A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNOjJNo. 34, NOPTH FIFTH.STRF.ET, PHILADELPHIA. [No. 66 of Vol. IV.] CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SATURDAY, January 5. CO N TINUATION OF THE DEBATE on MR. STEELE'S MOTIOJf, • For reducing tl'e Army. MR. MOORE said, the resolution as now worded, contemplates the reduction of the army to two regiments. No rc=?b.-jS. been intioduced for thismeafure, which were cot brought forward in the firft difcuflion of tto fubjeft. He thought that t.'.e rc ifons for continuing the army, existed with additional force. He observed, that granting abuses had taken place, it was no good reason for repeal ing a law. If abnfes do exist, which he by no means thought to be fact, this was not the way to correct those abuses. But he insisted, that the mode proposed as a fubftituttf for car rying on the war, was the way to encreafe those abuses—the opportunities would be en creafed—and the meansgreatly diminiflied, by reason of the distance, of detesting & prevent ing them. He enlarged on this idea; and then entered into a consideration of the queftibn, whether the militia or the regular troops were the most eligible to be employed in an Indian war?—tie stated the difficulties and expcnces arising from the militia system—it would be much greater than it has ever yet been. Adverting to the fyfter.i adopted by Congrcfs, he observed that two ebjefts ap peared to have been in view at that time— those objects exist at the prefeßt moment; they have reference to two species of force— a defenfive, and an incurfive. He said if no other thaw a militia was contemplated, -the Indians would never make a permanent peace. The iticurfions of the militia, and the burning of their town's, will uever bring the Indians to terms—permament pods must be eftablilhed ; a reipeclablc force must be fixed In their neighborhood. He alluded to the treaties which had already been made—the repeated violations of those treaties. Fear only can keep the savages within any bounds. Nothing el re can effeit a lasting peace. A permanent regular force is then the necefTary result—the experience of the French, Spani ards and English, fufficiently enforce the pro priety and necessity of regular troops. Here ho entered into a consideration of the differ ence between such regular troops as he con templated, and those to which gentlemen ap peared to be opposed. Added to the advan tages of difcipiine, the regular troops may be trained to fight the Indians in their own way, to greater purpose than any militia ever can. On the whole, he was clearly of opinion that the present was not the time to reduce the military force of the country—and (hould therefore vote the motion. Mr. AVilliamfbn so far supported the mo tion, as to suggest the reducing the number of officers on the regular eftabliihment, to the number of men in actual service, and to stop recruiting after the month of March. Mr. Mad i Ton said the present discussion in volved a revival of the tjueftion agitated the )aft session, whether the militia or regular troops were to be preferred in carrying on the Indian war?—lt is said that this is not the time to reduce the military force of the coun try—that the President is invested with the power of reducing the army—that while im portant negotiations are pending, it will be attended with inauspicious effects to leflen the imprejfions of our power on the mind of the Indians. These considerations, he ac knowledged to be weighty—but if the force of the country can be continued on as rc fpeftable a footing as alt present, and at the lame time the expence greatly diminiftied, the government would be inexcusable not to do it. It is supposed that this may be done in perfect consistency with impressing the ene my with the failed imprellion of our power. He suggested therefore the eligibility of com peting the effe&ive force by the addition of volunteer militia—to organize compleatly the regular troops already raised—and to reftrilt them to the number that they at present con sist of. To reduce this idea to effect, he sug gested to the gentleman from North-Carolina a modification of his motion, by an amend ment in conformity to these ideas. Mr. Steele said he was perfectly in senti ment with the gentleman, in regard to the propriety of inferring an amendment to the motion, which might fecureafufficient appro priation to carry on ofL'nfive operations a giinft the hostile Indians, by the militia of the frontiers ; and if an alteration was proposed t« that effect, he would fecoud it. "The at i If-., STi.i-'-V"-' WE&ifEsbAY, JANUARY 16, 1793. tention of the K011R: to this question speak? its importance ; it is probable, one move im portant will not occur during the present ses sion. On its decision are suspended the hopes and fears of the people of this country, their hopes of a speedy and honorable peace, and their fears of 3 standing army, with its ui'ual retinue of political evils. The present is regarded as *n interesting epoch in the affairs of the United States; and it has been perceived, with serious regret, that while our national character is forming {he hoped it was not yet formed) it seems to partake in some ref|>efts more of the unnatn ral spirit of monarchy, than of the mild and conciliatory temper of a republic. The prin ciple of keeping up standing armies, though highly obnoxious to the great body oi the peo- P le i iias not been equally so to the govern ment ; they have been maintained and eil creafed without affording prote&ion, or even defence- to-th* fumrtcrs i the fuppiies necef c» support the eftabliftmient, begins to discover an alarming derangement of the pub lic finances, and it is now incumhent on' the House cf l'ieyrefentatives to check this grow ing mifchief. Mr. Steele then adverted to the effects of {landing armies on the morals and political fentimeats of the people, wherever thev had been employed; of the expenfivenefs of all such establishments, and of the wicked purpos es to which they had been, and might be sub- fcrvicnt. He laid, he had prepared himfelf to have spoken largely to this pcint, and to have quoted the pernicious effects of fucli a policy in other options ; but the debate having been already lengthy, and the committee probably fatigued, it would be fufficient for his present purpose for the members to make their own reflections, and to mark the rapid progrelTion of the army from 1789 to 179 3 » bo'h i" num bers and expcnces. Instances from foreign history are fuperfluous, when our own affords such ample testimony. The eftabliihment be gan with one regiment, it is now five ; the Hotife was called on in 1789 to appropriate a little more than 100,00 a dollars for mat de partmeut, in the pre Lent year above one mil lion is demanded. The reason of this extra ordinary additional expenditure, -tbss urss pefted encreafe of the army, if not enveloped in darkness, has been founded on policy hi therto not fatisfaftorily explained. He said, however lightly he was disposed to touch this part of the fubjeft, he could not avoid re minding the committee of the memorable sen timents of 1776, in regard to standing armies; of the universal abhorrence of the Americans to them at that time; and to illustrate it more clearly, he read the expreflions of some of the states in their Bills of Rights. These were the sentiments of the whigs of 1776, and to ftich whigs he wished to appeal on thistoc cafion. He also reminded the committee of the re cent debates of 1788, of the amendments pro posed in several state conventions, of the una nimity which prevailed among all ranks of people on this particular point; and it is now to be lamented, said he, that while the ink which recorded these objections to the consti tution is yet drying, the evil then predicted has taken place. If there is a subject on which much delibe ration is unneceflary, in order to forming a right opinion, it would be in regard to mili tary eftabli(hments; the feelings of a free people revolt at their continuance; and every man who reads, or can point out their dangers. He said, he felt more anxiety for the fate of this motion, than commonly markshis con duit, because this isthelaft lei Eon that will fever afford him an opportunity to trouble the House with his sentiments on this, or any o ther fubjetfl. The motion was brought for ward to dil'charge a duty which he owed to his constituents, to fatisfy his own confer ence, and to afford that protection to the fron tiers which they deserved, and to save the public money. If an uncommon degree of zeal was discovered in supporting the motion, it ought to be attributed to thefe,and no other motives. The question will now soon be taken—if adopted, I (hall be among those who rejoice ; if rejected, among those who have always £üb mittud with a proper degree of decency to the decision of the majority. But in any event, the public will know that we have aflerted the sense oftjie people against ftandingjarmies, that we are anxious to defend the frontiers against their enemies, that we have recom mended a system of occonomy and efficiency, instead of profufion and delay, that we have recommended a system calculated to produce victory and peace, instead of disgrace anc} war, and that we wilh to rescue the govern ment from the intoxication of the times, and all the apery of military establishments. He said, he had been attentive to the argu. mentt of the opposition, and they tend prin cipally to four points. If neither of these po sitions be found tenable, the motion will cer tainly fuccecd ; and that they are not tenable, is believed and wili be ihewn. 261 Ift. It has been boldly asserted that the President is the author of the existing system. 2dly. Tbey call in question the sincerity of our declarations in wishing to afford effe&ual protection to the frontiers. 3dly. They deny the competency of the militia. 4thly. The impolicy of reducing the efta. biilhment, when a treaty is expected. In regard to the firft, we deny that the Pre sident is the author of this plan of prosecuting the war, not having avowed explicitly himfelf that he is so, & no document appearing to con firm that opinion, we are juftifiedin attribut ing a system which appears to us ineffectual, to his Secretary and not to him. It is true that the Secretary is only a fin ger of his hand, and the intimate connexion which must of necessity subsist between theto, perhaps is the ground upon which the aflerti r/n has been made. The Secretaries are all equally near to the President, and if it be ad mitted that he is the author of this, he may with equal propriety, be said to have beer, .the author of every fyftemon general ftibjefts which either of them have recommended. Was he the author of the report on the fifli eries ? Was be the author of the plan for ef tablilhingthe National Bank: It is-known that he was itot, and circumstances might be mentioned (which are withheld from delicacy) to confirm this opinion. Was he the author of the funding f} Item ? Some gentlemen in the apportion to thli mo tion, would not be willing to. give the Presi dent that credit if he claimed it ; and some who support this motion, would not only be sorry that the President Had even claimed such a credit, but believe that it was in no respect attributable to him. The fame gentleman (Mr. Wadfworth) who firft afierted that the President was the author of this military plan, in the fame speech admitted it to be the war, as well as the plan of the lionTe, and then ar gued on the necessity of liability in our mea sures. It is eat very material to the prelent question whose plaji in is; being a pubiic mea sure, we are juftified in offering our objections to it ; and tins is the firft time that I have heard it publickly alferted that a government .VmM jx'rfevere ia jn etror, hifffaufr* th« Vhad undertaken it. If the plan be a good one, it may be l'upported by reason ; if a bad one, no name ought to be called ii) to prop it up. The inconsistency of that gentleman's (Mr. Wadfworth) arguments not only supports the motion before the committee, but shews the wretched fhifts which have been used to de feat it. It has been Paid in the course of the debate, that individual members, and even this lioufe, are incompetent to decide upon the efficacy or inefficacy of military plans. In answer to this it may be said, that if we are not all Ge nerals, we are all members, and that we have the privilege of thinking for ourselves and for our constituents. To admit this doftrir.e in the latitude which has been expressed, would be t» introduce military ideas indeed; it would be to mak» soldiers of tis, instead of legisla tors; nay worse than that, it would be to re vive the exploded doctrines of pafiive obedi ence and non-resistance. In regard to the sincerity of his intentions to afford effectual protection to the frontiers, Mr. Steele said that he had been Efficiently explicit, that a feeling for the fufferers had dictated this motion ; that he was sorry it had been whiipered in the ears of some of the n'embers, that it was intended to withhold the necessary appropriations, and divert them to other purposes. If two regiments were inefficient to gar rison all the posts necessary for defence, he would even under certain reftriflions, cfth fent to continue the three sub-legions, there by enabling the President to eftablifli double the number of posts now erected if he should deem it adviieable. Regular troops being in capable of a&ive expeditions against Indians in the wilderness, his wilh was to abandon that system, and confine them entirely to the garrison. The next obje&ion to the motion is the in competency of the militia, and to support this opinion the gentleman from Conne&icut (Mr. Wadfworth) has made this expreflion, " that as to the expedition under General St. Clair, the regulars were tew, and not to be named when Compared with the number of the militia." The truth is there was not a man engaged that day as a militia man, except the advance guard com manded by Col. Oldham, which Confided of 300, perhaps a few more, the field return of the day preceding the action being in the war-office, this can be ascertained with precision. The ballanceof the army on that unfortunate day, had been entitled as regulars, even cloathed as regulars, wrre fought as regulars, and poor fel lows, died like regulars. They fuffered the fate which awaits every regular army destined for si milar expeditions. Even the handful of militia employed that day, did not deserve that name, they were chiefly fubftituies for draughted men from theceded territory. This draught bccame unavoidable, from a misfortune to General Se vier, which Mr. Steele related. The attack on Major Adaii has also been men tioned at a proof of the incompetency of mili- [Whole No. 588.] tia and Mr. Steele infilled, that the only infer ence which could be drtwft from thence was, that 100 militia were able to repel, but not del ftroy near 200 Indians.—This event he conceiv ed was in favor, and not against his motion. He next adverted to the argument of Mr. Wadfworth, in regard to the war of 1,76* ; of the eftabhfhmeni of poftj in PenDfylvania 'and Virginia,and of the fucctfs of Colonel Bouqu t's expedition. If two worn-out rcgimentsat that time were fufficient to defend the frontiers, and with the aid of the militia, to terminate the ■war, two new tegiments,in them, all the vigour which the gentleman described to now poflefj, with the aid of eflablilhed posts, and a much more effective militia, can certainly be equal to the fame end Al'er examining Mr. W.'s arguments for some time, Mr. Steele said, that when analyzed, it would be found, that they proved more than they were intended to prove f but the merits of this motion did not require that he (hould take advantige of these indirec tions. He (hewed from the hi ft or? of 1762, that tho* potts wttt eftahlilhed, with a handful of regu lar troops in each, they never answered the pur pose of efi"«£lual proteftinn ; but t,he frontier people Were always obliged, in a great degree, to defend themselves j that thev were best cal culated for that service, and that they would perform it now with alacri'y and Cucccfs, if well rewarded. Mr '. ?'f cle t ' lfn refuted the objection against the itiilitia on account 6f their waste and ex pence which Mr. W. had alluded to. The law allows a mounted volunteer, furnifhing himfelf with a good horse, good arms, piovifions, and every other nereflarv, except ammunitinu, at hts own risque and cxpcr.ce, one dollar per day. The ci£)ft ex pence of such an expedition, can be calculated. Whether (uccefsful or not, the charge to the public cannot be mcreafed. The contractors, quarter-matter's and hospital de partments are a'l avoided, with the abufes.ex pencer and frauds attending such eltablilhments. Mr. Steele enlarged upon this point, and faiii that these are always found to be the most expci . five departments in any armv, and that the fe deral treafuiy had fell their effects already. In favor ol the militia it mav h<- aflted, who fought the battle of Bunker's Hill ? Who fought the battle of New.Jersey f Who have fought (he Indians so often with success, under GcneraU Wirktnton, Str7it, »ct ontl —uifijri s T —Wtto marched in 1776 under General Rutherford, through the Cherokee nation, laid waste their country, and forced them to peace ? Who (ought the battles of Georgia, under Clark and Twiggs ? Who fought the battles of South-Carolina, un der the command of an honorable member, now preGnt ? Delicacy forbids to enlarge upon his fuccefles in his pre fence. Who fought the ever memorable battles of Cowpens, King's Mountain, Hanging Rock, Blackftocks ; the ?i\ots, on which the revolu tion turned in the southern States ? In (bort, who fought all the battles of the southern States, while we had a mere handful of regular troops, scarcely the (hadow, much less the reality of an army ? They were all fought by freemen, the substan tial freeholders of the country : men attached to the revolution from priuciple : men who wero sensible of their tights, and fought for them. Such men will not enlist in regular armies, nor will any one who has the disposition, or the con ftitutton of a frteman. It would give me pain to describe the trash which compose* all regular armies: They enlist for three dollars a month ; which, in p country like the Unttc-d States, is a fufticicnt description of their bodies as well as their minds. Such men are not fit to combat the moll a£live enemy in the world. Here Mr. Steele read Major Gaither's and Major True* man\s depositions, refpe&ing the defeat of lh« ±th November, 1791, dating, that they could not fee the Indians, because they were behind trees, &cc, that the regular troops tried, but could not fight that way ; that tb?y ffemed t* be stupid, and incapable of refinance ; 2nd that if any General in the wprld had commanded such men that day, he muil have been defeated as they were. An additional areument, and one of the most weighty too, against regular expeditions, in this fpectesof warfare, is that by the slowness of their movements, the force of the enemy may be concentrated, —time is afforded them to form alliances, and to confederate against those whom they consider a common enemy. Tt is other wise with militia incursions. He offered a num-* ber of reasons to (hew that it was so, and how e(Tent?al for the interest of the United States, to adopt a policy calculated to detach the tribes from each other as mucb as pollibte. But it h?« beeu said the(e men were not regu lar .troops. Mr. Steele aflced, what theo were they ? They surely were not militia. The last objc&ion, and the Icaft serious of all, to this motion, is che expectations of a treaty in the spring. Mr. Steele laid, if he thought gentleman who threw this difficulty in the way, believed himfelf that we have any reason to ex* pe6i a permanent peace from the treaty now pro posed, it may deferye an anlwei, Fasts arc more to be relied upon than words: from the channel through which these proportions have come—from the whole complexion of their talks, and from the late attack on Major Adair, it may fafely be alferted, that no peace can be effr&ed in the spring. lie recapitulated fomeof the difficulties which this motion had to conflict, aod fajd, that be
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