EXTRACT FROM « AMERICAN ESSAYS » A LETTER, addrejjed to the jujl!y celebrated and humane Dr. JOHN HOWARD, aj Great-Britain, with the STORY o/'HONEST US and CONSTANTIA, Worthy SJ R , THE pure, liberal, and philanthropic motives, that excited you to quit your tranquil retreat, and to travel through foreign coun tries, have jullly diftftiguifiied you, as the Friend, or rather guar dian-angel of mankind : With a well-grounded confidence you have bid defiance to every species ot contagion, and calmly con fronted Death, m every horrid form, to explore the dreary recep tacles of miserable man, to pour the healing balm of consolation into his ulcered wounds: You Lave with more than Herculean labor, patience, and fortitude, devoted your time, and intercit, to the glorious eaufe ot Humanity : You have traced and ueploied the infernal paths, that mark the wanton power of ty rants ; and you have wept over the helpless vitlims of superstition and oppreflion : You have seen virtue in chains—and vice trium phant It is your peculiar glory to have paired by gaudy Palaces with negletfc; and to have fought out the dwellings of diflrefs, with the g: d-hke purpoles ot coofolaiton and relief : You have soared above human, and gloriously illustrated iome ot the bright: ft ema nations of the divine nature ; and, happily tor mankind, you are still preserved, and once more returned to your native country, with the greatest, and best rewards,SELF-APPROBATION, and tliefincereplaudits of a grateful world. And now, mod worthy Sir! permit an American, to congratulate y*u on your fafe return, and toprefentyouwith a family picture, taken from real life in London ; however monllrous, and Ihocking to human ity, the features may appear, be afiured they belong to your own country ; where, I have reason to think, from my own observa tion, and the mod authentic information, you may find an am ple field for the excrcife of all those virtues, which led you at the risk of liberty and life, into foreign dungeons : Victims of op oreflion, and other objects ot Companion, abound in England : In iome of the abodes of misery in London, you will pollibly find new Ipecies of oppreflion and torture, unknown in any other coun try, however abiolute, and such as might almost make AN HAST INGS blush, for the depravity of mankind. Bribery, corruption and oppreflion, have been fuffered to take large flridts in the British dominions; they have contaminated the ltreams, and it not speedily chccked,will poison the source of that national Justice, Geucrofity, Humanity, and Liberty, which have so long been the boast of Britons. Should your fympathetie he art prompt you to analyze thofc mo dern engines of cruelty, THE PRIVATE MAD-HOUSES in London, and its vicinity, let no pretences of the callous keepers, howevei induce you to pass by those gloomy chambers, "where the wretched inhabitants are buried from the fight oi friends, and light of day :«Thol*e INFERNAL CELLS are laid to be new-invented fubffitutes for the grave; where the wealthy pa rent, or other relation, is intombed alive, to gratify a ravenous, hungry heir, who could no longer brook the tardiness of Death. You, Sir ! who have m. de it the business of your life to leek the means of doing good, will, I hope, pardon my freedom, iu pre fumingto dittate, or direst your enquiries, when I allure you, that I ama&uated solely by thofc humane motives, that influence and dire& all your actions. With the highest eftecm, and admiration, of your many figna] virtues, and exalted character, I am, with great refpeft, Worthy Sir, Your mofl humble, and mod obedient Servant, .Av AM E R I C A N. (Story of Honeftus and Cunftantia in our next.J PROCEEDINGS of CONGRESS. In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of tht UNITED STATES. [Substance of Friday's Debate, on the motion for an nexing to the Impojl Bill a clause, limiting its du ration.] Friday, May ij, 1789. Mr. Madison observed, that it was incompati ble with the spirit of the Constitution and tht principles of republicanism, to pass a revenue law unlimitted in its duration ; especially when tht objects for which the income was intended were not defined, and from the circumltances of tht Union, appropriations could not be conveniently made—that it would juit 1 y alarm the apprehen sions of the people, ihoald Congress pass a law which might exist perpetually for railing taxes, fubjeclto the adventitious controul anddirectioi of future adminiftrations,without and which might be continued after the ostensi ble motives for their afieflinent Ihould ceale That the Houf6 of Representatives was veiled witl the sole povv er of originally applying to the pock ets of the people—that on the retaining this power, inviolate, depended their molt eflentia] rights—that 011 this account principally, the de mocratic bi anch of the Legislature confided of the greater number, chosen for a shorter period than the otlier, and consequently reverted more frequently to the mass of the citizens—that if the:e was 110 limitation fpecified, however op pressive and unequal the operation of the law, it might become perpetual, for it would not be in the power of the representatives to effed; an alteration, as The Prelident, with one third of the Senate, at any time might prevent a repeal or alteration of the acst—this would render the funds so far independent of the people—and they might become a convenience in the hands of some future administration, for the purposes of oppreflion. That the ad: in its pre fen t form, had been complained of as imperfecft—that experi ence alone could afcerrain its intrinsic qualities, and that experience might forcibly suggest the liecefiity and importance of alterations, and amendments—but without this clause it may ne ver be.in the power of the House to remedy any defeats—rand the people would be diverted of one of tiwir deal eft and 1110 ft eilential rights, of which the House of Representatives were the only fafe and adequate guardians. Mr, Am £s in reply, faid —to judge rightly we mult consider the reasons for the proposed amend ment with attention. It is said, the money which the impost will produce is not appropriated. Are gentlemen a lraid, that no appropriation will be made, or that it will be improperly made ? If they are, it will be a reafonfor delaying the paflage of the bill ; but will not furniih any for limiting its duratioji—lf they are not afraid of this, as he trusted was the cafe, why urge the objection ? It is said, the act is imperfect : Then let us revise and amend it : A bill which lhall pass with acknowledged errors, will be agreat evil in the period to which it is proposed to xontine it. A perpetual law is said to be needless, because the occasion will not last so long. He thought the public would always have occasion for a revenue, and thinking of the high duties as he did, he believed the revenue would fall short ; and if the act was to last until the money raised by it should pay the public debt, it might as well be made perpetual. But let us attend to substance more than found ; .Vliat is meant by temporary and perpetual ? No law is really perpetual : A temporary act is made pro hac vice, or by way of experiment : If the act is bad, several years is too long to fufFer it to last. Three different periods have been proposed for its duration : One year—several years, and until the public debts lhall be paid. One year may be proper for an experiment ; but is it no evil to go over this ground again ? Is itdefirable or l'afe to revive the topics of distinct interelts, and partial politics once a year ? M ill it /lot p:otract our felfion and augment our ex pences ? If it is limited to several years, will it be pollible to re-loan the foreign debt on the cre dit of fncli precarious funds ? Other nations have mortgaged their taxes for their debts. A part of our foreigndebt muftW provided for ; With a permanent revenue, it is probable it might be re-loaned at a reduced interest. The sams ad vantage might be expected in providing for the other debts ; could this government secure the creditor on good ground with a fund which a tew years might annihilate ? He conlidered the advantage of credit : It had made Britain povv ertul ai.drich : A dTpotifm could not have it, nor could a pure democracy—but awik republican government ought to have and might have it— and how ? .An act not limited should be in force until repealed : The revenues, if pledged, could not be taken away, but by a positive aCt of injustice and fraud, to which the two Houses mult ailent, and the President would have his voice : It was three to one, therefore, that it would not happen, and the creditor might trust this govern ment as fafely as any in the world ; But an ad which would expire of itfelf afforded less ground of confidence ; for it was a mere negleifc or omil fion of an art, for which the tenth part of the ob jections made against this bill would furnifh a pretext : The mere disagreement of the houses would prevent it ; and those who had seen how difficult it was to procure the afient of this Houle to the bill, would hot be sanguine that another should pass at a future period : Had we not fuf fered from this cause severely already ? It is alked, shall we part with the power ? If the act is limited, in fact the power is limited—and it is the power tofave the public honor and publiek money that is limited :* We are advised to hold the purse ftrinjrs carefully, andfo we ought: But whole money do we hold ? We are told that fo reigners will seize our Ihips for their debts ; and if the money is due to them, why should we hold it ? \V hat honest rcafon can we have for with holding it > Limiting the aCt will carry distrust in the face of * —and we (hall be obliged to pay for that dfltrult, as the act may be repealed or amended, as experience may direct, there leems to be no good reason for limiting its existence He was against all temporary expedients, and wifbed to make the act commensurate with the public neceifity, which called for it. Mr. Page observed, that he thought it incon sistent, that gentlemen, who had opposed the bill in every stage of its progress through the Houle, should now be strenuous for its being per petual—for his part he had his doubts, as to the eligibility of some articles, and for that reason, there ought to be a limitted period to its exist ence—he was for a fair experiment of the bill however, as it did not appear that greater har mony of sentiment was attainable at present— but if in the operation it should be so unci pernici ous, he could not conceive the propriety of put ting it out of the power of the House to correct the evils it may produce. Mr. Ames replied, that the amendment mov ed tor was he believed totally unexpected to al most every gentlemen in the Houfe—for his part he had always supposed that the system was to have been permanent, and commensurate to the object—upon this principle he had combated those parts of the bill with some degree of ener gy which he conceived unfavorable—becaufe he wilhed to make the bill as faultlefs as possible, considering its indefinite existence as the natural result of a desire to make adequate provision for the public exigencies, and support for the o-o vcniiiient. a Adjourned. Saturday, May j6. Mr. Seney prel'ented an a<fr of rhe legiflatuit of rlie State of Maryland, offering to Coiigref the exclulive jurii'diction of ten miles square, in any part of that State, for the permanent feat of the Federal Government. Mr. Sylvester prel'ented a petition of Do nald Campbell, praying a reimbursement of monies expended by him on account of the Uni ted States, during the late war. Mr. Ames prefenttd a petition from John Fen no, soliciting the printing in the Gazette of the United States, the atfts, relolutions, &c.oftfle House. The consideration of Mr. Madison's amend, mcntto the iinpoftLiil, vas then relumed—it lie. ing intimated that the yeas and nays would be called for—an animated debate ensued—m which the lubftance of yelterday's observations was recapitulated, and many new sentiments were kdded. In fnpport of the amendment it was fak; that the eftabliihment of the public credit de pended upon a reg alar and permanent fvftemof lionelt policy, and the virtue of the govern ment—that we ought not to fnppofe that a future legislature would be iefs virtuous than the pre sent—that it was but just to suppose that diere will always exilt a disposition in the Federal Le gillature, to do justice ; and if this jhould be the cafe, public credit will always be titabliflied in whatever manner funds might be provided, and that no afligned period or any act without limi tation, would effect this object without this dis position.—That it would not be wile to put too much power in the hands of the Senate, as the time for which they were eledted, rendered them almost independent of the people. It was further observed, that the national debt was already placed on as (olid principles, as a le gislative act could ellablifh it—that it was in fait better founded than that of any other country; for it had been made part of the national compaJt; that the general character of a people, and not its particular legiilative a<fts were the objects of at tention to foreign creditors—That nothing could jul'dfy an immutable law, but extraordinary cir cumltances.—Circumftances which would render such a law always equally neceflary—that every act of a perpetual nature, narrowed the power of the House, and transferred jt to the execu tive and a minority of the Senate. On the other hand it was contended, that mere ly not alligning a limited period to ?.n a«, did not neceflarily make it perpetual—that in order to tins an express declaration to that effect, was requisite—that every a eft must be deficient in pro portion as it fell fliort of being commensurate to its object—that the public credit could be efta blilhed only by providing funds which in all events, should be fully futneient to answer the demands of the public creditors—that temporary fyltems, dependant upon the breath of an Af fenibly, could not be considered in this point of light—that this clause would defeat all the salu tary effetfis designed by the fyftein.—Thatnot withftanding allusions had been frequently made to the Briti/li parliamentary proceedings, yet it was conceived that no precedents of a limited revenue law could be produced—that it would be transferring the imbecility of the old confe deration to the new fyllcm—that if wewilhto have the evidences of our public debt of any va lue, it is our duty to eltablifli a permanent ade quate provifion—thatitwas necedary in this way, to give evidence of jour disposition and ability to pay our debts— that foreigners would be fcrnpu lonfly attentive to our public arts, and draw their conclusions accordingly—that natives and fo reigners had Suffered Sufficiently by their confi dence, and we ought to liippofe that they would be more cautious for the future—that it could not rationally be expected that a temporary fyf* tem would inspire a reSpeift and confidence in the government, or give it ;he neceflary energy and coriSequence among the people. 1, he motion was then varied by Mr. Madison, but after some further observation, the original amendment was put, and carried in the affirm ative ; and the yeas and nays entered on the journals as follow. For the motion, Mr.Baldwin, Mr. Ben/en. MBland, Mr. Burke, Mr .Carroll, Mi. lolcii, Mr. Contee, Mr. htzfimons, Mr. Floyd, Mr .Gale, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Gilmun, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Griffin, Mr. Grout, Mr. Hathorn, Mr. HeiJler, Mr. Huntington, Mr. Jarkfon, Mr. Lei, Mr. Leonard, Mr. Lwcrmcre, Mr. Madison, Mr. Moore, Mr. Muk ttnburth, Mr. Mr. Parker, Mr. Patridge, Mr. Reriljtllttr, Mr. Seney, Mr. Scott, Mr. Smith, Maryland, Mr. Smith, South Ca rolina, Mr. Stufges, Mr. Sykejler, Mr. Tnmbull, Mr. Ttichtr, Mr. fining, Mr. Wad/worth, Mr. White, Mr. fVyvktop. . Against the motion, Mr .Ames, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Cadwalader, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Law rence, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Sinnickfon, Mr. Thatcher. Ayes 41 Noes 8 Majority 33 v . c^au^e f° r liniitation being annexed to the 1 , it was agreed that it should continue and be in force from the i jth of June next, till the firft ot June 1 796. The bill then pafled the House, and was sent to the Senate for their concurrence. The House agreed to take up the report of the committee on the memorial of Dr. Ramsay, on 1 iiuriday next. ~ * 1 • Hit horn had leave of abfencc for a few days.
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