TIIE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1870. arxxtxT or txzxi xnnsn. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. FRIENDLESS FRANCE. From the S. F. Tim. "Why is it that the Frenoh people snow so much enthusiasm at this moment in connec tion with America and Americans? The other day they surrounded the United Stateg Legation, and cheered for hours together. On Monday, as the telegraph informed us yesterday, Mr. Washburne was recognized in the street, and instantly the crowd began to cheer. In a few minutes the crowd in creased it does not take long to bring a large assemblage together in Paris in these excited times and the American Minister received a "most enthusiastic ovation." The explanation of this outburst of feeling is not difficult to find. When a man is plnnged in very great distress, his heart over flows towards those who utter the first words of sympathy in his ears. It is the same with nations. France has gone through a bitter experience. The whole world has been against her in quarters where she looked for kind words she heard only denunciations. Never was a nation so solitary in the midst of great disasters. At last the Government and people of the United States sent over a message of gentler meaning. The proud spirit of a defeated but not humiliated Eeople at once is softened, and they send ack to us their gratitude for what it has cost ns very little to give them. When it became a question of king against republic, the sympathies of this country were pretty sure to be transferred to the side of France. Now that Napoleon has disappeared from the roll of monarchs, there is no more thorough representative of arbitrary govern ment left in Europe than the King of Prus sia. He has opposed every liberal reform, and only the success of his crafty Minister's policy in strengthening the position of Prus sia in Europe has induced the independent States to cast in their lot with the King's. It is not Prussia which has won in this cam paign, but united Germany; and oar best hope must be to see Prussia subordinate in the future to the general Confederation. That cannot happen while an upholder of the principle of the Divine right of kings remains paramount. Intrigues have evidently been set on foot to make King William "Emperor" of Ger many. We should prefer to see, as one result of the war, a republic established in both Germany and France. France has already freed herself from Imperial rule, and now we are told that King William stands aghast at this part of his work. He treats Napoleon as a reigning sovereign. lie looks tipon the Provisional Government with scorn. Can it be supposed that the American people will extend to him their sympathies when he occupies a position so much at variance with their own political instincts? Germany fight ing for the integrity of its soil against an Imperial army is one thing; Germany fighting at the bidding of a despot against a republic is another. We are on the side of people struggling to be free, and, therefore, we are now once more enabled to resume our old cordial relations with France. Our policy has been tolerably straight forward, and hereafter will bear examination. But what verdict will history pronounoe on the conduct of England throughout the struggle? Between the pernicious influences of the Court, the usual blind infatuation of the London Times whenever a foreign ques tion arises, and the imbecility of the Glad stone government, England has been led into a course which will reflect eternal dishonor upon her. She has fawned npon Prussia, and only been spurned by Bismarck in re turn. She has heaped all kinds of insults upon the Power with which it was to her best interests to be at peace, and covered with obloquy a ruler who on several occasions encountered the unpo pularity of the French people in his efforts to strengthen the English alliance. "If," said Mr. Bright in the House of Com mons, on July 21, 1859, "there be one thing which is more distinctly marked in the policy of the Emperor of the Frenoh, sinoe his accession to the throne of France, than an other, it is his perpetual anxiety, by every means consistent with his own safety, and with the interest, as he believes, of France, to ally himself with England, and with the foreign policy of England." What return has England made ? She has seized the first convenient opportunity she found to heap indignities on the French people and their late ruler at the same time. Can anything be more disgraceful than the language which the London Times has systematically used toward France since the war begun? It has rendered itself the organ of Count Bismarck, only to be treated with contempt. It baa made itself the slavish mouth-piece of a court which has always thought more of its German conneo tions than the honor of England. What is the ancient repute of England compared with the Queen s cousin, daughters, and sons-in law? What does England owe to the House of Hanover but revolted colonies, miserable wars, gradual degradation from a first to a third-class power, and a whole world embit tered against her? If England can never have a Queen like Elizabeth again, or a King like William III, the flag of a republio cannot float too soon over her royal palaces. "The English people," wrote M. Edinond About lately, "stimulate their cold hearts with all the generous blood our soldiers have shed npon the battle-field, and cast a thought neither towards Belgium nor Holland, nor the Dutch colonies, nor to that rivalry of the seas which would avenge our defeat npon them selves if the fate of arms oondemned ns without appeal. If En eland s monar nlnna in this struggle was not by the side of France and we are not prepared to go so far as to contend that it was at least it was her duty to have refrained from outrageously insulting a brave and noble people overtaken by sudden and vast calamities. Has France made any compact with England that she has not faith fully observed ( it is easy enough to turn upon her with jibes in this hour of her misery. But the Times, which is foremost in doing the dirty work was it not the first to prostrate itself in the dust before Napoleon after the coup d'etat Has it not contrived to render England detested all over Europe, and to create a feeling of animosity towards her in the United States which fifty years of British diplomacy cannot obliterate? The last mistake has been the worst of all and bitterly En eland will have causa to rna it If Lord PaLmerston had been living the Court and all its influence would have failed to drag imgland into its present degradation But Lord Palmerston was the last of the Eng. ii&a juinwterv wno naa tne courage to study the welfare of his country rather than the de crees or monarcn who views of foreign affairs are dictated by hereditary prejudices EUROFEAN COMPLICATIONS. ' From the A, r. llerald. ' The events and ideas evolving from the war in Europe are deeply interesting. No event in history, perhaps no, not even the first French revolution, which upheaved sooiety from its very foundation was pregnant with more inportant consequences. The conflict has assumed a different phase to what it had a few weeks ago, when Napoleon threw down the gage of war and the King of Prussia took it tip. It is no longer a war between the am bitious Emperor, who endeavored to strengthen his throne and perpetuate his dynasty through military glory, and the Prus sian monarchy, assuming the championship of Germany. It begins to take the phase of a war of monarchical pnd aristocratical ideas and privileges against the republican move ments of the time and republican tendencies of the age. That fermentation of opinions which Disraeli has bo well described in "Lothair" is now at boiling heat. The con flict between the past and future has been precipitated by the surprising incidents of the x rencn-l'russian war. Tne whole civilized world is watching with intense in terest the struggle. The result will show whether absolutism is to triumph or the peo ple are to advance toward freedom and self government. Ifae telegraphic news from L.arope during the last few days shows that the King of Prussia is very averse to the republio pro claimed in France. It is said, indeed, that he will not recognize or treat with the re publican government, and that, to prevent, if possible, the existence of the republic, he will restore the Napoleon empire. It may be that the views and purpose of the King are exaggerated by the partisans of imperial and monarchical government, and especially by the British press and aristocracy, which dread republicanism; but they are quite in accord with his absolutist notions. There is no Btancher defender of monarchical privileges and power than King William. In fact, this is a remarkable peculiarity in the Hohen- zollern family. It is probable, therefore, that the reports of his determined hostility to the French republic are true. At the same time we hear of great activity in the JJcabinets and diplomatic circles of Europe. The monarchs are excited and fear the progress of revolution. They wani to interpose, but hardly kuow how. The Empe rors of Russia and Austria, it is said, have appealed to the King of Prussia to make peace, and we are informed by the latest news that the Prussian army had halted, at the firm request of Russia, in order that King William and liismarck may consider the pro position from Russia and Austria for an armistice. It has been reported also that the Queen of England is ns much opposed to the French republio as King William, and that secretly her influence has been used to prevent the recognition of that republio. This, too, appears to ba the impression in England, judging from the language and temper of the mass meeting in London on Sunday. Nor is this at all unlikely. Although Queen Victo ria is an excellent woman in all the relations of life, her monarchical prejudices must be strong. Then she has sons and daughters and blood relations intimately connected with most of the reigning families of Europe. She wants to see her children succeed her on the throne of England and some to wear crowns on the continent through their marriage with the heirs of thrones. Even the King of Italy, liberal and progressive as he is, fears the re volution and is preparing to check it. Every where, in fact, the crowned heads, and the aristocracies which hang upon them, are alarmed and are anxiously considering how they can suppress the present republican movement and save their crowns. The King of Prussia has raised in -this war a spectre more fearful to him and his fellow monarchs than the ghost of Samuel was to King Saul. Can he put it down? That is the important question of the time. Did he, when he commenced the war, have an idea of such a result? Or, rather, did his astute min ister, Bismarck, think that the subjugation of Napoleon would be followed by a republio in France and revolutionary movements in other parts of Europe? Hardly any other re sult could have been expected. Bismarck must have seen this was a possibility at least, and it is reasonable to suppose be had some policy to be pursued in such a contingency. What was that polioy? What is his policy now? Surely he is too able a statesman to suppose he can fight successfully against the sentiment of the people of both Europe and America and against the sentiment of the mass of the German people as well, for no thing would tend to arouse the public sense of the world against Prussia so much as persis tent hostility to the republio in France and forcing either the fugitive imperial govern ment or any other monarchical government upon the French. Bismarck must know that such a course, if even within the power of Prussia to pursue it to the end, would be con trary to the enlightened ideas and spirit of the age, would cost the Prussians enormously, would probably prolong the war, and would only leave a terrible legacy of future trouble. We believe this able minister cannot help seeing the evils that must follow an attempt on the part of Prussia to squelch the Frenoh republio and to force a monarch npon a great nation at the point of the bayonet. Bat can he control the King ? Is King William so wedded to his monarchical and absolutist notions and so obstinate that he will not listen even to Bismarck ? A few days will bring an answer to these questions. Events move rapidly, and the crisis is fast culmi nating. The King must either treat with the republic shortly or utterly ignore it. The King of Prussia declared at the com mencement of the war that he fought only against the Bonapartes, whom he regarded as the ceaseless disturbers or Europe. Yet it seems now that he is disposed to restore the fallen Emperor or his dynasty rather than recognize a republio. As there appears to De no prospect oi restoring tne Orleans family, the alternative is either a Bonaparte or the republic But does King William imagine the French people would long sub mit to the rule of the disgraced and fugitive Bonapartes, if even they should be restored by Prussian bayonets? The wisest course for him is to recognize and make peaoe with the republio; for that has been promptly and enthusiastically acoepted by the Frenoh people, ana nas ueen recognized by the United States, Switzerland. Soain. and Italv. If he should do so, and be magnanimous in the terms for peace, Franoe may become a mend r uermany ana tne wounds of the war may soon be healed. If he should refuse the war will be continued and spread, pro- Daojy, ana wiu Deaome one oi monarony and absolutist ideas against republicanism, the sentiments of the age and the masses of the people. The people of Germany even would turn against him, and his crown might not be worth a year's purchase. The elements of revolution are let loose, and all the idoas of modern progress are in conflict with those of the past. Concession and magnanimity may allay or direct this storm. Monarchical pride and obstinacy would probably only inoreasa its fury, and in the end must prove powerless Against the progressive and enlightened sen timents of the age. CHANGE OF TONE IN TIIE REPUB LICAN TRESS. From tht N. T, World. Since the proclamation of the French re public most of the administration papers in this country have turned, or seem on the Eoint of turning, a complete somersault. We ave no inclination to impugn the motivos of this sudden change. We are willing to be lieve that it has proceeded from that prompt and enthusiastic sympathy with free institu tions which has always formed a part of the American character. So powerful and irre pressible is thin sentiment that all pride of consistency and all views of party advantage have melted away before it; and the same journals which, two weeks ago, were chant ing loud pfrans over ine military successes ot Prussia, and courting German votes in this country, are now earnestly deprecating any further injury or humiliation of France. We cannot find it in our hearts to taunt them with their "change of base." We are rather inclined ta honor them fer the ready expres sion they have given to genuine American sentiments in a conjuncture whoso sudden ness has disconcerted all their previous calcu lations. While it was a war between two crowned hends, the American people felt bur. a slight partiality for either. Their preferences, stnli as tbey had, "played round the head, but came not pear the heart." What interest have ire in the balance of power in Europe ? Hiiatisitto vs whether the lluennh pro vinces are taxed and oppressed by a French Emperor or by a 1'russian King ? In the in terest of humanity we might deplore the horiible carnage which was a sacrifice to the unhallowed ambition of their rulers; but the loss and desolation ought to have affected us equally whether lnlhcted by the monarch of Prussia or the monarch of France. This would have been the tone of American feel ing had it not been for the fact that we have in this country a largo body of voters of German birth. The Republican leaders fancied they could gain a party ad vantage by playing upon the honest national sympathies of the Germans. The consequence was, that the Republican prens was more pro Prussian and anti-French than the American Germans themselves. Disgust at this cajoling hollowness may have biassed some minds the other way, although among no class in this country is there any feeling inconsistent with genuine respect for our German population. Democrats have always looked upon the Ame rican Germans as a salutary counterpoise to the narrow, bigoted spirit of New England Puritanism. In no State where they hold the balance of power is there any danger of rigid Sabbatarianism, or intermeddling sumptuary legislation interfering with the right of the people to regulate their own habi s in diet, drink, or amusements. They are, moreover, sober, industrious, frugal, domestic, intelligent; and their pre sence among us in large numbers is operating as a corrective to some of our most unamiable national peculiarities. It has always been a maxim of the Democratic party that "the world is governed too much, and the attach ment of our German population to individual and social freedom is quite in the spirit of this favorite Democratic maxim. With this bond of active sympathy, the Democratio party have always been warm well-wishers of the American Germans; and especially here in the State of New York there has been un broken concert of action between us on some of the most exciting questions of State legislation. In the present war, no Democrat, and in deed no native-born American citizen, has de sired to restrain the partiality of our German population for the cause of their Fatherland. We appreciate and honor the ties of birth, blood, ancestry, and early association. If Americans were dwelling in a foreign land they would unhesitatingly give their moral support to their native country when engaged in war; and we cannot censure others for what, in like circumstances, we should most certainly do ourselves. We do not expect our German citizens to transfer their sympa thies in consequence of anything which has recently transpired in Europe. They secure more of our esteem by staunch fidelity and unwavering attachment to the land la which their eyes first saw the light, and in which their ancestors lie buried. Forever sacred and honored be the sentiment of pa triotism, the parent of most of the great deeds which adorn the pages of history. But our German citizens must tolerate in us what we respect in them. We, too, have our early associations, national traditions, patriotio attachments, our cherished sentiments caught in lisping infancy from those who had the moulding of our minds. As a consequence of this training, in which the new-comers among ns have not participated and cannot understand, our sensibilities are powerfully stirred by every movement for freedom, and especially for freedom in Franoe. Since the republio has been declared in France, even demagogues have forborne their trade There has been a spontaneous outburst of applauding pnblio sentiment, such as can be explained only by an American education and American sentiment. TOE POLICY OF HUMILIATING FRANCE From the London Spectator. In one of Count Bismarck's earliest speeches in the Prussian Parliament, he gave as his reason for excluding the Jews from offioial life that the laws of every Christian country ought to be an attempt, however imperfect, to embody Christian principles, and that, therefore, it was impossible to entrust with the administration of the law those who did not recognize such principles at alL We wonder how far this conviction of Count Bis marck's will affect his view of the terms of peace which he is willing to offer to France. Will be be disposed to admit that Christian principles have any thing whatever to do with foreign policy, when it comes to a question of how a victo rious nation should treat a vanquished nation ? Unfortunately, statesmen are a little too prone to make a good deal of Christian principles when the drift of the argument would be to justify exolusien, and exceed ingly little of them when the drift of the argument would be to justify concession. Yet the most worldly politician might well admit that Christian prinaiples, whether he accepted them or not and Count Bismarck does accept them eagerly have an immense deal to do with the conclusion, preservation, and solidity of peaoe. We do not mean for a moment that "policy" a large calculation of international consequences could properly be excluded even from the strictest applica tion of Christian principles, in the solution of international questiens as to peaoe and war. But we do assert that statesmen, the coldest and most impartial, cannot avoid raking into account the operation of these principles on the minds of nations in all great national crises, even if their own minds be insensi ble to them. Nor can the question whether the effectual humiliation of the French nation should be the object of the German polisy iu concluding peace, and whether that humilia tion would or would not be a great guarantee of European tranquillity, be disonssed with out giving the greatest weight to the effect of Christian principles or the effect of ignoring them, on the mutual relations of the nations concerned. No man can doubt for a moment tbat the obligation of the Christian law to do to others as you would be done by has the greatest possible secret effect even on the minds of nations who have been shooting down each other's hosts by tens of Ihousands for weeks past nor tint it is as applicable to international as it is to in dividual affairs, though its true interpretation may be much more difficult. At all events, one great objection to the policy of making the conspicuous humiliation of Franoe the first object of the treaty of peace, when Ger many is in a position to dictate it, is that this is a direct attempt to carry into a treaty of pence a morality the very converse of that which Uouut Ji8marck says should be as completely as possible imaged in the laws of every Uhnstian people and it can be scarcely contended tbattreatiesbetwoenCuristiaucoun- tiies should aim at ignoring what the law of every Christian couutry is bound m fur aa possible to embody. We do not pretend for a moment that we nave got very far in the solution of the practical question, when we have laid it down that the object of humili ating France for the sake of humiliating her, is not one which it is legitiuiato to contem plate even in a treaty of peace. It may be very well replied that a precaution which in volves a great humiliation is one thing, and the deliberate wish to humiliate quite another, and we heartily acknowledge the distinction. For instance, it may be and must be a humi liation to France to pay a great pecuniary in demnification for the war, and yet it would be an act of grand and perhaps almost inde fensible generosity, if the Prussians, who have lost bo much in life and wealth and hap piness by a war which they did not originate. were to decline to ask for any such indemni fication. Still it is a point gained if it bo ad mitted thnt the object of the treaty of peace otifeLt not to be the further humiliation of France though no doubt a humiliation, and perhaps a very wholesome humiliation of all kinds, must be involved in the mere fact of complete defeat and capitulation. A humilia tion incidental to the result of the war is one thinp; a further humiliation deliberately con templated as the object ot the terms ot peace, quite another. The humiliation that is in separable from the part a nation has acted can never be resented in cold blood, like a humiliation inflicted for its own sake. We maintain that for the sake of Germany itself, for the sake of France, and for the sake of Europe, it should be the wisdom of the con queror to leave behind him no vestiges of a deliberate intention to lacerate the heart of the conquered people, even though it be ab solutely certain as no doubt it is that had the conquered people been conquerors in stecd of conquered, they would have felt no sciuple about the deliberate humiliation of Germany. For the sake of Germany, then, we think (he needless humiliation of France in the highest degree undesirable, because Germany would defeat France a second time though it would be a painless and an ennobling defeat in adopting a policy so wholly unique, and so infinitely grander than that which animated the French invasion. Germany is surely strong enough to neglect military con siderations so relatively unimportant as the gain of a strongly fortified frontier on the Vosges. But if she be strong enough to neglect such considerations, how marvellously would it exalt her position in Europe and the character of her people, if she can lake up at once the part of the great pacifio power which makes war not for glory, but for duty; and after defeating what was supposed to be the most military people in Europe by a military spirit infinitely stronger, because more self-contained and modest, de cline even to entertain those notions of aggrandizement which were the great spur to the French invasion. This would indeed be entering on a new and original path of politi cal influence, and one strictly akin to the genius of the German people. To have fehown that that nation which can make war as no other nation in Europe can make war, puts the end so far above the means that it respects the liberty even of its enemies more than it values petty precautions for its own safety; to have shown that a nation of warriors dictates peace even more unhesitatingly to itself than to the foe it has vanquished; to have shown that there is in Europe a strength too grand for ambi tion, too self-reliant even for fear, would surely be to put Germany at the head of European civilization in a sense in whicfaio nation has ever yet laid claim to suoh a wad. Would it bo a small triumph for even the most thoughtful and cultivated nation in Europe to have set for the first time the example to the strong of "overcoming evil with good ?" For the Bake of France, we wish to see no unnecessary, no needless attempt to humili ate France beyond the humiliation involved in the absolute failure of a most shameless aggression. What France needs, more than it. Deeds even education and repose, is a re lease from the constant solf-consciousnoss and vanity which are always measuring France against the rest of the world. "La grande nation" will never forget herself while a bitter and nnforgetable humiliation is rank ling in her heart and crying for vengeance. If France is to recover her equanimity and her generosity, she must be able to think of herself without that self-contempt which a humiliation such as the loss of French terri tory would inflict. France needs the develop ment of an interior life which would leave her less sensitive to her exact degree of influ ence among the nations. That she might pursue this path of development, if not artificially driven into the Tantalus-task of wreBting again her laurels from the foe, is probable and quite within reasonable hope. But if she feel the knife as a great territorial loss of strength would make her feel the knife, the first object of any popular states man must be to prepare for the recovery of her position. Another man will arise to re present, like the present Emperor, "a prin ciple, a memory, and a defeat," the only "principle" being probably that she ought never to lose the memory of her defeat till she bad wiped it out in victory. No one cm deny that to wound France so that her mor bidly sueceptible vanity would cry out per petually for revenge would be to extinguish for another generation the best hopes of French progress. Again, for the sake of Europe at large, we heartily deprecate the needless humiliation of France. Europe deeply needs the influence of a great pacitio State such as Germany would be, if she had the grandeur of purpose to relinquish all the territorial fruits of con quest. Such a Germany would be a bulwark alike against Russia and against Franoe, such as we have never yet dreamed of possessing. The greatest power would not dare to attack her after her great feat of war. The suiillst wccld rtt-pect her public opinion after her gi eater feat of peuce. But if France be dis membered by the will of Germany, when can Europe be in equilibrium again ? Germany would thtn become the terror of the smaller powers, like Holland and Belgium, and remain what she has long been, the terror of Denmark. France would be always ready to conspire with any power, small or great, which held out to her a hope of retrieving the past. The hatred of races would grow fierce. The Celtic blood in Belgium would be pretty nearly sure to sym- rathize with the Celtio blood in France, taly would begin to tremble before the powerful and ambitious conqueror who had bumbled her old ally. In a word, the result of the war, instead of being to give Europe a new guarantee of stability in the self restraint and moderation of the central power of Europe, would be to penetrato it by a profound unrest. And this would be the natural result of the rise of a power so tre mendous, for whose moderation we had re ceived no sort of guarantee. In fact, the rise of any new power on such a scale as this a power able in a month to lay the greatest State in Europe low is a matter for aniiety which cbq only be allayed by extraordinary evidence of its pacifio magnanimity. For the sake alike of Germany itself, of France, and of the whole of Europe, the needless humilia tion of France by its territorial dismember ment, even though it be only to the same ex tent to which it is pretty certain that France would have proceeded if Germany had beon vanquished, would be, in otir belief, a great calamity and, as regards the victor, the sacrifice of an opportunity such as nations do net oftenjobtnin, of earning both a mighty political influence and the glory of a still more honorable fame. DRY GOODS. 400 AHCII STHX2ST. 400 EYRE CL LANDELL, On the first Intimation of HOSTILITIES, went into ttie market and bought large y of GO03S likely to be b Ceded. OOOD BLACK SILKS, GOOD PLAIN SILKS. HOOD BLACK MO J AIR, GOOD BLACK ALPACA. MUHLH AUSEN 18' NT J, FOREIGN WOOLLiNS, LYONS VELVETS, LKIPSIC PLAIDS, DRESDEN WOOLLEN?, BROGUE SHAWL, Bl ACK BOMBAZINES, BERLIN SHAWLS. HAMBURG EDGINGS, FRENCH MTLINS,i LACE HDKFS., VALENCIENNES LACES. f9 12rawr3m EXPENSIVE SHAWLS, Etc. Etc. 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EODGERS A "WOSTEN HOLM'S POCKET KNIVES, Pearl and Stag handles, and beautiful finish; Rodgeis', and Wade fc Butcher's Razors, and the celebrated Le coultre Razor; Ladies' Scissors, In caaea, of the finest qtmlity ; Rodgera' Table Cutlery, Carvers and Forks, Razor Strops, Cork Screws, etc Ear In Btrumeuta, to assist the hearing, of the moat ap proved construction, at P. MADEIRA'S, No. 115 TENTH Street, below Cheanut PATENT. STATE RIGHTS FOR SALE. 8TATB RIGHTS of a valuable Invention just patented, and foi the SLICING, CUTTING, aud CHIPPING of dried beef, cabbage, etc., are hereby offered for Bale. It la an article of great value to proprietors of hotels ud restaurants, and it should be Introduced lute every family. STATE RIGHTS KOU 8 ALU Model ran be 8'ti at TKLEURAPU OFFICE COOPER'S POINT, N. J. ir.lt MUNDY fc HOFFMAN. EDUCATIONAL. II O II V A U A l IJ in w FOR YOUNG MEN AND BOYS, No. 1415 LOCTU8T Street. EDWARD CLARENCE SMITH, A. M., PrtnotpaL This Select School wlU enter upon Its sixth year completely reorganised. Rooms Unproved) and refuted' with handsome fur niture. 1. Pupils prepared for hnslnem life. Thororjgn course in the English Branches and Mathematics. S. Tuplls prepared for high standing la College. 8. Special instructors lu French, German, Draw. In?, Penmanship, Elocution, Book-keeping, Natural Science. 4. A carefully organized Primary Department. B. Special leatures an unsurpassed locality, spacious and well ventilated rooms, with high ceil ings, a retired play ground. Next session IxbIub Kepteralter 18. Circulars at No 1415 LOCUST SU Appllcatloi.8 received daily. Testimonial from lion. William Strong, (J. 8. Su preme court. PHn.Anm,,nia, Jane 15, 19T0. During the last two yenrs my son lmi been an at tendant of the. fchool of Mr. Kdward Clarence Smith. known hb Rugby Academy. 1 can unqualifiedly commend Mr. t ml'h to those who have Bona to be educated, as a superior Instructor, devoted to his work, kinrt and fir-.n In his management of his pupils, and in all respects qualified for sacccsa In his pro fession. 8 13 W. STRONG. C1ARL OAF.UTNKR'S NATIONAL CONSERVA- TORY OF Ml'SlC, 8. E. corner TENTH aud WAI.Nl'T Streets, ts now open for the Fourth Sua boii for the reception of pupils. Instruction la given by a at a IT of the best Professors lu the city in the following branches: Vocnl Muulo, Piano, Violin, Viola, Violoncello, Contra Bhss, Theory of Harmony, Grand Organ (or Church Organ), Cabinet Organ, Mclodeon, Flute, ClarloiiPt, Oboe, Bassoon, Horn, Cornet. Trombone, Harp, Uultar, etc., etc., and In the Italian, German, French, and Spanish l.angnnfres. For particulars fee circulars to be had nt the Offlca of the Conservatory and in the Music Stores. The Director of the Conservatory takes this oppor tunity to express his sincere gratification at the suc cess which lias attended his eirorts to establish this Institution In Philadelphia on a permanent basis and with the probpect of continued prosperity. He would likewise declare his gratitude to the many Kind friends among the students aud else, where, whose Interest In the cause of thorough la Btrnctlou in the art and science or music has as sisted so materially In bringing the Conservatory to Its present state of usefulness. He can only promise In return that his devotion to the object of raising the Institution under his care to a high place among the great Music Schools of the world shall be as it has been the controlling Influence at the Conservatory. CARL GAERTNER, 9 18 lm Director and Proprietor. nY. liAIJDUItUACirM ACADEMY FOR YOUNG MEN AND BOYS, ASSEMBLY BUILDINGS, No. 10S South TENTH Street. A Primary, Elementary, and Finishing School. Thorough preparation for Business or College. Special attention given to Commercial ArlthnieUo and all kinds of Business Calculations. French and German, Linear and Perspective Drawing, Elocution, English Composition, Natural Science. FIELD FRACTICE In Surveying and Civil Engi neering, with the use of all requisite Instruments, Is given to the higher classes In Mathematics. A llrst-elass Primary Department. The best ventilated, most lofty and spacious Class rooms in the city. Open for the reception of applicants dally from 10 A. M. to 4 P. M. 9 20 Fall term will begin September 13. Circulars at Mr. Warburton's, No. 430 Cheanut Bt. HALLOWELL SELECT HIGH SCHOOL FOR Young Men ard Boys, which has been re moved from No. 110 N. Tenth street, will be opened on September 18 in the new and more commodious buildlDgs Nos. 112 and 114 N. NINTH Street. Neither effort nor expense has been spared In lining up tho rooms, te make this a first-class school of the highest grade. A Preparatory Department la connected with tho school. Parents and students are Invited to call and examine the rooms and consult the Principals from 9 A. M. to 2 P. M. after August 16. GEORGE EAbTBURN, A. B., JOHN G. MOORE, M. S., 817tf Principals. HAMILTON INSTITUTE FOR YOUNG LADIES, No. 8310 UHESNUT Street, West Phlladel phis. Day and Boarding School. This institution, having successfully completed its fourth yar, has become one of the established schools or our city. Its course of study includes a thorough English aud Classical Education, embracing Mental, Moral, and physical culture. Its ninth session will open on MONDAY, Septem ber 18. For terms, etc., upply at the school. 8 29tf PHILIP A. OREGAR, Principal. TMLDON SEMINARY. MISS CARR'S SELECT Jli Boarding School for Young Ladles will RE- V VrUN fcJfli.MliKlt 14, lbJO. It Is situated at the York Road Station of the North Pennsylvania Railroad, seven miles from Philadelphia. The Principal may be consulted personally at her residence during the summer, or by letter addressed to Shocmakertown Post Oillee, Montgomery county, Pa. Circulars can be obtained also at the office of JAY COOKE & CO., 8 8 Bankers, Philadciphla. JDGEHILL S C U O 0L, MERCIIANTVILLE, N. J., Four Miles from Philadelphia. Next session begins MONDAY", October 3. For circulars apply to oiotf Rev. T. W. CAT TELL. J TPE SIXTEENTH ACAL-EMIO YEAR OF SPRING GARDEN ACADEMY, N. E. corner of EIGHTH and BUTTuNWOOO Streets, begins Tues. day, September ft. Thorough preparation for Busi ness or College. Applications received on and after Monday, August 22. CHARLES A. WALTERS. A. M., 8181m ??1fL0,f,.aL CENTRAL INSTITUTE, N. W. OORNEROF TENTH and SPRING GARDEN htreets, will reopen MONDAY, September 5. Parents are Invited to call alter August Boys prepared for business or for college, JOHN P. LAMLEUTON, A M., 6 28 1m Principal. riMIE SCHOOL FOR YOUNQ LADIES AND JL . GIRLS, No. 891T LOCUST Street, will be reopened September 12, by MRS. A. J. RUSSELL and 9 8 12f MISS MELISSA GREGORY. "VOUlsG MEN AND BOYS ENGLISH CLASSI. 1 CAL AND COMMERCIAL INS 1TTUTK, No. 1908 MOUNT VERNON Street, reopens September 6 Thorough preparation for BusIiwjm or College, lias a Preparatory Department for small Boys. 8 8T lm Rev, J. G. SH1NN, A. M ., PrlnclpaU T7E8T PENN SQUARE SEMINARY FOR W YOUNG LADIES, No. 6 South MERRICK Street (formerly Mrs. M. K. MitcheTs.) The Fall Term of this school will begin on THURSDAY, Sep tember 15. MISS AGNES IRWIN, 8 81 tsis PrlnclpaL "YrNO LADIES' INSTITUTE, No. RU2 GREEN. X Street. Duties resumed September Uth. REV. ENOCH H. SUPPLE E, A M., , 9 9Ct Principal. WEST CHESNUT STREET INSTITUTE FOR V YOUNG LADIES. No. 4035Chesnut street. West Philadelphia, will re-open MONDAY, September 12. J OSKw MlnS K. T. liltOWV Prlrmlnal I CHEGARAY INSTITUTE, Nob. 1527 AND 15'AfiVHUOK Street, Philadelphia, will reopen on Tl'161AY, September 10. Krenoh ia the Uajru of the; lairily, and la ounetantlj apoken in the institute. 6 la wfin 8m U U'HKKVUXY . PrinolpaL "V70UNG LADIES' INSTITUTE, No. 1928 MOUNT X VERNON Street. Sixth beml-Annual Term begins on WEDNESDAY, Sept. 13. Cull or send for circular. 9 8 iw TANE M. HARPER WILLj REOPEN HER tl School for Boys and Girls, N. W. corner of EIGHTEENTH aud CHESNUT Streets, on the 14td of 9th month (September), IsTO. Ages 0 to 13. 9 8 lm IBS CLEVELAND'S SCHOOL FOR YOUNG Ladles will reopen on MONDAY, September 19, at No. 803 DELAKCEY Place. 9 5 13t THE MISSES-ROGERS WILL REOPEN their School for Young 1-adiea aud Children at No. 1914 PINE S treet, on MONDAY, Sept. 6. 93 lit rpWENTY-SlXTH YEAR. H. D. GREGORY, A. L M , will reopen his l lasslcal aud English ShoaL ho. Uu8 MARkET b treet, ou September 6. 8 8lm CitKfi A YFAR, BOARD AND TUITION. AT rn'OU Eplncopal Academy, BERLIN, New Jerrey. - 9T lot" rrliE CLASMCAL INSTITUTE, DBAN STREET, 1 above bpiuce,will be reopened September bin. 8 88 2iu jLw- FA1HES.D. D., PrlnclpaL COURTLAND SAUNDERS COLLEGE, FOR Yet Lg Mm, Y outh, and Small Bo) s, PhUa. ttst
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