Gazette of the United-States., November 13, 1790, Page 637, Image 1

PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENXO, No. 69, MARKET-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHI \
[No. 57, of Vol. ll.]
Discourses on Davila.
No. XXII I. — COM TINUED.
Uttumquc rcgem, fua multitudo coriialutaverat,
IN the beginning of the year i 561, the Queen
mother and the King of Navarre difmilied the
States General, lead the Cu'tfei should excite some
fermentation there. The formation of a conlti
tution and the fettlemeut of religion, were never
the real objects for which they had been called.
It appears not that they were even asked to ratify
the regency in the Queen-mother. So loose and
uncertain was the sovereignty of that great nati
on, that a confufed agreement of the chiefs of
two factions,was thought fufficient for its govern
ment, without any forms or legal solemnities.
The liability el the government, and the securi
ty of the lives, liberties and properties of the
people was proportionate tofuch a fyltem. The
court was still agitated with divisions and diflen-
tions
The Cuifes, who had obtained but a small part
of their pretensions ; that is to fay, much in ap
pearance and little in reality ; accustomed to
rule, and very discontented with the government
and with the Queen, who failed to perform the
promises (he had made to them, watched all op
portunities to regain their firft advantages. The
Prince of Conde,more irritated than ever,kept in
view his ancient projects,and burned with an im
placable delire of vengeance. The Colign'tes were
obstinate to proteifltheHugonois. The two parties
labored to gain the Conftable,but he declared that
he would remain neuter,and attach himfelf only to
the King and the Queen. He was confirmed in
this refolutionby the condutftof the King ofNa
varre, who, fatisfied with the present arrange
ment, lived in good intelligence with the regent,
and thought of nothing but peace. The Admi
ral, his brothers, and the Prince of Conde, flatter
ed themselves that the connection of blood would
draw the Constable, ultimately to their party.
The Cttifet, who knew his attachment to the Ca
tholic faith, and his aversion toCalvinifm, which
he had cruelly perlecuted under Henry lid, des
paired not to gain him, under the pretext of de
fending religion, and exterminating the Hugo
nots. The vivacity of the King of Navarre, in
\irging the Queen to accomplish the promises lhe
had made him in favor ot the Hugonots, contri
buted not a little to keep up this fermentation.
This Princess, fatisfied with having ellabliihed a
kind of equilibrium, which secured her power
and that of her children, dreaded to intercept it,
and avoided all occalions of displeasing the King
of Navarre.
She made use of delays and pretexts, in hopes
that the King of Navarre would relax ; but that
Prince,excited and transported beyond the bounds
of his character, by the continued mitigations of
his brother, and the Admiral, and by the urgent
folicitationsofthe Queen his consort, became the
more ardent in demanding what had been pro
niifed liim. The Chancellor De L'Hop'ttal, whe
ther he judged a liberty of conscience neceflary
to the good of the Hate, or whether he had an
inclination to Calvinism, favored, under hand,
the felicitations of the King of Navarre. He re
strained with all his authority, the severity of
the other magistrates, and exhorted the Queen to
be sparing of blood, to leave consciences in tran
quility, and to avoid every thing which might
interrupt a peace, which had colt so much pains
to eftabli(h. Several of those who composed the
council, supported these instances of the King of
Navarre, and protclled that they ought to be
weary of imbruing their hands in the blood of
Frenchmen : and that it was time to put an end
topunilhments, the fear of which forced so many
good fubjetfts to abandon their houses, families
and country. The Hugonots theuifelves, among
whom were many persons of sense and merit, ne
glerted no cares nor means proper to favor their
cause : and sometimes by writing composed with
art, and fkilfully propagated ; fometimesby pe
titions presented in proper seasons ; and fome
tinies by persuasive discourses of their partisans,
endeavored to impress the great in their favor,
by pathetic paintings of the misfortunes with
which they were opprefled. The Queen was, at
length, obliged to give way tothe sentiments and
authority of so many persons. Perhaps Ihe was
convinced of the wisdom of relaxing a severity,
which flie was in no condition to maintain ; and
of abandoning laws, which they could no longer
Saturday, November 15, 1790.
execute whli rigour. She consented- therefore
to an Edict, rendered by the council on the 28th
of January. This Edict enjoined all magistrates
to release all the prisoners arretted, on account
of religion : to Hop all prosecutions commenced
for this cause ; to hinder disputes upon matters
of faith : forbidding individuals to give each
other the odious appellations of Heretics or Pa
pists : finally, to prevent unlawful allemblies,
commotions, (editions, and maintain concord
and peace in all ther departments. Thus, with
the design of putting an end to punithments and
theeffufion of blood, a motive dilated by religi
on and humanity,Calvinifm was,ifnot permitted,
at lealt tolerated, and indirectly authorised.
More lively co.nteftaions were expected con
cerning the promise which reflected the Cuifes.
The King of Navarre, recalling to the Queen the
secret promises which she had made to him, pre
tended, that in his quality of lieutenant-general
of the kingdom, they ought to deliver to him the
keys of the palace which the Duke of Guise kept,
as grand matter of the King's house-hold.
The Queen, in truth, 110 longer doubted the
attachment of the King of Navarre, and of the
Constable ; but the was not ignorant of the in
creating coldness of the Cuifes, and delayed with
all her artifice the moment of offending them.
She wilhed, on one hand, to manage the Hugo
nots, protected by the Admiral and the Prince of
Conde ; and on the other, the Catholicks, united
under the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lor
rain. These two factions,were like two powerful
dikes, under the shelter of which she enjoyed a
calm. By weakening the Catholicks, she was
afraid of putting the Hugonots in a condition to
give her the law. Sometimes by temporizing,
therefore, and sometimes by granting other fa
vors to the King of Navarre, she endeavored to
divert him from this pretention. But the more
she endeavored to make him lose fight of this ob
ject,the more the Princc pursued it with warmth.
Finally, the Queen, thatflie might not cleftroy
the harmony she had taken so much pains to el
tabliih, commanded the captains of the guards,
no longer to carry the keys of the palace to the
grand master of the King's lioufe-hold, but to the
lieutenant-general of the kingdom, to whom this
prerogative belonged of right. This proceeding
irritated the Duke of Cuifc, but infinitely more
the Cardinal of Lorrain, his brother, less because
they considered it as an affront, from which the
regulation of the council of regency would have
screened them, than because they saw clearly,
that with the consent of the Queen, the King of
Navarre aspired to distress and destroy thein.
They knew very well that they were accused of
listening to nothing but their interest and ambi
tion, and feeing themselves no longer able to
prevail in this private quarrel with the Princesof
the blood, who difpofedof all the forces, as well
as ot the royal authority, they diflembled their
resentments, and complained of nothing but the
liberty of conscience, which had been tacitly
granted to the Hugonots, covering thus with the
specious -veil, and the pretext of religion, their
palfions and personal interests. Thus the discords
of the great confounded themselves insensibly
with the differences of religion, and the fa<flions
of the Princes, quilting the name of malcontents
and Guifards, to assume the more imposing titles
ot Catholics and Hugonots, they exerted them
selves with the greater fury, as they disguised it
under the names of Zealand of piety.
THE UN-NATURAL SON
PHILIP THICKNESSE, Esq. late Governor of
Landguard Fort, and author of the celebra
ted travels through France and Spain, and other
fentiinental works of merit, has the misfortune to
have a natural son (in other refpet-ts veryun-na
tural) who affeifts to flight and be alhamed of his
father. This son, who, in the maternal right,
has aflumed the name and title©fGEOßGETou
chet, Baron Audley, and enjoys a very consi
derable estate in England, has, upon all occasions,
manifefted the greatest contempt of his father,
and frequently pafles him in the street, mounted
in his carriage, without paying the least compli
ment or attention to the old gentleman on foot.
Thelaft time Mr. Tkicknejfe returned from Spain,
being, as usual, quite out of cash, and in great
necessity, he applied to the son for relief, which
was peromtorily and brutjflriy refufed. In this
emergency he instantly hired a little ft all in one
637
(To be continued.)
[Whole No. 161.]
of tlie mod public flreets of London, and put up
a sign over the door with a boot and shoe painted
ihereon, and the following words in large gilt
letters : BOOTS AND SHOES MENDED HERE
BY PHILIP THICKNESSE, FATHER TO LORD
AUDLEY. It had not hun£ there twelve hours
before a billet was sent, inclosing a bank note
for a hundred guineas, requesting, that in consi
deration thereof, the lign might be instantly ta
ken down and burnt. A sense offrame will
operate upon the feelings of a bad man -when he is be
come entirely callous to those of nature.
From WEBSTLR's the ENGLISH LAN
GUAGE.
Of MODERN CORRUPTIONS In the ENGLISH
PRONUNCIATION.
(CONTINUED.)
however is but a small part of the inconfiftcucy. In
two other particulars theabfurdity is still more glaring.
i. The modern refiners of our language distinguish two founds
>f u long ; that of yu and oc ; and use both without any regr.rd to
-atin or Saxon derivation. The diftin&ion they make is founded
)n a certdin principle j and yet I question whether one of a th«u
and of them ever attended to if. After most of tfte confonanrs,
■hey give u the dipthongal found of eu ; as in blue, cube, due, mute ;
but after r they almost invariably pronounce it oo ;as rule, truth,
'ue, rude, fruit. Wh) this diftindion ? If they contend for the
Saxon found of u, why do they not preserve that found in true,
rue, truth, which are of Saxon original ; and uniformly give u its
Roman found, which is acknowledged on all hands to have been
00, in all words of Latin original, as rule, mute, cube ? The fate >s»
they mistake the principle on which the diftinttion is made ; and
which is merely accidental, or ariles from the cafe of speaking.
In order to frame many of the confooants, the organs are pla
ced in such a pofuion, that in pa fling from it to the aperture nc
ceflary to articulate the following vowel or dipthong, we iijfcn
fibly fall into the found of te. This in particular the cafe with
thole consonants which are formed near the feat of e ; vir. k and
g. The closing of the organs forms these mutes ; and a very
{mall opening forms the vowel e. In palling from that clofc
comprcflion occasioned by k to the aperture neceflary to
form any vowel, the organs are neceflarily placed in a situation to
pronounce ee. From this single circumstance, have originated the
most barbarous diale&s or Angularities in speaking £ngli(h,
which offend the ear, either in Great-Britain or America.
This is the origin of the New-England kcow, keoward ; and of
the Englilh keube, acknfe, kciud and geuidc.
There is just the fame propriety in one praflice as the other,
and both are equally karmonious.
For similar reasons, the labials, m and p, are followed by e :
In New-England, we hear it in meow, ficowcr, and in cireat-
Britain, in meutc, peurc. With this difference however, that in
New-England, this pronunciation is generally confined to the
more illiterate part of the people, and in Great-Britain it prevails
among those of the firft: rank. But after rwe never hearthe fonnd
of c : It has been before observed, that the most awkward coun
tryman in New-England pronounces round, ground, brown, as cor
re&ly as men of the firft education ; and our faftiionable speak
ers pronounce u after r like 00. The reason is the fame in both
cases : In pronouncing r tbe mouth is neceflarily opened (or rather
the glottis) to a position for articulating a broad full found. So
that the vulgar singularities in this refpe&, and the polite refine
ments of fpe.aking, both proceed from the fame cause ; both pro
ceed from an accidental or careless narrow way ot articulating cer
tain combinations of letters ; both are corruptions of pure En
glilh ; equally disagreeable and indcfenfible. Both may be easily
corrected by taking more pains to open the teeth, and form full
bold founds.
2. But another inconsistency in the modern pra&ice, is the in
troducing an c* before the second found of u as in tun ; or rather
changing the preceding consonant; for in nature, rapture, and
hundreds of other tis changed into tjh ; and yet no per
son pretends that t/, in these words, has a dipthongal found. On
the other hand, Sheridan and his copier Scott, have in thefc and
similar words marked u for its lliort found, which is universally
acknowledged to be simple. I believe no person ever pretended,
that this found of ucontains the found of * or y ; why then should
we be directed to pronounce nature, natyur ? Or what is equally
absurd, natjhur ? On what principle is the t changed into a cam
pound conionant ? If there is any thing in this found of u to war
rant this change, does it not extend to all words where this found
occurs ? Why do not our (landard writers direfl us to fay tjhun for
tun, and tjhumble for tumble ? I can conceive no reafoD which will
warrant the pronunciation in one cafe, that will not apply with
equal force in the other. And I challenge the advocates of the
prattice, to produce a reason for pronouncing natjhur, raptfhur,
captjhur which will not extend to authorize, not only tfhun, tfliurv,
for tun, turn, but also fatjkal {or fatal, and immortjhal for immortal.t
Nay, the latter pronunciation is actually heard among some very
refpe&able imitators of falhion ; and is frequent among the il
literate, in those states where the tjku's are more faftiionable. How
can it be otherwise ? People are led by imitation; and when
those in high life embrace a lingularity, the multitude, whoaie
unacquainted with its principles or extent, will attempt to imitate
the novelty, and probably carry it much farther than was ever in
tended.
When a man of little education hears a refpe&able gentleman
change t into tjh in nature, he will naturally be led to change th(t
fame letter, not only in that word, but -wherever it occurs. This
is already done in a multitude of instances, and the practice if
continued and extended, might eventually change/, in all cases,
into tjh. fTo be continued. J
* Lowth condemns such a phrase as, 11 the introducing an t" and
fays itfhould be, " the introducing of ant.** This is but one instance
of a great number, in which he has rejefled good Englifk. In this fx
tuation, introducing is a participial noun ; it may take an article be-
Jore it, like any other noun, and yet govern an objettive, like any trav-
Jitive verb. This is the idiom of the language : but in mofl cases, the
writer may vfe or omit of, atpleafure.
+ / mujl except that reajon, which is always an invincible argument
with weak people, viz. "It is the practice of fomegreat men." This
common argument, which is unanjwerable, will also prove the propriety
of imitating all the polite and deteflable vices ojthe great, which are now
unknown to the little vulgar ojtfris country.
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