THE DAILY EVENING TELJGGRArti PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, JULY 25, 18T0. spirit or Tnn rnxias. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Topics Compiled Every Da y for the Evening Telegraph. AML1UCAN PARTIES AND THE WAK. From the A. F. Timta. Theie is nothing surprising, nothing but just cause for respect rmI admiration, iu the enthusiasm which the hostilities botweou France and Prussia have elicited among the Germans in Americn. They happily blend affectionate attachment to the mad they have left with devotion to the best interests of the land in which they live. Faithful and valuable as American citizens, they yet re tain the heartiest concern in all that rotates to the Fatherland. To them, therefore, the war naturally possesses momentous signifi cance: the preparations for it have created among them an excitement which will grow more intense as the conflict proceeds. Their reverence for order and their fidelity to American law are, however, conspicuous even in their ardor. They propose to render efli cient succor to their countrymen in Europe, but of a kind to which the greatest stickler for national neutrality cannot object. The vympalhy which inspires them is demonstra tive, without being offensive t any class of our citizens; and the aid they are preparing to render assumes shapes which commend themselves to universal humanity. The considerations which have contrib uted to the outburst of German feeling iu all our large cities do not imply partisan ad herence to the recent policy of the Prussian Government. Not Bismarck or King Wil liam evokes this enthusiasm, but the grand idea of German unity. Whether Prussia has been right or wrong in its treatment of smaller States is not the question which Germans now pause to discuss. It is enough that, in the quarrel with France, Prussia represents German nationality. The designs of Bismarck, the temper of the King, are as nothing compared with a struggle begun by France for the achievement of ends which every German has learned to detest, and, on the other hand, maintained by Prussia as the central figure in a great Germanio Confedera tion, every part of which seems likely to render the heartiest possible support. The enthusiasm witnessed here should, then, not be mistaken for admiration of all the pro cesses by which Prussian power has been pro moted. It represents, rather, the cause of German solidarity, whose basis is an idea up permost in every German mind. The only mistako -.f our German friends in this country is tLc '.-recognition of a simi lar feeling on the pait of Frenchmen. Napo leon is assailed as, individually, the aggressor. He is abused as though by the mere force of his character he had plunged France into war against the will of her people. Few opinions can be more in conflict with the facts. Napo leon may have earned all the epithets that are showered upon him, but in this matter his policy appeals to a passion which is rooted in the heart of every Frenchman. The Rhine as a boundary is one of the ideas which control the policy of France, and a conflict which makes possible the realization of the idea stirs into unwonted life the blood of the nation. There are rnxUtitudes of Frenchmen who have no love for the Empe ror, but who are not a whit behind the liana partists in their zeal for the war. The unanimity of the German population, here and in Europe, has its counterpart in the unanimity of the French people It is not King against Emperor the Chancellor of the North German Confederation against the French Minister of Foreign Affairs but one great nationality resisting, or assailing, an other nationality not less great. It is people against people one idea making war upon another. This statement of the case renders apparent the duty of our Government, and justifies the impartiality of our people. The official duty would be the same were the contest between an overbearing monarchy and a feeble repub lic. President Grant would be bound to observe the same neutrality were France at tacking Switzerland, were Russia reviving not-forgotton atrocities in Poland, or were England playing the oppressor in insurrec tionary Ireland. But the sympathy of the American people would be enlisted on the weaker side, and there would be public meetings to denounce the tyrant power. In the present instance we are not called upon to take any formal action. There are many reasons why the preponder ance of personal feeling may be expected to be in favor of the Germans there are none that should induce us to assume a partisan attitude, and certainly none that can justify a party organization in attempting to manu facture party capital out of the enthusiasm which alike animates Germans and Frenoh. The egregious folly which led the Union Re publican General Committee of this city to parade its indorsement of the Prussian cause is inexcusable, because unsolicited and un- rovokecL Our German citizens respect too oyally the position and obligations of the Government to seek its departure from a neutral course; and they understand too well the sincerity of politicians to be influenced by worthless resolutions, or speeches that .signify literally nothing. Besides, if the Union Republican General Committee may formally espouse the cause of Prussia, why may not the Democrats Gene ral Committee espouse the cause of France ? There is a large Irish vote as well as a large German vote, and Irish sympathies are all on the Bide of France. If the demagoguism of the Democratic party contrived to outvote its common sense, we should have a series of resolutions setting forth the opportu nity which a gemeral war will afford Napoleon for humbling "perfidious Albion," and redressing the wrongs of down-trodden Ireland. ,We might then anticipate a fall campaign controlled by European issues; sympathies with the distant combatants would supersede political princi ples; the strife of France and Prussia en the battle-field would be reproduced in the strug gles of Democrat and Republican at a New York polling-place. That is the state of things to which the precedent set by the Union Republican General Committee clearly points; and we can imagine nothing more de grading to our party organizations, or more embarrassing to the national administration. The duty and the interest of the Govern ment lead toward strict impartiality. The neutrality which President Grant, whatever his sympathies, must rigidly enforce, is dic tated quite as much by a regard for our own welfare as by respect lor legauy-denned international obligations. We owe to the belligerents absolute fair play; and remem bering how bitterly we complained of Ens- land's insincerity during the progress of our own conflict, we cannot too carefully avoid everything which may even seem to Identify us with either side. Hence the indecency and impolicy of any Republican movement tliAt tends to convert a war between foreign rowers icw jt r- j aucsuaaj it u a vhi meut injurious to nation it good faith, aud calculated to place th a1tnitiutrfttion in a falae positiou. a well toward the Republican paitv, on which it relies for support, as to the country, which, on a question, like this, may propuly demand that parties siill be ignoied. THE NEW AGITATION. From (he A'. Y. Triton, We shall be very lucky indeed if th ise w ho aepiie to guide the labor agitation can rise above mere demagoguism. Labor is justly jealous of its rights. It detects the cupidity of capital afar off. It regards a strike as a wise remedy for long hours and low wages. Many assume that capital and labor are natu ral enemies. Instead of being allies, together fighting the battle of life on a fair basis, it is held that all that each can extort or frighten from the othor in the scramble ought t i be got, and the law of supply and demaud is voted a vicious theory of a defunct political economy. We were flattering ourselves that we were just through with a war of races, when John Chinaman, with his pig-tail and pegging-awls, throws New England into hys terics. Perhaps no one really expects that Oriental immigration will be in any sensible degree checked by adverse legislation. We may, indeed, contrive to make a degraded class, and one still more alien, by prescrip tive laws. The spirit that has been aroused against Chinese workmen may be turned against English, Irish, and German operative immigrants. The whole spirit of our laws encouraging the introduction of labor and capital may be reversed (although we hardly think it), and the cordwainers, carpenters, and carriage-makers, by organizing, may pre vent the introduction of any other laborers in their respective fields, and thus, by limiting the supply, enhance the price of their articles. All speculation about the relative qualities of John Chinaman and Hottentot is impertinent, the objection to our Oriental friend really being that he can make shoes at all. In the past twenty years more immigrants have arrived in the United States than during the previous seventy, and in the last decade probably more persons landed on our shores than the total population of the colonies at the date of the Revolution. What, then, does this active period of immigration ex hibit ? A steady and rapid increase of wealth in the country, and an upward ten dency in wages. Fifteen or twenty years ago, w heat sold from thirty to sixty cents a bushel. In agricultural regions it was difficult to turn grain of any kind into cash. Labor, of course, fared little better. The system of taking "truck' was common, and farm laborers received from eight to ten dollars per month, and a mechanic with his tools obtained a dollar per day. Cloth ing was, if anything, higher than at pre sent. Most imported articles, except coffee and sugar, were as high as now, or higher. Labor-saving machines were scarce and dear. Tastes were Bimpler, wants fewer; and as re gards clothing, dwellings, and articles of con venience and. refinement, we probably occu pied what would be called a much lower plane than we do to-day. When the war broke out prices , and wages went up with a bound, partly on account of the increased demand for men in various fields, and partly owing to the inflation of paper money. As the public credit rose, or gold fell from 240 to 111, a decline of all prices was to be looked for. To a considerable extent this has been the case. If prices have not touched the rates at the breaking out of the war, it has been for two reasons: First, the natural upward tendency produced by our steady in crease as a nation in wealth, an increase still going on, and more rapidly than ever; and, second, the tendency to resist low prices. The man who has rented his house for one thousand dollars does not want to take live hundred. - He who has sold his shoes for two dollars, or his calicoes for twenty cents, does not wish to see them thirty per cent. less. The mechanic who has been paid four dollars does not wish to take three, and the artisan who has had three objects to two as an out. rage. Still, the inexorable general law will be obeyed. The farmers thought two dollars a bushel a fair price for wheat, yet it has stood for a year at about half that sum. In Eoint of fact, it is lower than it was the year efore the war, with a difference against him of eleven to fifteen per cent, in the value of money, and of fifty per cent, at least in wages. Would it not be well, then, for the farmers to form a society and determine to starve the people of Ihese United States of America unless they pay them two dollars for their wheat? Or are such combinations of no more use than to destroy the productive in dustry of the country? And yet, when the labor agitation is di vested of clap-trap and demagoguery, it is a grand question. Can the laboring classes of America maintain their position as the intelli gent, independent men, on whose industry, virtue, and votes the republic rests ? The enemies of our form of government have not been slow to declare that when we acquire a dense population and wealth gets in a few broad channels, labor will rise and wage agra rian warfare, by arms or votes, against the security of property, and chaos or despotism will be the consequence. We do not think there are just reasons for such fear. Some suggest as a preventive that everybody should be thoroughly educated. Education, indeed, Is almost indispensable; but there are two other elements even more necessary virtue and energy, vine safety of our country lies in the fact that the avenues to wealth and distinc tion are open to all. These avenues mast be kept open. When laboring men co-operate, let it not be to paralyze industry, but to se cure for themselves the full proceeds of their labor. Let them save their funds to set np workmen's shops. Let them put themselves in a condition to be able, when an employer does not offer as fair wages as he can afford, to employ themselves. The field is open for every American laborer. Let him strive to' own the house in which he lives, the shop he works in, or to be a stockholder in the business in which he is an operative. - Let him become a capitalist. Capital, whether it consist of a million dollars or a jack-plane, naturally wants what its use is worth in the market of the world. He who saves a hundred dollars and pots it in a horse, wants its hire; and he who builds a house more than he needs, expects a fair rent for it. Capital is entitled to just protection of law, and v. hen that ceases capital will cease, and we shall go back to the spear and the wigwam. In fire, or war, or famine, or pesti lence, it is capital, or accumulated wealth, that suffers, for "it is he who has who must lose." We have a highly artificial state of society, with many artificial wants; but is society in such a state that it is impossible for young men to . step into it? Or are they who begin the world unwilling to begin at the beginning ? These are questions for wise men to ask. Our European population is the growth of the past two hundred years. Have those who are now here, and who have grown great by our in viting Bystem of immigration, come to the conclusion to shut the door against other for- five hundred years for thnir Chine? wall, are we prepared to imitate the nama policy.' As long as we have an aero of uncleared waste, shall we say to him who would plaut a ".talk of corn there, that because yon are a pagau. or because you are a Jew. or a Turk, or I) lack, or brown, or yellow, yoa shall not? Mu3t history ever repeat itself, and prejudice give to tyrants and vicious imbeciles and dema gogues the power to govern the world Above all, must Christianity, rich with her intelli gence and genius, shut up her talent iu a napkin, and hide her light and her example from the suffering w orlj, whose paganism she affects to despise? PRESIDENT GRANT ON BELLIGERENCY. From the Pall trail Ga:et!'. President Grant's messaare to Congress on the relations of the United States with Cuba conttins an admirable exposition of the con ditions under which insurgents become enti tled to recognition as a belligerent power. "The question of belligerency." he says, "is one of fact, 'not to be decided by sympathies for or prejudice against either party.' The recognizing State, that is to say. is in no way concerned with the cause of the quarrel. It may view the insurgents as men iu arms against intolerable oppression, or as men offering a wanton resistance to the just authority of a beneficent government. It may hold that the freedom of the hnmnu race will be served either by their success or by their discomfiture. It may entertain this or that opinion as to the moral and pruden tial justification of the outbreak, as to the chances of its success, and as to the senti ments with which that success is to be regarded. It may lament the weakening of a friend, or congratulate itself on the weaken ing of a rival. No matter what its feelings on all there subjects may be, it will be de termined in dealing with the question of bel ligerency by the plain facts of the case. It will put aside sympathies and prejudices with en impartial hand, and ask itself the simple question. Do the relations between the parent State and the insurgents "amount in f act to war in the sense of international law"? President Grant here condemns by implica tion the position taken up by Mr. Seward with regard to the Queen's proclamation of neutrality. The foundation of half Mr. Seward's conipluints against England was that the concession of belligerent rights to the Southern States was unfriendly. An ally of Great Britain, he said, between houi and herself there existed relations of kinship and peculiar intimacy, had been suddenly con fronted by a causeless insurrection. The sympathies of Englishmen ought to have been on the side of the Federal Government, and, if so, they would have prevented, or at least delayed, the recognition of the Rebels as a belligerent power. The reply of Eng lish diplomatists has always been: "The question of belligerency is one of fact, not to be decided by sympathies for or prejudice against either party."' Mr. Seward's line of argument was maintained and extended by the friends of the North, both in America and to some extent in this country. You ought, we were told, to have put off the recognition of belligerency as long as possible, because the cause of the Federal Government was the cause of human freedom, while the South were striving to build np their independence on the foundation of negro slaverv. Some times this plea was met by a reference to Mr. Lincoln's disclaimer of all intention of fighting for emancipation or for anything else but the preservation of the Union, or by reasoning directed to show that the ultimate results of Southern independence would be beneficial to the position of the slave. But the real answer the answer consistently given by persens in authority was expressed over and over again in words almost identical with those of President Grant. Our dislike of slavery and our speculations as to the way in which it will be affected by the success of this or that combatant are considerations w holly beside the mark. "The question of belligerency is one of fact, not to be decided by sympathies for or prejudice against either party." President Grant goes on to apply this test of fact to the insurrection in Cuba; and the grounds on which he rests his conclusion that the United States ought not to concede bel ligerent rights to the insurgents have an inci dental bearing of great value on the conduct of Great Britain when she had to determine how to act in the American civil war. "Fight ing," the President truly says, "though fierce and protracted, does not alone constitute war.' War must be invested with a certain Eomp and circumstance; it must have passed eyond the stage of a mere guerilla contest. "There must be military forces, , acting in accordance with the rules and customs of war, flags of truce, cartels, exchange of prisoners." Whatever sanction is conferred by the existence of these conditions was certainly not wanting in the case of the American civil war. There were armies large in English estimation even at the outset and already promising to be come, as they shortly did become, the greatest the modern world had seen: there were gene rals on both sides who had been trained in military schools and might be trusted to en force military traditions. But President Grant rightly attaches even more importance to the political conditions of the straggle. "To justify a recognition of belligerency there must be, above all, a ile facto political organi zation of the insurgents sufficient in char acter and resources to constitute, if left to itself, a State among nations." It will hardly be denied that the Southern Confede racy answered to this definition, and that if the North had allowed things to take their course, the nation which Mr. Jefferson Davis had so nearly created would have been "capable of discharging the duties of a State, and of meeting the just responsibilities it may incur as such towards other powers." General Grant goes on to apply these principles in detail. He de scribes himself as having weighed the state ments of both parties and the evidence by w hich they are supported, and as being una ble to see in the present contest in Cuba "those elements which are requisite to con stitute war in the sense of international law." He objects against the claim of the insur gents, that they hold no town or city, have no established seat of government, no prize courts, no revenue organization, no seaports, no recognized legislature representing any popular constituency, no civil autaoruies, The conclusion from all this is irresistible, The Cuban insurgents are not a belligerent power in any sense which makes it in cumbent upon the United States to re cocnize them in that capacity. Now let us apply the tests enumerated by General Grant to the case of the Southern States. The proclamation of neutrality was published on the 13th of May, 101.' On the '.'0th of November, 18G0, South Carolina had pro claimed herself an independent common wealth, and by the 1st of February, 1HU1, six other States had followed her example. Throughout the whole of this vast territory State courts, State custom-houses. State post offices, State forts and arsenals had been established, ia tk.9 iwm vf formerly maintained by the Federal Government. On the 4th of rehruary delegates from six of these tttales had met at the town of Mont gomery and organized themselves as a General (onvention and Provisional Congress of the Confederate States of North America. This Congress had at once elected a President, who had in turn entered upon olfioa and formed a Cabinet. On the 11th of March a permanent constitution had boen adopted, which had Veen immediately ratified by the convention of each of the neven States. Before the 1.1th of March Congress hal also passed acts to provide munitions of .war, to organize the departments of the Government, to modify the navigation laws, to authorize loans and export duties, to establish a court of admiralty, to make appropriation for legis lative, executive, and judicial expenses, to organize an army and navy, and to provide a complete judicial machinery for the whole Confederacy. Here surely, if anywhere in the world, there was a tic facto political or ganization. Here were towns and cities, estab. lished seats both of State and Confederate government, prize courts for collecting reve nue, seaports from which Confederate cruisers started to prey on the commerce of the United States, and to which except so far as might be prevented by the blockade then announced, which was itself an incident of war in the sense of international law prizes could be carried, a legislature representing the people of the whole Confederacy, and the complete machinery of civil government in its legisla tive, executive, and judicial aspects. Is there one of the conditions upon the absence of w hich President Grant relies in justification of his refusal to recognize the Cuban insur gents which was not obviously and unmis takably in existence in the Southern States at the time when the proclamation of neu trality was issued ? A recognition of the bel ligerent rights of insurgents under circum stances such as now exist in Cuba would be, in the President's opinion, "a gratuitous demonstration of moral support ' to the rebellion." It would bear this character because there is no evidence of a de facto political organization on the part of the Rebels. If this political organization existed, recognition of belligerency, instead of being a gratuitous demonstration of moral support, would be the determination of n question of fact unconnected with sym pathies for or prejudices against either party. Which of these alternative descriptions is most applicable to the proclamation of neu trality must be decided by the degree of re semblance which the case of the Southern Confederacy in May, 1861, bears to the case of the Cuban insurgents in June, 1870. Upon that point we may safely appeal to the testi mony of admitted facts, and call President Grant as a witness to our strict adherence to the requirements of international law. THE SANCTITIES OF BURLESQUE. From the A". 1'. Worli. Among the singularities of that lovely though not particularly useful animal, the blonde, is the tendency which she everywhere equally manifests to plunge herself into the hottest of hot water. It is but yesterday that the virtuous indignation of a Thompson and the righteous wrath of a Markham took what, upon a general survey of journalism in Chicago, cannot be considered the wholly irrational form of trouncing, or of making an audacious . attempt to trounce, a Chi cago editor. And now we hear that neither the nominal nor the climatic mildness of the Pacifio coast has prevented the blondes from splitting into two factions, whereof one is led by the excellent Mr. Henderson and the other by the mirthful Mr. Beckett, and that between the two a fierce animosity has arisen, al though the public sentiment of San Fran cisco is so far superior to that of Chicago, that it has compelled the disputants to resort to the courts rather than the cowhide for re dress. It is not commonly a decent thing to make a pun, but it must in this case be al lowed that redress is a thing of which both parties to this controversy stand in urgent need, and which upon public as well as pri vate considerations it is to be wished that both of them may get. Mr. Beckett, it appears, had withdrawn himself from the company of which he will be remembered by New Yorkers as the only member who exhibited a spark of dramatio talent or of the power of moving mirth by legitimate means. Whether this separation took place because there is an irreconcilable incompatibility of temper between brains and burlesque, and because it is a . thing "most tolerable and not to be endured that a person should get his living in any measure by his wits, in association with other persons who get their livings, not to speak it profanely, solely by their legs, we are not informed. But it is in evi dence that, having first forced the injured Mr. Henderson to submit to tbe privation of his society, Mr. Beckett went on to inflict upon the Uendersonian sensibilities the additional laceration of a demand, followed by a suit at law, for back pay. The defence took the singular grounds, first, that Mr. Beckett had organized his personal friends into a claque to be made frantio with nightly admiration in his per sonal behalf, and to wake the shades of Niblos, in season and out of season, with clamors for "Beckett," regardless of the claims of other "artists;" and, second, that Mr. Beckett had varied the text of his part with what the polite call interpolations and the vulgar "gags." Upon this Bhowing the intelligent Calif ornian iury found for the de fendant, and put the plaintive Beckett out of court. That such agencies as the claque should be employed to guide the publio taste is doubtless a grievous thing, which the Cali fornian jury have shown a proper spirit in resenting. But is Beckett the inventor of this direful instrument ? Are there not tradi tions afloat- of ushers who have orders from the box-office to convert themselves into howling dervishes at every twinkle of the burlesqueBtar? Nay, have we not seen, and shuddered to see, a bouquet of unusual splendor borne from the box-office to the stage in the first act, received by the blush ing blonde to whom popular enthusiasm had devoted it, and returned by dark and devious ways to the box-office, to issue forth bright and odorous in the second act, and again in the third, till all the air and all the audience was sick with the passage of this floral tri bute ? While the David of a female blonde burlesqner has flocks and herds of erotic fol lowers to bellow in her honor, why should the Uriah of a male blonde burlesqner be refused the one ewe lamb of his "personal friends" to emit meek bleats in his behalf? But if we can have some sympathy with a Beckett upon this score, we can have no sen timent towards him but one of scorn and ab horrence when we learn that he has polluted the text of the dramatio masterpieces in which he bore a part. The sacrilegious spirit which would defile the tomb ef Shakespeare alone is equal to altering his plays. A kindred offense is that of Beckett. lie has laid his impious band npoB the ark of burlesque, lie has Suenched the sacred fire of Faraie. He has inroed ho sparkling wit ff tb "Forty Thieves," and with a raoro than vandal savagery has left his mark upon that monu ment of a mighty mind, "Sinbad the Sailor." Who knows but that the wretch has cor rupted the text of "Tommy Dodd." or even strained aside the purport of "Up in a Bal loon?" The jndg.ucnt of the jury upon such an offense was possibly all that they could inflict, but to be made effective it needs to be supplemented by the detestation of all who love what in noble in literature and all who desire to promote the elevation of the drama. THE RESOURCES OF THE NORTHWEST. lovi the Chicacm Pot. The recent discovery of iron ore in large quantities in the counties of Peoria and Taze well, Illinois, and the discovery, not loug since, of large deposits of coal fit for smelting purposes in different portions of Indiana, naturally lead to the reflection that the re sources of the Noithwest, great as they are acknowledged to be, are yet comparatively unknown. Thus far in the history of this section of our country the great share of attention has been given to agricultural interests. Men bave sought lands suitable for the production of wheat, corn, oats, etc., or such as were convenient for stock-raising, or adapted to fruit, and here general inquiry has ended. There have been, it is true, a number of geological surveys, but these have been un dertaken for the most part as a sort of scientific aid to practical farming, and have not been carried out so thoroughly as might appear to be desirable. Nevertheless, we know that in that region of country which embraces Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wis consin. Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, and Nebraska the very best agricultural region, perhaps, on the face of the earth there are deposits of coal, peat, salt, lead, copper, iron, which already are of considera ble importance in the commerce of the world, and destined to make much of a figure therein. There is not a year passes by in which something does not appear to show the cer tainty of the pre-eminence which our section of the repubho is destined to occupy, in all those material interests of which writers on political economy treat. As it is with these material interests, so it is with ideas. The Northwest is producing men who already lead in public affairs, supplying Presidents, Vioe Presidents, and many of the most distin guished statesmen of the times. It is already beginning to produce a high-toned and most catholic literature. And, in short, there can be no doubt that within a quarter of a cen tury Chicago will be the centre of a region noted for the production of the greatest crops, the most iron, coal, etc., the biggest hogs and cattle, and the finest works of lite rature and of art of which the world has ever had any account. SPEOIAL NOTICES. rgs NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THaT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennpylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, In ac cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE BRIDESBURJ BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to Increase the same to live hundred thousand dollars. PHILADELPHIA AND READING RAIL ROAD COMPANY, Office No. S. FOURTH street, rnuaaeinnia, dune t, ihto. DIVIDEND NOTICE. ' The Transfer Books of this Company will be closed on the 7th of July next and reopened on Wednes day, July 20. 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GAGE, 6 80 tf No. 118 MARKET St, General Agent. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN w application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, in ac cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE AMERICAN EXCHANGE BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, with the right to increase the same to one million dollars. fgg- TREGO'S TEABEERY TOOTH WASH. It Is the most pleasant, cheapest and best dentifrice extant. Warranted free from injurious Ingredients. It Preserves and Whitens the Teeth ! Invigorates and Soothes the Gums! Purities and Perfumes the Breath ! Prevents Accumulation f Tartar 1 Cleanses and Purines Artificial Teeth ! Is a Superior Article for Children 1 Sold by all druggists and aentista. A. M. WILSON, Druggist. Proprietor, 8 2 10m Cor. NINTH AND FILBERT Sts., Phllada. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, la accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE SCHUYLKILL RIVER BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hun dred thousand dollars, with the right to Increase the same to Ave hundred thousand dollars. rngf ' BATCHELOR'S HAIR DYE. THIS splendid Hair Djei s the beet. in the woUd. Herm 1ms, reliable, instantaneous, does not cemtaku lead, nor say vitaiit poiaon to produoe paralyeia or death. Avoid the vaunted and deluniTe preparation boasting virtue they do not poeaeea. The gen ulna W. A. Batehelor'a rlair Dye baa had thirty year untarniahed reputation to up hold iu integrity a the only Perfeet Hair Dye Black or Brown. Sold by all Drugciata, Applied at No. 16 BOND Street. New York g7mwi gy- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN w application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, in accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE NATIONAL BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to increase the same to one million dollars. HEADQUARTERS FOR EXTRACTING Teeth with fresh Nitroue-Oxide Gas. Absolutely no pain. Dr. V. R. THOMAS, foraaarly operator at tb Colton Dental Rooms, devotes hie enure practice to tbe ainlee extraction of teeth, lyifies. No. kU WALNUI treat. l . WHISKYj WINE, ETQ. QAR8TAIR8 A tfcCALL, No. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sti., IJiPOBTIRS OF Brandies, WLnet, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc., 1 WUOLKSAUC DEALKR8 W PURE RYE VHI8KIE8. IM BOKP A WD TAX PAID. MM WILLIAM ANDERSON A CO., DEALERS as Itim Whiskies, fco. lit north BEOOrTD Street, t-tejlerteluJl. TORN FARNUM & CO., COMMI33ION MER fl chant aadt Manufacturers of OoneeUMSTAkiBa, St. JEa. Hi VU& W'l' trWtttt. ttuUiUitfiu. I wi CITY ORDINANCES. COMMON COUNCIL OF PHILADELPHIA, Clerk' Orrics, I FniTjADELrniA., July 8. 1370. In accordance with a resolution adopted by the Common Council of the city of Philadelphia on Thursday, the 7th day of July, 1870, the annexed Mil, entitled "An Ordinance to Create a Loan for a House of Correction," la hereby published for public information. ' John Eckstein, Clerk of Common CouaciL : AN ORDINANCE To Create a Loan for a House of Correction. Section 1. The Select and Common Councils of the City of Philadelphia do ordain, That the Mayor of Philadelphia be and he ia hereby authorized to borrow, at not lesa thm par, cm the credit of the city, from time to time, for a House of Correction, five hundred thousand dollars, for which interest, not to exceed the rate of six per cent, per annum, bu all be-paid half yearly on the first days of January and July, at the ofiice of the City Treasurer. The principal of said loan shall be payable and paid at the expiration of thirty years "from the date of the same, and not before, without the consent of the holders thereof; and the certificates therefor, in tbe usual form of the certificates of city loan, shall be Issued in such amounts as the lenders may require, but not for aur fractional fiart of one hundred dollars, or, if required, n amounts of five hundred or one thousand dollars; and it shall be expressed iu said certifi cates that the loan therein mentioned and tha interest thereof are payable free from all taxes. Section 2. Whenever any loan shall be mada by virtue thereof, there shall be, by force of this ordinance, annually appropriated but of the .la come of the corporate estates and from the sum raised by taxation a sum sufficient to pay the interest oa said certificates; and the further sum of three-tenths of one per centum on the par value of such certificates so issued, shall be appropriated quarterly out of said income and taxes to a sinking fund, wnich fund and its ac cumulations are hereby especially pledged for the redemption aud payment of said certiuV cates. RESOLUTION TO PUBLISH A LOAN BILL. Resolved, That the Clerk of Common Coun cil be authorized to publish in two daily news papers of this city daily for four weeks, tha ordinance presented to the Common Council on Thursday, Julr 7, 1870, entitled 'An ordi nance to create a loan for a House of Correc tion;" and the said Clerk, at the stated meeting of Councils after the expiration of four weeka from the first day of Bald publication, shall pre sent to this Council one of each of said news- Enpcrs for every day in which the same shall ave been made. 7 8 24t WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETCi WIS LADOMUS 4 coT fDIAM0B DEALERS A JEWELERS.) II WATCUE9, HWfLKY A SILVER WARK. WAT0HE3 aud JEWELRY REPAIRED. s02 ChottnTit St.. ghil ladies' and Gents1 Watches, AMERICAN AND IMPORTED, Of the most celebrated.makers. FINE VEST CHAINS AND LEONTINE3, In 14 and lS-karat. DIAMOND and other Jewelry of the latest dentin. Engagement and Wedding Kings, in 13-karat and coin. Solid Silver-Ware for Bridal Presents, Table Cut lery, Plated Ware, etc. 11 8 fmwj WILLIAM B. WARNE ic CO., Wholesale Dealers In WATCH KS AND JEWELHY. S lnmofKUVl''Tll onH fltPtiVIT 8 Second floor, and late of No. 85 S. THIKU ht. CLOCK8. roWKR CLOCKS. MARBLE CLOCKS. BRONZH CLOCKS. fcOUOOO CLOCKS. VIENNA RKGUXATO&T AMERICAN LOOU . W. BUS8ULL, No. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET. PATENTS. P E N 8. OFFICES FOR PROCURING Patents in the United States and Fa reign Countries, FORREST BUILDINGS. 119 8. FOURTH St., Piaiada., AUD MARBLE BUIXDINOi, SHVIHYTU Street; above F, (Oppoaita U. 8. Pataot OOaai. WASHINGTON, D. a H. HOWSON, Solioitorof Pataat. O. IIOWS0N. Attoraar-at-Lair. OommnnioatioD to ba addraaaad to tha Principal OSam Philadelphia. iu rawa STATE RIGHTS FOR SALE. STATS Rights of alnabla Int ntion at patented, and for ua dijIuiau, uDmiiu, ana umrnnuu anad beat, cabbaaa. ate., are harabr oifared for aala. It ia in artta! oabbaie, etc, are hereby ottered for aale. It is an article of treat value te proprietors of hotels and restaurant, and it snouia De latrodoeeel latto eyerr family. HTATB RIGHTS for aala. Meoei ean be seas at TJUJt&RAP3 MUNDT HOFFMAN. ROOFING. PHILADELPHIA Fainting and Roofing Co. TIN ROOFS REPAIRED. All leakages In Roofs warranted to be ma le per fectly tight. SfKNOERS GUTTA-PERCHA PAINT Will preserve Tin Roofs from Rusting; and Leaking, and warranted to stand tea sears without repaint ing. 'ibis la the only Faint that will not crack or peel off. It Is Elastic Paint; it expands aud contracts with tha tin, and leaves no cracks or seams open for water to get through. 1HOH FENCES PAINTED WITH SPENCER'S PATENT IRON PAINT, made expressly for iroa wotfc, warranted not to crack or peel oa ; will retata Its beautiful gloss for live year. All work wai ranted. AU orders promptly attended to. Address PHILADELPHIA PAINTING AND R00FIN3 COMPANY, No. S3 N. SIXTH St., Philadelphia. 714 8m T E A D Y ROOPIN O. XV This Rooting la adapted to all buildings. It can be applied to WTKKP OR FLAT ROOFS at one-half the expense of tin. It ia readily put oa old Khlngla Roofs without removing the shingles, thus avoiding the damaging of ceilings aud furniture while undergoing repairs. (No gravel used.) PKiSJOtYE YiAJK TIN ROOKS WITH WEI TON'S ELASTIC PAINT. I am always prepared to Repair and Paint Roofa at short notice. Also, PAINT FOR SALK by ths barrel or gallon; tha best and cheapest in the market. W. A. W ELTON, a 1T8 No. Til N. NINTH tit., above Coate O E NTa F U H N I8HINQ OOO Q9 1)ATKMT SHOULDEK8KAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY. AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STORS. PERFECTLY FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS made from measurement at very short uotice. AU other articles of GENTLEMEN'S ' DR2S3 GOODS In fuU variety. ' 'WINCHESTER t CO., H8 No. 706 C'HKfrNIT btreet. Al'M BRELLASCHEAPEST IN TCFTr.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers