in each of (hose States declairing the States respectively to be scperated , from tbe National Union. A formula for the in stituting a combined Government of these States had been promulgated, and this illegal organiza tion in the character of Conlederate States was already invoking recognition, aid, and intervention from fortign Powets. Finding this condition of ibirgs, and believing it to tie an imperative duty npon the incoming Exe cutive to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable,. This choice was made, and was declared in the augural Address. The policy chosen looked to the' exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold.the public places and property not already wrested from tbe Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the ; malls, at tbe Government's expense, to the very people who were resisting the Government, snd it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to any of tbe people, of any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitutionally and justifiably do in snch a case everything was for borne. without which it was believed possible to ! keep the Government OD foot. Ou the sth of March, 'ho present Incumbent's first full day in office, a letter of Mr.jor Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on tho 28th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was, by that Department, placed in his bands. This letter expressed tbe professional opinion cf the writer that reinforce ments could not be thrown into that fort, within the time for his relief rendered neeessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than 20,<i00 good and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command ; and their memoranda on the subject were made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieut. General Scott who at once coucurrec, with Major Anderson in that opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of tbe army and navy, and at the end of four days came rrluctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient toice was thou within the control of the Government, or cou'ri he raised and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of the Administration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous ; that the necessity under which it was to tie done would not be fully understood; that by many it would be construed as a part of a vol untary policy; that at borne it Would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, aud go far to insure ;o t. e latter a recognit;on abroad; that, in fact, it would be our national destruction 'consummated. This could not be allowed.— Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be rein forced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would hotter enable the country to ac cept tho evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steam ship Brooklyn into Fort Fickens. This order could Dot go by laud, but must take the longer and slower route by sea. Tbe first return news from the order was received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. Tho news itself was that the officer cotu mandihg the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had beea transferred lrom the Brooklyn, actiug upon some quasi armistice of tbe late Administration, and oi the existence of which the present Admin istration. up to tho time tho order was despatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix at tention, had refused to land tho troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would bo reached at Fert Sumter was impossible, rendered io by the near exhaustion of provisions in tho lat ter named loit. In precaution against sucb a conjuncture the GOT eminent had ft few days before commenced pre pair ing an expedition, as well adipted as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately nsed or not, according to circum stances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented,and it was resolved to send it for ward, as bad b, • a intended in this contingency. It was also resolved to notify the Government of South Carolina that if the attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accord ingly given, whereupou the fort wag attacked and Ixmibarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arm ~1 ol tbe provisioning expedition. It is thus seen that tbo assault upon and the reduction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a matter of self de fence on the part ol the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no pos ibiltty commit aggression upon them. They knew - they were expressly notified—that the giving of bread to tip few bravo and bnngry men of the garrison was all which could, on that occasion, be attempted, unless themselves by resisting so much sbou d prove ;e more. They knew that this Gov ernment desired to keep the garrison in the fort; not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible possession, trusting, as heretoforo stated, to time, disc .sion, and tbe ballot box, fni flnal adjustment. And they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object—to drive ont the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force U to immedi ate dissolution. That this was their object, the Executive well undersiood ; and having said to them in the Inau gural address, "you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took psins not ouly to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry as that the world sDould not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, w;tb its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of tbe Government began the conflict of arms without a gnu in sigiit or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the f. w in the foit, sent to that harbor years before for tneir own protection, and still riacy to give that protection in whatever was law ful. In this act, discarding ail else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue—imme diate dissolution or blood. And this issue em braces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man tbe que*. BEDFORD INQUIRER. tion wh tbcr a Constitutional RoptiUic or Deinoc. racy— a government of tbe peo pie by the sa me people—can or cannot maintain its territorial in tegrity against its own domestic foea. It presents the question whether discontented iudivi duals, too few in numbers to co ntrol the Administration ac cord ing to the organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this case or any other pretence, break up their government, and thus practically put an end to the freest government upon the earth. It forces us to ask : Js there in all Republics this inherent and fatal weakness? Mast a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people or too weak to maintain its own existence 1 So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the Government, and so to resist the force employed for its destruction by lorce for its preservation. The call ws made, and the rosponse of the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity sod spirit the moat sanguine expec tations. Yet none of tbe States commonly called slave States, except. Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organizttions. A fen regiments have been organized with j in some others of those States by individual enterprise, and received into the Government set'ice. Of course the seoede.f States so o ail ed, and to which Texas ltd been joined about the time of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The Border Slates, so called, were not uniform.in their action, some of them being almost unanimous for the (Juion, while in others, as Virginia and North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was nearly repressed and sileDeeu. The course taken iu Virgiuia was the most re nnkahle, pcrlaps the most important. A oouvention elected by the people of that State to consider this very ques tic of disrupting the Federal Union was i" session at the capi tal of Virginia when Fort Sumter foil. To this body the people had chosen a large ma jority of professed Union men. Almost imme diately after the fall of Sumter, mauy members of that majority weut over to the original disunion minority, and with tbein adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Uuion. Whether this change wis wrought by their great approval of tbe assault npon Suoiter, or the g.eat resentment at the Gov ernment's resistance to that assault, is not defi nitely knowD. Although they submit)! the or dinance for ratification to a vote of the peo ple, to be taken on a day then somewhat more tbau a month distant, the Convention and tbe Legislature, which was also in session at the satno time and place, with leading members of the State not members of either, immediately oojumenoed acting as if the State were already out uf the IJaiou. Tbey pushed tbeir military prcperaiions vigorously forward ail over tbe Stat". They seized tbe Uuited States armory at Harper's Ferry, and the oavy yaid at Goa porf, uear Norfolk. They Received, ■perhaps invited, into their State large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments from the so called seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-op eration with the so called Confederate States, and sent members to their (Joogress at Mont gomery, and finwlly, they permitted tho insur rectionary Government to be transferred to tbeir capital at Richmond. The people of Virginia bate thus allowed this giunt iusarrection to make its nest with in ber borders, and this Government bas no choice left but to deal with it, where it finds it, and it has the less regret as tbe loyal citizens have, in duo form, claimed its protection.— These loyal citizeus ibis Government is bound to recognize and protect as being Virginia. Iu tbe Border States so called, in fact tbe Middle Siaes, there are those who favor a policy which ihey call armed neutrality; that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union foroes passing one way or tie Ditunion the other, over tbctr soil. This wouid be dis anion completed, figuratively speaking. It would be the building of an impossible wall along the line of scperatiou, and yet not quito an impassable one, tor uo ler tbe guise of neu trality it would tie the hauJs of tbe Union men, aud freely pass supplies from among them to tbe insurieotionists, whioh it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble off tbe hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the exiorual blockade. 1' would do for tho Dis j unioninis that which, of all things, they most | dasire—feod them well, and give them-iisuuion ; without a struggle of tbeir OWD. It recogni zes no fidelity to tbe Constitution,'DO obliga tion to maiutuiD the Union ; aud, while very many who have favored it are doubtless loy al, it is nevertheless very injurious in effeot. Ileoun tog to the action of the Government, | it may be aiated that at first a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia, and rapidly following this a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary dis tricts, by proceedings iu tbe nature of a block ade. bo tar, all this was believed to be strict ly legal. At this point, the insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of pri vateering. Giber calls were made for volun teers to serve three years, unless sooner dis charged, aud also for large additioua to the regular army and Davy. These measures, wnether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon under what appeared to be a popular Ueuiand and a pubiio necessity, trusting, theu, as now that Congress would readily ratity tbem. It is believed that nothiug has been done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the first oall for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize tne Command ing General in proper eases, according to bis discretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas oorpus, or, in other' words, to arrest or detain, without resort to the erdinsrv processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might doom daugerous to the pubiio safe ty. ibis authority has purposely been exer cised but very sparingly. Nevetheless, the legality and propriety of what has been dono uudei it are questioned, and the atterttion of the couutry has been called to the proposition tbat one who is sworn to lake care tbat the Uws be faithfully executed should not himself vio late them. Of course some ooueideration was given to the questions of power and propriety, before ihig mat'er was acted on. The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully excouted ware being resisted, and fading of execution jn nearly one third of the Stales. Must they be allowed to final ly fail of execution, even bad it been perfect ly clear thai, by the use of the means neces sary to their exeoution, some single law, made in snob extreme tendernoss of the oitiaens liberty that, practically, it relieves more of the guilty than of the innoocnt, abriUlJ, to • very limited extent, be violated? To state the question more directly, arc all tbe laws but one to go unexecuted, and tbe Government itself go to pieces lest tbat one be violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if tbe Government should be overtbiown, when it was believed tbat disregarding tbe single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not believed tbat this question was presented. It was not be lieveu that any law was violated. The pro vision of the Constitution, that the privilege of the writ of habeas ccipus shall not be sus pended uole-s wben, in ease of rebellion or invasion, tbe public safety may require it, is equivalent to a provision tbat sncb privilege may be suspended wben, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the puvlio safety does reqnire it. It was decided tbat we bave a case of rebel lion, and that the public safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege ot the writ, wbicb was authorized to be made. Now tt is insisted that Congress, and not tbe Executive, is vested with tbis power. Uux the Constitution itself is silent s to wliieh or who is to exercise the power, anil as tbe provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed tba; the fra mers of the instrument, intended that in every caso the danger should run its course until Congress could be called tr-getber, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this ease by the rebellion.— No more extended argument is now offered, as au opioiou at tome length will probably be presented by the Attorney General. Wheth er tbero shall be auy legislation upon the sub ject, and if any, what, is suomilted entirely to the better judgment ot Congress. The forbearance of this Government bad been so extraordinary and so long continued as to lead somo foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union ws probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he is now bappy to say that the sov ereignty and rights of the Uuitod States are now everywhere practically respected by for., eign Powers, and a general sympathy *vi'b the country is uianife>ted throughout the world. The reports of tbe Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and tbe Navy, will give iho inforntation in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your deliberation and action, while tbe Executive and all the departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facti considered important for you to know. It ts now recommended that you give tbe legal meaus for making this eontest a short and a deolsive oue; that yon place at the control of the Government, for the work, at least 400,000 men, aud $400,000,000. That num. ber of men is about oue-<tfnth of those of prop er ages within tbe regions where apparently all are willing to engage, and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by t.ie men who seem ready to devote tbe whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of oar own- Revolution, wben we came out of that struggle; and tbe money vslue in the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then than does tho population. Surely each raau has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to estabiish them. A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten toues tho meu and ten times tbe money. Tbe evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand of the Execn tise to give it practical shapo and efficiency.— One ot the greatest perplexities of the Gov ernment is to avoid receiving troops faster than providing for them. In a word, the people will save the Government if the Government itself will do ita pait only indifferently well. It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the present movement at the South be called secessiou or rebellion. Tbe movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by any name which im plies violatiou of law. They kuew their peo ple possessed as much of mora! sense, as much of devotion fo law and order, aod as muoO pride in, and reverence for, the history and Government of their common country as aov other civilized and patriotio people. They knew they could make uo advancement direct ly in tbe teeth of these strong and noble sen timents. Accordingly, they commenced by an iosiduous debauching of tbe publio mind.— luey iuvented an ingenious sophism which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps through all tbe incidents to the complete destruction of the Union. Tbe sophism itself is that any State of the Union may, consistently with the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw fro:n the Union, without the c nsetit of the Union or of any other State. The little disguise, that the supposed right is to be exercised only for a just causa, because they themselves are to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit aoy notico. Wi'.b rebellion thus sugar coated, they have been drugging the pubiio mind of their section for moie than thirty years, and until at length they hqe brought many good men to willing ness to take up arms against the Government the day after some assemblage of men havy enact ed the farcical pretenee of taking their .State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thiog the day before. This sophism derives much, perhaps the wholo of its currency, from the assumption fiat there is some omnipotent and saorsd su premacy pertaining to a State, bo each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out of the UnioD. The original ones passed into the Uniou even before they oat off their British Colonial dependence, and the new ones eaeb came into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas; and even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a State. The new ones only took the designation of States oti coming into the Union: white tbat name was first adopted far the old ones in and by the Peolaratioc of lndepondeoeo. Therein the Uuitcd Colonies were declared to be free and independent States. Rut oven then the objeet plainly was not to declare their independence of one another, or ot the Union, bat directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action, before,at the time, sod afterw.ids, abundant ly show. Tbe express plighting of faith, by each and all the original thirteen, in tbe Articles of Confederation, two years later, that ''the Union shall be perpetual," is most conclusive. Having never been States, either in snbsttDce or ueme out side of the Uoion, 1 whence tbiw magical omnipotence of State Right* asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Un ou itself? Much is snid about the sovereignty of tbe States, bat the word, even, is not in the Natioual Constitution, nor ! *s is believed in aDy of tbe Stare Coostitu* liona. What is a sovereignty, in the political j sense of the term? Would it be far wrong Ito define it ."a political community without I a political superior !" Tested by tbis, no , one of our Stares except Texs ever was a ; sovereignty, and even Texas gave tip the char ; acter on coming into the Uoion, by which set ! she acknowledged tbe Constitution of the j Uuited States, end tbe laws and treaties withe j United States, made in pursuance of tbe Con stitution, to be tor her the supreme law of the land. Tho States have their status in the UnioD, nud tbey bave no other legal status.— If they break from tbis, they can only do so against law, and by revolution. The Uoion. . aud not themselves separated, procured their ; independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase, rbe Union gave each of ihem whatever of independence and liberty it bag. The Union is older tban any of the States, ; and in fact it created them is States. Orig iooally, some dependent colonies made tbe Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off tbeir old dependence for them and mide them Spates, such as fbty are. Not one of them ever had a State Constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that ail the now States framed their Constitution* before they enterced tbe Uoion; nevertheless depen dent upon, and preparatory to coming into the Union. Unquestionably, the States have the powers and rights reserved to theiu in and by tbe Na tional Constitution, but among those surely, are not iucluded ail conceivable powers, how ever mischievous or destructive, but, at. most, such only as are known in tbe world, at tbe time as governmental powers, nd certainly power to destroy tbe Government itself bad never known as governmental a merely admin istrative power. Tbis relative matter of national power and State rights as a principle is uu other than tbe principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be con fided to the whole, tj tbe General Government while whatever concerns only the State soould be left exelu>ively to the Stats. This is a.i there is of original principle about it. Whether the National Oonstitunoa, in defining boundaries betweou tbe two, has applied tbe principle with ex iot accuracy, is not to be ques tioned. We are also bouud by that detining without quashou. What is now tombalted is the position that seceoioa is conststaut with .the Constitution, is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is aoy express law for it, and nothing should ever be implied as law wuiob leads to uojust or absurd Oousequeneea. Tbe cation purchased wilii money me coun tries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off with out leave and without refunding? The nation paid vary iarge sums—in the aggregate, I believe, of a buudred millions— lO relieve Florida of too aboriginal tribes. Is it just tbat she shall now go oil Without consent or without making any return! The nation is now in debt for money applied for the bene fit of these so-called seceded States IU common with the rest. It is just either that creditors shall go uupaid, or the remaining States pay the wnole? Fart of the present national debt was ,contrasted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she suail leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State may seaede, BO may aDO iber, aud whou ail shall have seceded, none is letl to pay me debts, is this quito just to ore ditois? Mid we notify them ut this s>ge view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now .recognize this uoetriuo by allowing the Seceders to go iu peace, it is difficult to see what we cult do if otuers choose to go,or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. The secedcrs insist that oar Constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, which of necessity they have either discarded or retained the right of secession as they in sist if exists in ours. If they have discarded it, ttiey thereby admit that on principle it ought not to he in ours. If they have retain ed by their own construction of ours, they show that to bo consistent they must secede troin ons another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts,or effecs dug any other selfish or unjust object. The pnuciple itself i 9 one of disintegration, and upon which noGovcroment can possibly endure. If all the States save ODe should assert the power to drive that one out of the Ucion, it is presumed the whole elms of seceder politi cians would at once deny the power, and dea uouoou the act as the greatest outrage qpon State lights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called driving the one out, should be called the seceding of the others from that one, it would be exactly what the secedtrs claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the other ben cause they are a majority may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights ot minorities; they are not par tial to that power which made toe Constitution, aud speaks from the preamble, calling itself "The People." It may well bo questioned wbetb-v there is to day a majority of the le gally qualified voters of any Btste except, per haps, South Carolina, iu favor of disuuioo. f.iere is much reason to believe that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so called seceded States. As the contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them, it is ventured to affirm this, even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of an eleotioa held io military eampg, where the bayonets were all en one side of the ques* tioo, voted upon, popular sentiment. At such an eleotion ail that laiga class who aro not at once for the (Jnioa and against coercion woold be cuoreed to vote agaiuat the Uuioo It may be affirmed, without extravagance, tht iho free institutions we enjoy have develo ped the power and improved the condition of our whole people, beyond aoy example in the world. 01 this we now bava & striding and impressive illu-(ration. large an army as the Government has now on foot was never be fora known, without a soldier in it hot who had t-k*n bis place there of his own free choice. Bat, more than this, there are many single regiments whtse members, one and another, posesa full praotieal knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions and whatever else, wheth er useful or elegant, is known iu the world: and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a eoort abundantly j competauVto administer the Government itself. Nor do 1 say this is not true also in the arms of our late friends, uow adversaries in tbii j content. But if it is, so much better the reason why the Government which has confers red aucb benefits on both them and us should not he broken np. Whoever, in any section.' proposes to abandon such a Government, would do well to consider in deference to what prin ciple it is that be does it. What better beds likely to get in its stead* Whether the subs stitufe will give, or be intended to give, so much of eood to tbe people? These are some foresbailowiogs on this suhjeet. Our sdversa* ries have adopted some declarations of indepen i denoe in which, unlike the good old one, pen ned by Jefferson, tbey omit tb words, "All men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution' in the preamble of which, unlike our good obi one, signed by Washington, they omit "We tbe people," and substitute "We, tbe deputies of the sovereign and independent States." Wby? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of mea end tbe authority of the people? This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle far maiutlining in tbe world that f. rm and sub stance of government whose leading oiject i* to elevate the couaition of men; to Hit artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in tbe race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures from necessity, this is tbe leading object of tbe Government for whose existet.ee we con tend. 1 aai mo3t happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, which in this, the Gov ernment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in 'he army and navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned, and proved false to the band which bad pa'tnpered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. Great honor is due to those officers who remained true des pite the example of their treacherous associates. But the greutsst honor Dd most important fact of ail is tbe uncommon firmness of the common soldiers and common sailors. To the last man,so far as known,they have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of these whose oouunands but an bour before tbey obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of plain people. Tbey understand, without au argumeut, that the destroying of the Govern ment which was made by Washington means no good to them. Our popular Government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people bave already settled—tbe suc cessful maintenance against a formidable inter nal attempt to overthrow it. It is for tbem to demonstrate to tbe world that those who oan fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion—that ballots are the rigbiful and peaceful successors of bullets, and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided there can be uo successful appeal except to bal lot- themselves at succeeding elections. Such will t> a great lesson of peace teaching men what tbey cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by war; teaching ail tbe folly of being the beginners ot war. Lest there bo some uneasiness in tbe minds of candid men as to what is to be tbe course of •the Government towards the Southern States after the rebellion shall bave been suppressed, tbe Exeoutive deems it proper to say it will be his purpose than, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and tbe laws, and that he proba bly will have no different understanding of the powers aud the duties of the Federal Govern" meat relatively to the rights of tbe States and tbe people,under the Constitution, than expres sed in tbe luaugeral Address, lie desirea to preserve the Government, that it may be ad ministered to all as it was administered by the men wbo made it. Loyal citizens, everywhere, have tbe right to claim this of their Govern ment, aod the Government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it there ie anv coercion, any conquest or subjugation, in any just sense of tbe terms. The Constitution provides, and all the States have acoeptod tbe provision, that tbe United States shall guaranty to every State in this Union a republican form of Government. But if a State may lawfully go out of tbe Union, having done so, it may also discard the repub lican form of Government, so that, to prevout its going out, it is all indispensable to use every means to the end of maintaining tho guarantee. W'heu an end is lawful "and ob ligatory tbe indispensable means to obtain ifc are also lawful and obligatory. It was with the deepest regret that the Exe cutive found the duty of employing the war. power, in defence of the Government forced , upon him. lie could but perform this duty or surrender tbe existence of the Government., No compromise by public servants could in this case be ma le. Not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can loDg survive a marked precedent, that ttio-a who carry an election can only savs tha Government from immediate destruction by givtog up the uiin point upon which tbe peo ple gave tbe election. The people themselves,, and not their gemots, oan safely reverse their own deliberate deoisioos. As a private oitisen the Executive could not have consented that theso institutions shall perish; inooh lees could he in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust i aa these free people bad confided to bim. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to oouut the obeoces of his own lifa ic what might follow. Iu full view of his great responsibility, he has, so far, dona what be baa deemed his duty. You will new, iooor oording to your own judgement, perform yours. 1 He sincerely hopes that your actions tnay so j accord with bis as to assure all faithful citi zens who have been disturbed iu tbair rights of a certain and speedy restoration lo them under the Conatitutioa *ud the law-. And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose., lot us tt>tw out trust in Go:!, and go forward without fair, and with manly Loarts. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. July 4,
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