[No. LXXXIV.] THE TABLET, No. LXXXIV. (Continued from the last Number.) k Every Jituation in life has pleasures and pains peculiar to it ft If; but the mojt unfailing fountain of happiness it open alike to all men." THE happiest man I ever knew was a person who every day of his life formed delu sive expectations, and never once succeeded in a plan he undertook. To miscarry in a most ma terial point of business made flight impressions on him, because his anticipations were always awake, and his mind was more habituated to in dulge new profpedts, than to repine at past mif fortunes. His neighbors viewed him with a mix ture of ridicule and pity. Such bitter difappoint xnents, they supposed must make him unhappy, and such unreasonable hopes could not but expose him to derision. In lhort his misfortunes produced complaint from every body but himfelf, and he was miserable in every eltimation but his own. From this run of remarks 1 would infer that we are too apt to exaggerate imaginary evils, and to iuppofe people more unhappy in many refpe<fts, that they really are. It is a question that deserves enquiry, whether •we generally anticipate more pleasure from any objedt than it affords when we poflefs it ? The common opinion of mankind is, that the imagi nation overa:es approaching scenes of gratifica tion. We should not two hastily adopt such an opinion. The reverse more usually happens, and we derive more happiness from gratifying our ■wiflies than was expected. People form their ideas on this fubjetf;, by examining their feelings when the enjoyment is over ; and comparing the sensations of satiety with the impulses of hope, they give the preference to the latter. But the fact is, the enjoyments of the scene itfelf was more delightful than either. We Ihould make a diftindiion between the plea sures of sense and those of the imagination. The f ratification of natural appetites never affords left elight than we anticipate. A man pinched with hunger or cold,does not exaggerate, in his imagi nation, the pleasure he derives in being relieved from his distress. A traveller, performing a journey in rough, tempestuous weather, conl'oles himfelf with the profpeifl of meeting at night with a commodious inn, where he will find a warm room and comfortable refrefhment. He mitigates no doubt the tedious hours of the day, in looking forward to the pleasing scenes. of the evening ; but I appeal to his fellow traveller, whether his fpirirs are not more brisk, when he is enjoying those comforts, than while he was anticipating them. Artificial sources of pleasure, however may of ten prove delusive. Men 'who flatter themselves that a superb house, elegant gardens, a carriage and livery servants will add eflentially to their happiness, are under the influence of a mistake. •Their anticipations are too lively, and the object when they attain it, will not yield the delight that was imagined. There is no reason in nature, why a person fliould feel any exquisite fatisfaiftion in riding in a chariot to church ; and gratificati ons of this kind soon lose their relish. Providence has so managed the causes that con tribute to happiness, that all clailes of people may attain a proportion. Torelieve thewantsand gratify the desires which nature has formed, af ford more genuine and universal fatisfatftion than can well be created by the allurements of caprice and fancy. The appearance of the fun, when it has been, several days, hidden in the clouds, has afforded more real delight to the human race, than all the elegance and splendor that artifice can devise. Refrefhing showers after the earth has long been parched with drought has yielded more pleasing sensations, than can be en joyed by all the gratifications that wealth can purchase or power command. Mankind should not indulge a temper of com plaint. Happiness is dealt out in more equal portions, ancL depends more on causes within our reach, than is commonly supposed. It cannot be material, whether imaginary objetfs of pleasure are greatest in anticipation orin poflefiion. What ever delight they afford is so much clear gain. We ihould make the most of our situation, and not repine becaufeit is not different. fOR THE GAZE 1 IE OF THE UNITED STATES. THE REPUBLICAN EVERY society of men must be restrained by foiue coercive regulations ; and every form of government must be founded on certain gene ral maxims. According to the celebrated Montef- No.—ll. SATURDAY January 30, 1790. quieu, Fear is the spring of action in a Despotic form ; Honour in a Monarchy, and Virtue in a Republic. This is a plausible theory; but like many others, though beautiful on paper, it is ut terly fallacious in practice. Human nature is so felfifh and corrupt, that the legislator who depends on virtue alone for the support of a Republican system, builds upon a foundation of sand. More permanent and operative principles are necella ry. The common participation of all denomina tions of citizens in the honours, emoluments and burthens of society; as equal a diltribution of pro perty, as the abilities and exertions of individu als will permit j and above all a general diffufion of knowledge among the body of the people, are main pillars in the edifice of a lasting republic. A people well inftrudled in their rights, are ne ceflarily furnifhed with the means of ipreferving them. Their liberties cannot be taken from them, without the absurd supposition of their own con sent, which would be a kind of political suicide. Mankind have been too long governed or rather enslaved by means of their hopes, their fears and other paflions. But we have reason to be thank ful that experience has effected a happy change of measures. In this enlightened age and coun try the laws begin, as they ought, to be address ed to the sober reason of the /übjeils. To fit them for such a rational government, every ufeful branch ,of knowledge should be encouraged by our federal and (late legislatures. The President's recommendation of thisfubje<ft, in his late official speech toCongrels, is worthy of that great friend to the rights of mankind. He urges a legislative patronage of education with his usual candour and discernment. His reasons appear to be alto gether fatisfa&ory; and I trust will meet with the concurrence of both houses of Congress, as well as the hearty approbation of the public. As the Prefidont did not think proper to descend to particulars, they are left to the good sense of the senators and representatives. To encourage lite rature, without interfering so far as to controul and {hackle it, would be an undertaking becom ing our national rulers. With deference I would suggest the propriety of founding a federal pro feflorfliip of hiflory, government and jurifprudtnce in each of the universities of the United States. The profeflors might be appointed either by the President of the Uniied States, or by thetruflees of the refpe<ftive univerfuies, as should be judged most proper. Their le&ures might explain the general rights and liberties of men ; the history of ancient and modern times, especially of our own country, and more particularly the grand American revolution, including the rife anapro grefs of the various political establishments in the several states and the general confederacy. As the pupils annually retire from the universities, mix with the mass qf citizens, and many of them engage in the inftru«ftion of subordinate fcliools or other ufeful employments, they will carry their knowledge with them into life, and diffufe it far and wide among all ranks of people. And thus the whole community will receive a salutary in fluence from such institutions. Surely the salaries which would be neceflary to engage competent profeflors, would be money expended to the ad vantage of the public. EXTRACT, From Governor Hancock's speech to the Legislature of the State of Majfachufetts. January 19, 1790- IT would be very extraordinary if we, as a nation, should remain exempted from those foreign or domestic troubles, with which other nations aie frequently visited. Notwithstanding a general Government is well established by the free consent of the people, v/e are to continue to support our own government,with unabating anx iety for its welfare and prosperity : Indeed, the general Government of the United States is founded in an aflemblage of Republican Govern ments ; and it depends eflentially on these, not only for its dignity and energy, but for its very exillencein the form it now poflefles ; therefore, whatever is done to support the Commonwealth, has a tendency to advance the interest and honor of all the States. Hence we are called upon in an especial manner, to maintain an equal and re gular fyltein of revenue and taxation, to support the faith, and to perform the engagements of our Republick ; to arm and cause our Militia to be disciplined according to the mode which fliall be provided by Congress ; and to fee that they are officered with men, who are capable of making the greatest progress in the art military, and who delight in the freedom and happiness of their country. A well regulated and disciplined Mi litia, is at all times a good obje<ftion to the in troduction of that bane of all free governments —a Handing Army. Abates. [Pn'olijhed Wedr.cfday ami Saturday .j CONGRESS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WEDNESDAY, JAN. 27, 1790, r I ""HE order of the day for the consideration of the bill for giving effect jto the laws of the United States in the date of North-Carolina, was taKen up, and the bill palled to be enacted. The bill sot- theremiffion or mitigation of fines, forfeitures and penalties in certain cases, was read the fecoud time. Ordered, that it. be referred to a committee of the whole house, to be taken into consideration on Wednesday next, and that too copies be printed. In committee of the whole, on the bill to pro vide the means of intercourle between the Unit ed States and foreign nations ; the motion before the committee yesterday, for striking out of Mr. Lee's proposed amendment, the words, " by and with the advice and consent of the senate," was again read. Mr. Jackson objected to the principle of the bill, as tending to eftabliili arbitrary power—as diverting the senate of their prerogative—as re linquilhing the controul of the Ho'ufe over the Treasury of the United Statesi Besides, he con tended that it is the duty of the House to fix the salaries, and this he conceived the legislature fol ly competent toi The disposal of the public mo ney is a trust committed to us, nor can we conlti tutionally divest ourselves of it. Mr. Boudinot was opposed to the amendment, and in favor of striking out the words, and con tended that the bill went to make all those pro* visions as fully as the nature of the cafe would permit, which gentlemen appeared so earnestly to contend for. The bill empowers the Prefiaent to draw out of the public treasury a fpecified sum, it has also determined a point beyond which the salaries shall not extend; all the power proposed to be veiled in the President, is to reduce the salaries, and to dispose of the appropriation to the best advantage. This cannot be considered an extraordinary or unconstitutional trull; it is agreeable to the uni form usage of the House in making appropria tions where any trust is reposed. It is easy to forefee infnperable difficulties in aflociating the feiiate with the Prefiderit in this bufinefe. Mr. Scott asked whether the queflion was of a legislative or executive nature—for his part he thought it of a legislative nature ; and therefore granting any power to appropriate the publii mo ney for purposes where the house could not ascer tain the quantum neceflaiy, was adting contrary to the constitution. It was improper he said that either the President or senate, or both, should ex pend money for any services, the amount of which could not be fixed by law. He was there fore wholly opposed to the principle of the bill, and moved that the committee should rife, for the purpose of introducing a motion in the house to re-commit it. Mr. Sedgwick observed that if a discretionary power cannot be lodged with any person to de termine what sums fliall be paid for particular ferviccs, it is difficult to conceive how the public business can be carried on. He was sure he said, there was nothing in the Constitution against the delegation of such a power—and in fadt constant experience was directly opposed to the position. Mr. Smith (S. C.) pursuing the idea of Mr. Sedgwick adverted to the circumstance of voting 20,000 dollars the last session for the Indian bufi nefs —it is true the coinpenfations of the Coni milioners was fixed—but their allowance, absorb ed but a small proportion of the fuin committed in trull tothe President and Senate of the United States. Mr. Lawrance opposed the motion for the com mittee's riling—he wished the committee to come to a decision of the question, whether the Senate should be aflociated with the President in this business or not—he adverted to the constant pracftice of the House in refpecfl to the heads of 'departments, who from the necessity of the cafe are constantly trusted with appropriations which it is true they may not exceed, but without par ticularly fpecifying the sums they shall pay for certain services.—He wished the gentleman would withdraw his motion. Mr. Boudinot was likewise opposed to thetifing of the committee, and enlarged upon the ideas suggested by Mr. Lawrance, and Mr Smith. Mr. Scott defended his motion, —he said that services performed in the public offices are known and open to examination; but that might not be the cafe with the present business ; that as the bill stands it militates against the constitution ; that consideration would influence him not to with draw his motion for the riling of the committees
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