The RIGHT CQNSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED. (continuation.) IN the Roman Itory, some few of their brave patriots and conquerors were men of finall for tune, and of so rare a temper of spirit, that they little cared to improve them, or enrich them selves by their public employment. Some, in deed, were buried at the public charge. And perhaps this race is not quite extinct ; but the examples are so rare, that he who shall build his frame of government upon a presumption that characters of this stamp will arif'e in succession, in fuflicient numbers to preserve the honor and li berty, and promote the prosperity of his people, ■will find himfelf iniftaken. " The time will come," said a Roman senator, " when Hora tii and Valerii will not be found to forego their •" private fortunes for the fake of plebeian liber "" ty." His prediction was fulfilled ; and a simi lar prophecy will be accomplished in every nati on under heaven. The instances too of this kind, an the Roman liiitory, are all of patricians and senators : We do not find one example of a po pular tribune who was so in love with poverty. Cincinnatus was a patrician, a senator of a splen did family and no mean fortune,until his son Ciefo ■was prosecuted, and obliged to fly from his bail. The father had too noble and sublime a spirit to let the bail be ruined, and fold his fortune to pay the forfeiture : When this was done, he had on ly four or fix acres left. But who was it that made him dictator ? Not the people, nor the tri bunes, but the senate/- that very Handing power againil which our author's whole book is writ ten : By no means by a fucceflive sovereignty of the people's representatives, which our author all along contends for. Had the appointment of a dictator at that time lain with the people, mod probably a richer man would have had the pre ference. He behaved with so much magnanimi ty, integrity, and wisdom, that he subdued the enemy,and quitted his authority with all willing ness, and returned to painful private life. This example is a good argument for a mixed govern ment, and for a senate as an eflential part of it ; but 110 argument for a fucceflive sovereignty in the peoples representatives. Gracchus, Marius, Sylla, and Crefar, whose elevation to power was by the. people, in opposition to the senate, did not exhibit such moderation and contentment. Our author s other examples of Lucius Tarquin, and Attilius Regulus, by no means prove such disinterested and magnanimous virtue to be ordi nary in that state, nor Lucius Paulus iEmilius. Lucius Tarquin, or Lucius Tarquinius Collati nus, was not only a patrician and a senator, but of the royal family, and therefore by 110 means an example to /how what the conduit of a general, or other officer or magistrate, will be, who shall be appointed by a majority of the people's fuc cellive annual representatives. He was the hus band of Lucretia, whole blood had expelled the king. It was in an afl'embly of the centuries, where the senate were all powerful, that he was appointed consul with Brutus. Valerius was the favorite of the plebeians. Collatiahadbeengiv en by the king to Ancus Tarquin, because he had 110 estate; ana from thence the family were call ed Collating. At the siege of Ardea the frolic commenced between CtJllatinus and the othei young Tarquinus, over wine, which ended in the visit to their wives, which proved at firft so ho norable to the domestic virtues of Lucretia, and afterward so fatal to her life ; it occasioned alfa the expulsion of kings, andinftitutionof consuls. Brutus and Collatinus were created consuls, but by whom By the people, it is true, but it was in their aflemblies by centuries ; so that it was the senate and patricians who decided the vote. If the people in their tribes, or by their fuccef live representatives, had made the election, Col latinus wouldnot have been chofen,but Valerius, ■who expected it, and had moll contributed, next to Brutus, to rhe revolution. And, by the way, we may observe here, that an aversion to public honors and offices by no means appears in the be havior of the virtuous and popular Valerius. liis desire of the office of consul was so ardent, that his di(appointment and chagrin induced liiin, in a fallen ill-humour, to withdraw from the fe -—jiSieand the forum, and renounce public affairs ; that they dreaded his reconciliation and coalition with the exliiled family. He soon removed this jcaloufy by ta king the oath by which Brutus wanted to bindthe senate againfl: kings and kingly government. All the art of the patricians, with Brutus at their head, was now exerted, to intoxicate the people with fupcrftition. Sacrifices and ceremonies were in troduced, and the consuls approaching the altar, fworc, for themselves, their children, and all posterity, never to recal Tarquin or his sons, or any of liis family ; that the Romans should ne ver more be governed by kings ; that those who ihould attempt toreftore monarchy fhouldbe de voted to the infernal gods, and condemned to the molt cruel torments : And an abhorrence of royalty became the predominant character of the Romans, to such a degree, that they could never bear the name of king, even when, under the em perors they admitted much more than the thing in an unlimitted despotism. But is the cause oi li berty, are the rights of mankind, to Hand for ever on no better a foundation than a blind super stition, and a popular prejudice against a word, a mere name ? It was really no more in this cafe : For even Brutus liimfelf intended that the con suls lliould have all the power of the kings ; and it was only against a family and a name that he declared war. If nations and peoples cannot be brought to a more rational way of thinking, and to judge of things, ol being intoxicated with prejudice and fuperllition against words, it cannot be expe<fled that truth, virtue, or liberty, will have much chance in the establishment of governments. The monarchical and ariltocrati cal portions of society will for ever nnderftand better how to operate upon the superstition, the prejudices, paflions, fancies, and senses of the people, than the democratical, and therefore will for ever worm out liberty, if she has no other re source. An ESSAY on FREE TRADE and FINANCES. [Continued from No. XXXII.] ANOTHER objection against my mode of tax ing, which in my opinion is the greatest by far that can be fairly urged, remains yet to be consider ed. I once almost concluded not to mention it here, becaufeits hurtful operation is distant, we are innoprefent danger of its effects and its evils may be prevented or remedied in future time by neceflary measures, without requiring our prefem attention. But I will subjoin it, because I think it belt to communicate every quality, effe<si and tendency of this fubjeift, which my utinolt inves tigation of it has been able to discover, that the publick may take it up or- rejecSt it on the fulleft reason that I can lay before them. The objection is, that this tax is infenftble. and wilt produce more money than the people are apprized of, and in future time, when our trade and consumptions Jhall increase, nay produce more than the public service -will require, and of course tend to public dijppation and corruption. For frugality in a court ever springs from neces sity, and a rich treasury naturally makes a pro digal administration, and too often a corrupt one. It may be answered, that it will always be eafyto leflen or take the tax off, whenever it fliall become neceflary. This may be easy, but will be always be dangerous. The imposing it at the close of the war will prevent the fall of the goods taxed, and keep them up partly to the war price, and of course save the merchants who have goods by them from very great loss, and is a good reason for imposing it now ; but when it lhall be taken off, it will reduce the price of the goods taxed in so sudden a manner,as will be very hurtful to those who have stock on hand,and may ruin very many families. There is another, and perhaps better way of guarding against the evils of the objection. It will be easy to transmit to each state an account of the annual proceeds of the tax, and when the amount shall exceed the annua] expen ditures, an account of the surplus, together with an eltimate of the proportion of each Rate (accord ing to the established quota of burdens and bene fits)may be returned with it, and the said pro portion of the surplus may be made f'ubje«ft to the order of each state refpeclively ; and if they judge that they can more fafely trust their own economy, than that of the supreme administration, each state may draw its quota out of the general treasu ry into its own, and there keep it as a deposited fund of public wealth, or dispose of it as they please. Perhaps a fund to defray the internal expences of each state, might be as easily raised in this way as any other ; but I leave a further difcuflion of the objection and its remedies to the wisdom of future times. But if this my mode of taxing, or any other that may be adopted, should not be fufficient for the public service, I could wish the deficiency might some how be made up at home, without recuring to the ruinous mode of supplies by pub lic loans abroad. I think that every light in which this fubjeiffc can be viewed, will afford an argument against it. I have known this cogent argument; used in favour of foreign loans,"viz. We give but five per cent, by the loan. This stupid argument, if it proves any thing, just proves that 'tis every man's interest to borrow money, for 'tis certainly profitable to buy any thing for five pounds which will bring ten ; but the natural fatft is, the very reverse of this, for if you bring money into a kingdom or family,which is not the proceeds of industry, it will naturally leflen the industry and increase the'expences of it. It has been often observed, that when a person gains any sudden acquifmon of wealth by treasure thro' captures at sea, drawing a high prize in a lottery, or any other way not connected with industry' he is rarely known to keep it long, but soon •diflipates it. The sensible value of money is loft, when the idea of it becomes difconnefled with the labor and pain of earning it,and expences will naturally increase when there is plenty of wealth to support them. The effedl is the fame 011 a nation. Is Spain a whit richer for all the mines of South America. The industry of Holland has proved a much more sure source ofcluriSV,, •, We already find a dangerous excess of mg ouc of our borrowed money ; and \La~ (efpeciaily in procuring supplies of our own) great animation. Behdes, the meat is not grounded on fart ; 'tis true I J " that we pay but five per centintercft on our f eign loans,but they coil us from fifteen to tvZ ty per cent more to get them home, forthati. lealt the difcoum which has been o' e , of o», bin, for fcver.lyen« p; „U„dlf™ '£ it ovcr .n .a ~ there is freight and insane to be paid,which increafesthe loss. From this it an pears that for every eighty pounds of funnfe which we obtain inthis way,we must payatleafU hundred pounds, even if we were to pay the win cipal at the end of the year, and the want of five per cent intereS: everv year after if the payment is delayed : To all this loss, i s t ' o be added, all the expence of negociatina the loans abroad, brokerage on sale of the bills, & c . &c. (To be continued.J EIGHTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE UNIOX. An ACT to provide for the Government of the Territory AVIA-W J of the River Ohio. WHEREAS in order that the ordinance ofthe United Staiesin Congress alTcmblcd.for tfce government ofthe territory north-wdt of the river Ohio may continue to have full effect, it is requifa that certain provisions (hould be made foas to adapt the farae toth prefent Confhrution ofthe United States; Be it en.ifled by the Senate and House oj Refrtfenttlhu iftki t/M States of America in Congress aJJemUed, That in all cafcs in which by the said ordinance, any information isto he given, orcomnun. cation made by the Governor of the said territory to the United States in Congress aflembled, or to any of their officers, it (hil be the duty of the said Governor to give such information md to make such communication to the Prefidcnt of the United States■ and the Prcfident (hall nominate, and by and with the advice and content of the Senate, (hall appoint all officers which bv the fill ordinance were to have bee n appointed by the United States 111 Congress assembled, and all officers so appointed, (hillbe coin, minioned by him ; and in all cases where the United States in Congress ademblcd, might, by tbe said ordinance, revoke any commiflion or remove from anyoffice, the Prefidcnt 11 herebyde clari d to have the fame powers of revocation and removal. And be it further enaded, That in cafcs of the death, rcmoval.Ttfi;. nation, or nccefiary absence of the Governor of the said territory, the Secretary thereof fball be, and he is hereby authorized and required to execute all the powers, and perform all the dutiesof rhe Governor, during the vacancy, occasioned by the removal,tf fignation or necellarv absence of the said Governor. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLEXBERG, Steaker of the House of Reprrfcrtititch JOHN ADAMS, Vice-PrefdevtoftheUnitedSltUs, and PreJident oj the Senitr. Approved, aucust 7, 1789. GEORGE WASHING lON, Prefidcnt if the United Suits. NINTH ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE OF TREVXWi An ACT providing for Ex fences which ma\ attend Nfcocfa tions or Treaties with the IndianTk ibes, and tke afttint mcht of Commissioner s for managing the June. BE it enacledby the Senatea»d HouJfe of Reprefcnfatativei oflh( United States of America in Congref affcmh/ea, That a sum notexceediog twenty thousand dollars, arising from the duties on imports and tonnage, shall be, and the fame is hereby appropriated to defraying the expence of negociatmg and treating with the Indian tribes. And be it further enabled, That earh of the commiflioners who may be appointed for managing such negotiations and treaties, shall be entitled to an allowance, exclusive of his expcnces at the place of treaty, of eight dollars per day during his aftuaf service, to be paid out of the monies so appropriated. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG, Speaker of the Houfc ojßeprefentitivd. JOHN ADAMS, Vice-President of the United State j, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, AUGUST ?0, 1789. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President of tke United States. THE NATIONAL MONITOR. No. XVII. Th' eternal God who form'd all human kind, Views the whole fpccies with an equal mind; With him there's neither black, nor brown, nor fair, All sprang from him and all his goodnefc stars. LIBERTY and humanity are closely allied: Ry the former i< meant that security oflife, property and the equal rights oj nature, which is the result ofjufl and righteous laws : By the latter, the full tuft ence oj that divine precept u to do to others as we would be done unto." It is ajlonifhing to rejleff how long the mojl enlightened fift of the world', men, who profefs to be governed by crples oj the gcjpel, remained insensible to this natural and divine oblige tion ; in commencing and continuing< for near a century, a fpeciesojw*' merce repugnant to every benevolent andjufl sentiment: A traffic inm owji ftecies. Among the innumerable advantages derived to the wo* from the revolution oj America, nay be reckoned this, that ith&swj l the benevolent feelings of the inhabitants oj the eajiern herttijptre, < led them to the mojl honorary and spirited exertions, to vindicate tkeng th and redrejs the accumulated injuries of the natives of Africa. Great-Britain has frequently taken the lead in the mojl bnlw enter prizes: She now appears with diflinguifhed lujlre in ajertmgt cause of injured humanity, by making rapid progress in the great uw* of emancipating the wrethedrace ofJ laves i the hapless vtflms ofaMrut. Her Princes, her Nobles, her Patriots, and W ,SE . 5 unite in the God like undertaking; and there is vo doubt thai] lc a! crown her chataHer by compleating the bufiuefs in duefeafon. . France has caught the sacred flame: lier citizens in their kUf he ojjembhes, speak the language of reason and rigkteoufnef. Neckar on thisfubjeft is inspired. . . j •Spa i n aljo has long been in the habit of meliorating the slavery ; ana as she emerges daily into the regions oj knowledge av finement, will naturally be led to imitate her neighbours in their en '5 ed and generous policv. . f n , f America, by the new conjlitution } has at a limited period) J or . Jhut the door to /his commcrce. Mean time the Jlatc< individullh * ,e F /libiting the traffic. The bufinejs every day, in all of them, and more reprobated; and there is the highejl reason tofuppoje, • will become comhleatly and universally infamous. n^ Fi ~om the foregoing we are led to contemplate the improvedj a e ]} ciety, and the increase of the befl principles among mankind. ~ May our country progress in its character, forever: virtue t a . nifies and adorns the species ; till the full effefl of the rft onfhall be feen y in the compleat triumph of reason and benevo mong the great, the happy family of mankind. Published by JOHN FENNO, No. 9, AID J!' Lane, near the Oftqtgo-Markcti New-York. —[3 *°'r' J
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