'whatever. The gentleman fays, that, by the con ilitution, all debts that existed againftthe United States at the time of the adoption of the conlti tution are to be as valid now as they were before its adoption. What was the situation of the state debts before the adoption of the constitution ? Was it under ltood that they were a part of the debt of the United States, any further than there might be found a balance on a final fentlement. Was it ever supposed that they were to be thrown into one common inafs, and that the states should be called on colle<stively to provide for them ? What would have been thought of such a proposition ? Would it have been confideredas confident with equity? Would it have been tho't constitutional ? 1 am persuaded if such a proposition had been made in the old Congress it never would have found a second ; and for this reason, that the debts of the particular states were never con sidered as the debts of the United States. In whatever light we view the question, it appears to me that the arguments urged in support of it, are themselves unfupportable. Much has been said of the situation of parti cular states in cafe these debts should not be as sumed. Much, indeed, has been said of the dif trefles and exertions of Maflachufetts ; but if we are to be governed by enquiries of this fort we must extend thein to every part of the Union, and we shall then find that an afl'umption will give a& much diflatisfadtion and work as muchin jufticetoamajoiityof the states as a non-ai!ump tion may disappoint the citizens of Maflachu fetts. Ido not wish to go into local but the present fubjedt seems in its nature to make them in some degree unavoidable. The con duct of gentlemen on the other fide, at least renders the talk on this indispensable. What would be the operation of the measure with re fpe&to Virginia ? It will not be denied that Vir ginia facrificed as much during the war, in one shape or another, and contributed as much to the common defence of the states as any among them, certainly as much as Maflachufetts. These are facts that can in time be proved. Since the peacc, that state has made great exertions to comply with the requisitions of Congress : I might fay, Sir, that (he wasalmoft unequalled in her exerti ons. Her specie payments into the federal trea lury since the peace exceed 600,000 dollars, where as those of Maflachufetts are only bet wee 2 and 300,000 dollars. In indents Maflachufetts has in deed paid molt, but by no means in such propor tion as to balance the difference in the specie payments. The exertions of Virginiato discharge the debt ihe involved herfelf in by the war, have also been very great ; she is not behind any of the states (he is before molt of them ; there can be no doubt but that she has certainly discharged more of her debts than,Maflachufetts, and as lit tle doubt in the opinion of the bed informed, that whenever a final settlement shall take place chat state will be found a creditor to the United States. If, during the war, she has made as great exer tions, and has fuffered as much as any of the states ; if she has since the peace paid her full proportion of the supplies to the federal treasury, at the fame time exerting herfelf to the utmost to discharge her state debt, and if finally she will probably be found to be in advance to the union, and would therefore if justice could at once be done, be now entitled to a reimbursement—what must be said by the citizens of that State, if in stead of a reimbursement, they are called upon to make further advances. Sir, I may add here, that their contributions to the federal treasury, under the proposed system of revenue will ex ceed the ratio by which they would contribute, by taxes laid in proportion to their representa tion. Ido not wish to extend this investigation any farther than has been already done ; but were I to do it, the evidence would be more ftrikine, that the payments from those parts of the union that would receive least benefit from the afl'umption, would be greater than from those that would receive the immediate benefit of it. One of my colleagues seems to be of opinion fhat the measure will be favorable to the interest of Virginia ; but he seems to me to have ground ed his opinion on the erroneous supposition, that the proposed plan will embrace the whole of the debt as they existed at the close of the war, or that the state of Virginia will contribute less, on the plan of deriving revenue from confuinption, than {he would if derived according to the consti tutional ratio. I believe, on the contrary, that if the afl'umption should take place as 01 iginally pro posed, that there would be a claim 011 Virginia forfivemilions, whereas ifthereisno aflumption, her citizens will have to provide for about three millions only ; and thus, instead of bearing her proper burden, which is about one seventh, she would have to bear a burden in the ratio' of one fifth. He seems to think that his own particular diftTift would be benefited by this measure ; but if he be right in his other opinion,that that part of the state will confumemore than the other parts, he will find, fir, that instead of relieving his con stituents, compared with the reft of the state, that he would still more -moment their bur thens ; so that it would como to this at last, that tlie state would have to pay five millions, infi.ea< of three—and that the particular part ot the state he represents, instead of paying their P'°" portion of three millions, would have to pay more than their proportion ot five. 1 admit, however, that he isthe most proper judge on that fubiect. But the citizens of Virginia would not only be called upon when already in advance, and to an amount beyond their proper ratio, but in a mode that is peculiarly obnoxious to the'"— l mean that of cxcife. Sir, the people ot that itate are asaverfe to excises asthofeof any other state can be to direct taxes, and in my own judgment with far morereafon, where the article excited is not by some peculiarity free from the common objections. Excises are unequal with respect to different parts of the union : They are alio une qual to various parts of the fame state. I .tis mode of collection gives arbitary powers to the collectors, and exposes our citizens to vexatious fearches —It opens adoor to frauds ana perjuiies that tend equally to vitiate the morals of the Peo ple, and to defeat the public revenue. Besides fir, excises are more expenlive in the collection than other kinds of t. ixes. The collection ot the excise in Great Britain costs 10 per cent. That of her direct taxes is computed at 3 percent, on ly. 1 will not positively fay that a similar dis proportion in the expence of collecting would be incurred in this country ; but in some parts ot it I am sure that the expence of excises would be greatest, and on some articles in view, would, it the collection were made at aLI, exceed the reve nue obtained from it. Sir, there has been an argument of another kindadvanced in support of the aflumption. Gen tlemen have thought it a matter of consequence that not only justice lhouhl be done, but that the condition of the people should be equalized ; that no invidious companions might be made between the inhabitants of one state, and those or ano ther, and that no oppressions or embarraflinents lhould force the people to emigrate from one state to another. It would be a comfortable re flection, if every part of the union could be alii milated in this instance ; but, fir, I think we have 110 authority to facrifice eflential confederations, to obtain these advantages. Nor do I know that we fhouldobtain them by aflumitig the (late dews. Supposing that measure to be adopted, let us re flect, wtiac would be thefituation of the different | parts of the union. 1 do not, at this moment, . confide'r the queftionas it respects justice, right, 1 or general policy, but in reference merely to the particular consequence of equalizing the circum stances of the people. Let us take a view com paratively, of the people ot the United States.— Maflachufetts owes a debt of several millions. The public debt, when you come to analyze it, at least where it is due to citizens and not to fo reigners, is a debt from one part of the people to the other. The government is the collector from the pockets of the debtors to pay it into the hands of the creditors. If, fir, the state debts should be a (fumed, Maflachufetts will then get rid of her embarrallinents ; but what would be the lituati on of Virginia ? Besides her public debt, I be lieve that her citizens owe, one to another, debts to an amount, equal to the whole public debt of Maflachufetts, perhaps 1 might fay to the amount of both the public and private debts of that state. 111 addition to all this, the people of Virginia are indebted to foreigners to a greater amount than the whole debt of Maflachufetts. Sir, I firmly be lieve that though Virginia is less opprefled with public debt than Maflachufetts, yet when we take a view of all the difficulties (he labors under, and weigh them against those of Maflachufetts, it will be found that Virginia ought to be relieved her felf instead of being expected to relieve others. But, supposing all objections of anothci nature to be laid aside, I freely confcfs that after a more minuteexamimtion into the fub jefh I am much inclined to doubt whether the aflumption can poflibly be carried into execution. Difficulties are continually a rifingiwhcn I survey this question, for which I can find no solu tion, without departing from every principle by which we ought to be guided. It never yet has been shewn in what manner a re medy could be provided for a partial fubfeription. Supoofe the state creditors were part of them to fubferibe and part torefufe. Suppose those of one state fubferibe, and those of another should not. Again, Sir, by what method would you discriminate the debts that come under the definition, from those that will be ex cluded by it p Where will you invest this important discretionary power. I really think th;it great viifficulties will be found betore this can be effe£tcd. There is another objettion, to which I have ; never heard a fatisfaftory answer, although it has been repeatedly | urged bv a member from Georgia. There are debts cxifting in I some of the states that do not bear interest:, that have got into cir ! culation without any title to it, and have been received by the present holders without any other expc&ation than that in some reasonable time the principal would be paid. Would it, fir, be proper 01 iteceffary toconfider these as debts ot the union, bearing interest, or to provide for the immediate funding of th< m ? Bu: there is a in my opinion, far more difficult, I mean the pa per money iflfued to redeem the state debts. The state of North- Carolina has taken up its certificates with these paper bills. They are not proposed to be included in the aflumption. They are clearly excluded by the present motion, yet they are as much a state debt to be funk by taxes as certificates, and the taxes may as much interfere with those of other states. Some of the stats, fir, have not only a (Turned the debts recommended by Congress for making up the depreciation to the army, but they have gone fur ther and have made up the depreciation, where it was not recom mended. Other states have not done this. The debts existing in some states I take it for granted comprehend these deprecia ion notes. Would it not be unjust to call on those "states that have not made this provision for their army that other Hates have done, would it not be hard to call upon those officers and soldiers who have not received this additional compensation, to pay it to those of othei il«tes, who have? J would oot here be under (loci lo ceri 458 fare the ftstcs that made tins compensation, I rather ct>rrtrvic:!i them for it. It is a proof of their magnanimity and justice t | U( does them hftnor, but at the fame time this dues not alter the n a , tine of thcobjeftion. In some ftatcs, in order to reward the ar< mv, they have done it by several aids that do not conftitme an,, part of the state debts. In foine of the flues there are debts ftifi unliquidated. If you declare that, when liquidated, they (hall be atfumed, you afford a temptation that has been hitherto rauti. onQv avoided, that of making the Hates less exatt in the fettle* men't of their accounts. I do not find that any gentleman lias pro pofi d, on the contrary most of them seem t > have rcjefted the idea of making provision at this feflion tor fulfilling the engagements in cate we ent'r into an aifumption. I think it would be a powerful and unanfweiable objection against affnming the state debts at this lime, that we do not fee or are not prepared to dc cide on the means of provid ing for them. There is not a more important and fundamental pnnciple in leaiflition, than that the ways and means ought always to i'«ce the public enga-cmcm*; that our appropriations fhoold go hand in hand with our prom - fes. To lay that the United States Should be aufwerahle for twen ty-five millions of dollars without knowing whether the ways and means can be provided, and without knowing whether tho'i'e who arc to succeed iy> will think with us on the fubj ifl, would be ralh and unjuftifiablc. Sir, in my opinion, it would be hazard ing the public faith in a manner contrary to every idea of pru dence. It is very true, fir, that a v :riety ot funds have been pro posed, yet they are nothing more than mere fuggeftiom, and the/ ' I think they are as good as could be expefled in the time, I really believe that some of them, at least, if they can be carried into exe cution at all, will disappoint the calculations on which thev are founded. , . . I cannot finifh my obfcrvations on tnis lubjctt.fir, without a.-<. verting to one particular, which I would with gentlemen to attend to, not so much for our fakes as their own. I would recommend to them no longer to alTume a pre-eminence over us in the nation ality of their^mouves; and that they would forbear those freqtrnt affeitioos, that if the llate debts are not provided for, the fed-rt debts shall also go unprovided for ; nay, that it the state debts a-? notaffumed, the Union will be endangered. Sir, lam perfuadei that if th-gentlemen knew the motives which govern ut, they would blulh at such intemperate as well as inconliftent langm-.. I am sure that if they knew the emoti-nj with which it is they would at least lee the inutility of it. I hope, Sit, that who ever may be thedecifion on this qneftionof aflumptiou.tha; put:-, otifin and every other noble and generous motive will lead ei; minority to acquiefee in mealurcs which will tend to cftaM.ih public credit by a due provision for the public engagements. Tile committee then role. NOTICES OF DR. FRJNKL IN. TTE long lived retired, and as it appeared, for iTitrotten by the world, because from his fltua jjon, incapable of being noticed by it—his death removed this barrier—and it is aitonifliing how the whole city was inove.l—His funeral was as crowded as at the entiy of Gen. Wafliingtonw all seemed as if they had loft a parent, or a friend, and such indeed he was to more than the knew. The different Institutions, which con ceived themselves benefited by him, without previous concert, appeared to honour his remains. It appeared that alnioftevery institution was re pvefented and held him as Founder or Benefac tor. They call Jots for placcs —The Philosophi cal Society, got the fiift—The Univerlity, 1 be lieve, the next—The Printers 3d —the two for mer yielding to the latter, as hei had beer, a ['.-inter. The Pbilofopliit ai Sociflrv mr' have appointed Mr. Rittenhoufe, aiid Dr. Smith, to form an eulogium 011 his memory. Ihe itaie officers, &c. go in mourning. We were jealous lelt strangers 'hould b: the firft to honor a clia racfter to which we were so much indebted— j Such honors reflect as much light upon those who bestow, as those who are thus noticed with elteein and veneration. His general character is too well known to need any thing to be said—he was a practical Philofophcr, wliofe doc'trines, theories, and practice, all had one ultimate grand view—making mankind better, happier, and more independent. Every day was marked yvith some ufeful proje<sl, and the perdidi Diem, I believe could not have been repeated by him at any period of his long life—His life was mo.: governed by reason, than that of any person we have heard of—and he was an example to others of what he wiflied them to be. His fortune woJ the effect of Industry and Savingnefs ; not of A varice or desire of Wealth, but Ironi a strong principle of practical economy, as the necellary part of a good citizen, and a neceflary principle to make a State thrive. I remember a circumstance happened one C*®" ning, when I was at his house—a frefh taper brought wrapped in paper, the child attempted to throw the paper 111 the fire, the Doctor fave<» it, made her cut it into stripes, and put itonthe mantle piece, observing that it would j ready to light the taper without wafting ufcW» paper, which ftie had often done, and made * leilon of economy the child will never forjffi nor lhall I. It was his liappy talent to ftruction frefm every thing. He died, as Wj* ved, doing good. Beloved wliilft alive, he •' be canonized now dead, in the hearts of . who cherilh the memory of ihe benefefS ol ? mankipd. Some men leave fortunes to J>'° uses, as a species of compensation for their u® charitableness whilst living. Few,like N r e . lin made ufefulnefs, and promoting pup!' ,c * licity, the great obje<fl of their lives—Num have, as public men, endeavoured to proffl publick good ; few, like the Doctor have, ' were, entered into the family, and bype rte the parts, operated the good of the whole. sentiments were honoured whilst living, n0 is dead, they will become more honored » fought after, and I hope be more general'PC ted. He was buried near hi 9 wife» » H Church burying-ground, by his defirc- Hij.l, Mr. Duffield, Judge JaY; and J » Ho PKiKiON, arp his Executors.
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