THE BEDFORD GAZETTE M PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BY B. F. BEYERS, At th followini term*, to wit < $1.90 par annum, CASH, in advanca. $3.00 " " if paid within the year. $3.90 " " if not paid within the year C7No aubicrjption taken lor leas than six months. 07"No paper discontinued until all arrearage* are paid, unlaaa at the option of the publisher, it has been decided by the United States Courts that the stoppage of a newspaper without the payment of arrearages, is prima facie evidence ol fraud and •a a criminal offence. [QP*The courts have decided that personatre ac countable for the subscription price of newspa pers, if they take them from the post oflico, wheth er 'hey subscribe for them, or not. Constitutional Opposition to Incompetent Rulers- Our amiable, soft-spoken contemporary, the Commercial Advertiser, is lifted for once on a very gentle swell of emotion—so far as it is capable of emotion—and holds up itß timid hands in horror—so far as it is ca pable of so positive a sensation a3 horror— at what it is pleased to call our "unblushing" avowal that we think the public interest would be promoted by the organization of a patriotic efficient opposition party. This quiet, placid, respectable organ of negation rises to the vigor of "unfeigned regret" that We do not continue to treat the tion as we did before its demonstrated im becility had tilled all loyal breasts with dis appointment aad chagrin. "The best evi dences of patriotism and loyalty," says the Commercial , "are unmurmuring adherence "to one's country and government in the "hour of its adversity, and a hearty and "unquestioning support of the administra "tion." We must not deny that this is in keeping with the character of a journal which professed an abiding belief in the continued existence of the old Whig party for live long years after the corpse of that party had been decently buried. Such fidelity would, if well handled, make a touching scene in the lamentable tragedy of "The Faithful Lovers," but it is rather too mawkish for the perilous times on which we arc fallen. The only security for the efficient dis charge of public trusts is RESPONSIBILITY. Every office civil and military, from the low est grade up to the President, must be held to his responsibility, or we have no guarantee for the success of any branch of the pub lic service. But in the management of this war, in what instance has responsibili ty been vigorously enforced 1 We have had repeated and shameful military disasters, but we have not yet had the first court martial, except for the trial of some insig nticant officer. The same laxity in enfor cing just responsibility which has prevailed in the army, has, by a mistaken lenity, been practiced toward the administration. We have given it power without stint, but we have nothing to show for its enormous expenditure of blood and treasure. "Ad herence to one's government and country" is, of course, a sacred duty; but that is a very different thing from an "unquestioning support of the administration" temporarily in power. Our republican president cannot put on the airs of the Bourbon king, and say I'etat, Cest mui —-"I am the state." — Under our government the people are the state; the administration are their minis ters, responsible to them for the faithful performance of their duties. It is only thro' an opposition party that this responsibility can be enforced. In times of extraordinary peril art opposition party can make no head way when the government is conducted with reasonable vigor and success. But when the weakness and incapacity of the admin istration become so manifest that its most partial and credulous friends can put in no better plea than an appeal to the public for bearance, further "unmurmuring adherence" is quite out of place, and quite out of the question. The country cannot afford to en courage its rulers in a course which might render the second army of six hundred thou sand men and the second year of the war as inefficient and abortive as the first. A patriotic opposition party, strong enough to carry several of the state elections, would coerce the administration into a more vigor ous policy. If it should have this effect, the administration would partially recover the unbounded confidence it has lost, and the opposition would be held in check. Ylut if lie President should turn a deaf ear to all waniiiig, and disaster and disgrace should .canting to accumulate under his manage ment, tlie opposition would gather irresisti ble strength. It would be the sole hope of the country, the only barrier against anar chy. • Already there is loud talk of deposing the administration by irregular and revolu tionary methods. Who can tell to what height this feeling would rise if the people should be further incensed by further arbi trary acts and a new series of disasters ? A We suppose the Commercial would even then, in its mild way, preach "unmurmur ing adherence" to the administration; but we warn it that it would have small chance to be beard in the wild uproar of turbulent passions, unless a safe and constitutional channel were previously dug for the public indignation to run in. The people would net, under such circumstances, allowHhe administration to go through its term, unless they a prospect of the government fall ing into better hands at its close. It is cer tain the country Will not stand the unwar ranted assumptions of power, the arbitrary arrests, the denial of the habeas corpus, the , interference of free discussion practiced by this administration, when the policy to which theee stretches of power are auxiliary re- suits in nothing but disgrace to our arms and fresh perils to the Union. • .Party opposition, acting slowly and only •JJorongh the elections, enables the adminis cUipa-to fake timely warning and retrieve M - struts. .It is a safeguard against the vi- VOLUME as. NEW SERIES. olent explosion of revolutionary passions. It keeps open an orderly, peaceful, and con stitutional way of displacing incompetent rulers. It trains, in the opposition chiefs, a set of men to feel the responsibilities of coming power and in some degree fit them selves for the discharge of public duties. It is like having another house to retreat to if the one you inhabit should be beaten down by the tempest or fall in rottenness about your head. It the old dwelling continues safe and comlortable, so much the better; out, in these portentous times, it is but a reasonable precaution to guard against pos sible mob violence, committees of public safety, and a reign of terror. Peaceful, loyal, and constitutional opposition is the proper prophylactic against the treasonable revolutionary resistance that is already threatened in radical quarters. [K Y. World, (Repub.) THE CASE OF LEWIS BALLARD. Imprisoned without guilt, held without trial, liberated without reparation—that is the damning record which Lewis Ballard must write; an honest and loyal man, im prisoned in Fort Lafayette by Provost-Mar shal Kennedy, under orders from Secretary Stanton, for having been engaged in the substitute agency business—only that and nothing more. A policeman, whose badge was concealed, stepped into Mr. Ballard's office, where he was transacting a business not yet prohibited or proclaimed a crime; his honesty guaranteed by such men as Bel mont & Co., Iloyt, Spragucs & Co., and Daniel Drew, his loyalty proven by the whole course of his life. The policeman purchases an obligation to provide hiin with a substitute if drafted (such are the arts by which Justice must reach its ends), then shows his shield and takes Mr. Ballard a prisoner to the head quarters of Mr. Ken nedy. The Provost Marshal refuses to re ceive bail, sends his prisoner to the Fifteenth ward station house—even denies him per mission to visit first his own residence. Not merely was no trial granted—no warrant was shown by the Provost Marshal. To a citizen of New York, one of the states of a constitutional Union, the oral' statement of an insolent and arbitrary officer was deemed quite enough ground for consigning him to the walls of a Bastile and the companion ship of traitors. He lies there for days, and at last is released unconditionally, with out information as to the estimate of his guilt, without bonds, without oath given or required—indebted, perhaps, to the inter vention of powerful friends with a member of the cabinet for the liberation which, if he was guilty, was not his due, anil if ho was guiltless, was, in its manner, insult ad ded to outrage. This befell in New York— the chief city of the nation—the very core of its loyal heart. The stones of the streets of a city of cra vens should cry out at such scorn of her honor, her loyalty and her citizen's rights. Imprisoned without guilt, for an act yet to be pronounced a crime, arrested without war rant, incarcerated without trial, liberated without reparation. In what other terms than these do we phrase the high handed ordaining 3 of despotism ? Is there any oth er language for the deeds of tyrants V Yet this is a republic, and these are the men of the nation's choice. There are none to plead the cause of the oppressed. The bar of New York is silent. A phantom Provost Marshal opens and shuts the doors of the harbor fort, and they are dumb. The fort is named for him who gave to the father of his country the key of a Bastile which has perished, but the omen is The blood in their veins is milk. The days go on. The administration permits this monument of its shame to be heaped higher—of dead civil rights and of throttled liberties. Every hour offers it the chance of atoning for the past and of estab lishing impregnable what only in an hour of national peril it could have undermined.— But every hour the shaft is driven deeper. The crime is even clinched. For lie who is liberated goes free neither because he is confessed guiltless nor because lie lias been proved guilty; and the prisoners who re main, guilty or guiltless as he—not more, not less—remain it would seem, that the spotless majesty of Law may be sullied by every offense.—[iY Y. World. CSrA Texan and an Illinois fanner were speaking of raising corn, etc., and the Illi nois man was boasting of the superior yield of prairie land, and telling large stories, as all Western men can do; to which the Tex an replied: I'll tell you what, stranger, they truly raise large com in your clearing, but it ain't a circumstance to what we raise on tho Colorado bottoms. Why, the corn there averages thirty feet in lieighth, with twelve ears to a stalk, and a gourd full of shelled com at the top. s7Able-bodied American skedaddlers are stealing their way over to Canada, and ta king the oath of allegiance to the British Government, to avoid the draft. Freedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD,PA., FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 26, 1862. Letter from Major Jack Downing. WASHINGTON, Sept. 1802. To the Editors of The Cawcashin: Surs: —Senoe I -writ you lust I've been stud yin in milingtury strutegy. It is a grate wci eiicc. Our unriy, dowii In Virginny, ha l ! been in grate strates lately, an if it hadn't been for the milingtury strutegy it would have all been taken prisoners. Ses the Kernel to me, the oth er day, ses he, "Majer, what do you think that milingtury strategy consists in i" "Wal," ses I, "Kernel it consists in gettin out of your enemy's way wen he's too much for you, an gettin in his way wen you're too much for him." .Ses I, "Kernel, I don't know whether that is down in the books, but that's the common sense view of the subject." "Wal," ses Linkin, "whatever strutegy consists in, we don't seein to have a bit of it, for we get in the enemy's way jest wen he's too strong for us, an get out of his way wen he ain't too strong for us. I'm gettin ccnamost discouraged with this kind of miling tary strutegy." "Wal," ses I, "Kernel, you've got too many Giunerals an too many armies. There's too many fellers, with more brass in their faces than there is in their buttons, who want to he the biggest toad in the puddle. Now, there can't be but one big toad an so there can't be but one head Ginneral. You ought to make one Commander-in-Cheef, an make him take the field, so that he can see for himself how mat ters are goin. Ginneral llallick, here in Wash ington, ain't the thing." "Wal," Mnjer, "there is no use of crying over spilt milk. The troops down in Virginny have been roughly handled agin by the rebels, an have got so mixed up that it will require a grate deal of strutegy to get them straitened out. The qiicstshin is, what is to be done i" Jest as I was about to give the Kernel some advice, who should come in hut Suinnure, an a feller with a white handkereher around his ueck, an two or three other solemn-looking chaps. The feller in a white kercher spoke up, an ses he, "Air. President, we're come to sympathize with you in the nashin's alHicshin, for the Lord has agin beat us with stripes—ah. Mr. Presi dent, I'm chief Secretary of the American and Foreign Benevolent Society for Ameliorating the Condishin of the Colored Pace—ah—an I have been appintcd Checrman of a committee to wait on you an express to you our opinions in the present fearful crisis iu our country's his tory. "Our society, which is composed of all the most pious maiden ladies in our town—ah— who arc over forty years of age, an, t.hm-of'ore, may be considered wise and discreet, desire me to express to you their deep conviction that God will never bless our armies with victory—ah— so long as you do not fight for the freedom of our dearly beloved colored brethren—ah. Our Society, Mr. President, has given f lie condishin of our colored brethren great attensbin—ah. You can judge of the extent of our labor wen I inform you that the sisters of our Society have distributed the past year to our colored brethren in Liberia 500 flannel shirts—ah-rUOO wool socks—ah— 100 Bibles—ah— loo 'Tracts onTemperance —ah— 500 toothpicks—ah—and a large supply of cologne water —ith! "We should have boen glad to have supplied the sufferin bondsman of the same oppressed race in our own country, hut the vile rebellion of the infernal slaveholders has prevented. We ask you now to proclaim lilxrty to Ihe captives, an 'let the people go'—ah. Do not let your heart be hardened as Pharaoh's was, hut save our land from sorrow, an our armies from fur ther defeat by a degree of righteousness. Then shall glory cover the land—all." I believe I've got that speech down purty nigh as the feller delivered it, for lie spoke very slow and stately, as if he was tryin to make an imprcshin. When lie got thru, Linkin got up, an ses he, "Mr Secretary, I'm kinder glad to see you, and will only say that we need all the help about these times that we can get, an if I thought the Lord would only help us lick the rebels, I wouldn't free the niggers. An if I thought lie would help us by freein 'em, I would do that. In fact, whatever I do, an whatever I don't do, I do it, an I don't do it, jest as I think the Lord will be most likely to help us. The great thing is to get the help of the Lord, an I shall adopt new views, on this pint, jest as far as I think they are good views." When Linkin got thru, I pulled him by the coat-tail, an ses I, "Kernel, Seward himself could not banc boat that non committal speech." Ses he, "Hush, Majer, don't throw all the fat in the fire." Jest then the fel ler in the white handkereher spoke up, an ses he, "Let us pray," an at it he went. Ses lie, "Oil Lord, throw grate light upon the mind of our Chief Magistrate—ah—give us vietorys over the rebils—all—give us thisyere grate vie torys—ah—not such little victories as we had last yere—all—taut crush the rebils with the arm of Thy power. Amen—ah." After this, they all shuck hands, an went away. After they had gone, ses the Kernel, ses he, "Majer, that's a wonderful pious chap," "Yes," ses I, "Kernel, I think he is in his way," but, ses I, "findin fait with the Lord, bekase he don't give us bigger victrics, ain't much like the Chris tians of arly days." Ses I, "his prayer for big victries, reminds me of old Joe Bunker's prayer. Joe was a wicked old sinner who swore wus than a salcyur. One day he was a swarein' kos he didn't hcv better corn. Someone told him he orter pray for good corn, if he wanted it. So one day soinc one wos goin' long the road by the old feller's corn field, and heurin' a noise, they stopped, and who did the noise cum from but the miserly old skinflint Bunker, who was prnyin. Ses he, "O, Lord! give us a good crop of corn this yere, long ears, long as your arm, not sich d—d little nubbins as we bed last yere." "Now," ses I, "Kernel, I think thar's a great deal a singularity 'tween them two prayers, and I think the Lord is jest as likely to answer one, as t'other." Ses I, "Kernel, you could bust up fifteen Unions easior than you could destroy sla very." Ses he, 'iMajer, I dont see into that exactly, and I'd like to know the reasou why." "Wal;" ses I, "Kernel, the reason is jest this: men made the Union, biit God made slavery) and I tell you, 'ses I, "Kernel, when you under take to butt agin that, you butt agin a big sub ject." Ses I, "ain't every body bceu fightin for the liist thirty years, and haven't they all cum oft second best, while nigger slavery has been growin and expandin' in spite of -era f God made the nigger to sarvc and obey the white man, and until he's altered and made an other being, you can't make him anything but a sarvent. These fellers, like that white cra valted chap, who was jest licro, and who cm ploy their time in sendin' ftannel shirts and tooth picks to the wild nigger in Afriky, don't know nothiu' more about niggers than they do 'bout the iuterior of the artli. You might presarve all the brains they've got in a drop of brandy, and they would have as much sea room as a tadpole in Lake Superior." "Wal ," ses Linkin, ses he, "Majer, let's drop the nigger jest now, as I want to ask you wheth er you think the rebils kin take Washingtonf" "Wal," ses I, "Kernel, that depends on the strutegy again. Ef you keep Giunerals in the field who dont pay any attention to 'lines of re trete,' afore you know it, Kernel, that feller with a Stonewall in his name, will be around on the North of the white House, and I'm afeerd my "line of retrete' to Downingvillc will be cut off." "That's so, Mujer, and my retrete to Springfield may be a hard road to travel." When Linkin made this remark, he looked oueasy. I didn't know what to say, so I did jest what 1 idlers did in that case, 1 whistled! Ses Linkin, ses he, "Majer, are you whistlin to keep your courage up.'" Ses I, "No, "Kernel, I ain't n iecrd a mite, but, ses I, "I'm in what old Dea con Doolittle calls a quandary." Ses he, "what's your quandary!" "Wal," ses I, "I was think in what 1 would do, if the rebels should take Wahsiugtori." The Kernel didn't say notion for about a min ute. He looked very serious, arid finally, ses he, "Mnjer, we're in a tight place, an there is no use donyin it, but it don't do any good to get into fits of hysterics about it." "Yes," ses I, "Kernel, hut it makes me feel solemn to see this Old Ship of State kuockia around, an' may be, jest reddy to sink." "Wal, Majer," ses the Kernil; "that remark reminds me of a story. A good many years ago there was an old feller, a free an easy chap, around a steamboat on the Missippi river, and he was a grate fiddler. He had notliin to do, an ginneraliy went up and down the river on a boat, spendin his time n fiddlin an tellin stories. One day the boat atriivU a snag, an wn fast Mien with water. The old feller was in the cabin sawin away on his fiddle when the boat struck, but he paid no attenshun to it, but kept rite on fiddlin. Final ly, one of the passengers came in an told him that the Captnin warn't tryin to save the boat as he ought, an that she would be lost in ten minutes. 'Wal,' ses the old feller, 'she's been i a losing concarn for five years,' and lie kept on fiddlin. l'retty soon another passenger rushed in, and screamed out, 'She's settlin very fast.' 'I wish she'd settle with me beforcshe goes down,' an still he kept on fiddlin. The next that was seen of him lie was swimmin ashore, with the liddio under his arm ami the how in his mouth. Now, Majer, if they take Washington, alid the ship sinks, we'll swim ashore. r ' "Yes," ses I "Kernel, and I suppose yon will take the nigger with you, jest as that old feller did the fiddle, for the nigger has been the fiddle your party has played on!" The Kernel didn't seem to like this application of his story, hut didn't say a word. 1 felt very solemn, for I couldn't help feelin eenamost like cry in when I thought how lhi*gi9to liashin might all be shipwrecked afore we knew it, by a set of fellers who have been takon up so with the nigger as to let the country go to destruc tion. I went to lied that nite with a heavy hart, and lied a terribul attack of hilyusness, which I had to take nigh onto a gallon of elder bark tea to cure. Sence then, I've been better, and if God spares my life I'll keep you pasted about our nashinal affairs as long as there is a liashin. Youm, till deth, MAJER JACK DOWNING. STARTLING DEVELOPMENTS. , Conspiracy of the Radicals to Repose the I'reside nt. WASHINGTON, Sept. 10. —The N. York Her ald says that most astounding disclosures have been made, here to-day, by letters and verbal com munications from prominent politicians, showing that a vast conspiracy has been set on foot by the radicals of the Fremont faction to depose the present administration, and place Fremont at the head of u provincial government; iu otli ior words to make him military dictator. One of these letters asserts that one feature of this conspiracy is tjic proposed meeting of Governors of the Northern Mtatos to request President Lincoln to resign, to enable them to cariy out their scheme. The writer, in conclusion, says Governor An | drew and Senator Wilson are at work, and they arc probably at the bottom of the movement. Brum other well informed sources it is learned that the fifty thousand independent volunteers i proposed to be raised under the auspices of the ! New York National Union Defenco Committee were intended to be a nucleus for the orgauiza i tion of this Fremont conspiracy. It was the i purpose of those engaged in this movement to have this force organized and armed by the gov ernment, and placed under the independent com mand of their chosen leader, and then to call upon all sympathizers to unite with them in arms to overthrow the present administration and es tablish in its stead a military dictatorship, to carry out the popular policy they desire the gov ernment should execute. Failing in this, it is stated that a secret organization has been inau gurated, the members of which are known by the name of lloundheads. It is intended this organization shall number two hundred thousand 1 men in arms, who shhll raise the standard of the WHOLENIJIIBER, 3093 conspirators and call Gen. Fremont to the com mand. They expect to be joined by two'thlrds of the army of the Union now in the field, and that eventually one million of armed men will be gathered aronnd their standard. This start ling disclosure is vouched for by men of high repute in New York and other Northern States. It is the last card of those who have been Vain ly attempting to drive the President into the a doption of their own peculiar policy. We take the above from the Washington cor respondence of the New York Herald, of Sept. ' 17- The I/era Id's reputation for originating sensation dispatches has the effect, usually, to discredit its statements. Put, in this case, there arc corroborating facts and circumstances which go far to confirm the statements contained in the above dispatch. The late action of the New York War Committee, their secret meetings— their resolutions providing for the raising of 50,000 men to be put under command of Fre mont, as an independent corps, their attempts to raise large sums of money from the people—the late meeting of Black Republican Governors— the attacks of the radical press, generally, on the administration—the fact that about a year ago, the New York Times advocated the depo sing of the President and the inauguration of a dictatorship, and that the same paper now says that "the people look upon the Government at Washington as actually falling tu pieces ! The fact that Governor Andrew hesitated to furnish volunteers, unless the President would adopt an abolition policy—the fact that Henry Wilson goes about the streets of Washington cursing the President and declaring the war is a failure —the fact that Fremont has withdrawn from the army and is in New York in daily intercourse with the men supposed to he at the bottom of this alleged business—the well known fact that the radicals have always desired the destruction of this government, and the fact that they have, ever since this war commenced, endeavored to make it the means of accomplishing their •'in fernal" purpose—these facts, and many others of a kindred character which we might men tion, go far to confirm what the Herald corre spondent alleges. The Cincinnati Gazette, a republican journal, recently put forth the following: "Many arc willing to invest the President with a military dictatorship, so that one mind, with out so much distracting counsel, shall infuse new and terrible energy into the measures to put down the rebellion. A day or two since I at tended the ceremonies of raising u flag over a new hospital, a mile east of the Capitol. Dr. Sunderland, chaplain of the Senate, and pastor of one of the largest New School Presbyterian churches in Washington was the orator, lie boldly proclaimed the sentiments of the loyal North, that a new war policy must he inaugu rated. or the rebellion never could be put down. He advocated a military dictatorship." In view of all the known facts to which we have referred, there is reason to apprehend that a military dictatorship is contemplated by trai torous radicals, in and out of Congress. Such wretches as Governor Andrew, Henry Wilson, Charles Sumner, Ben. Wade, Zach. Chandler & Co., are quite capable of conceiving such a project, and of desiring to have it executed. In their desperation to retain power and perpet uate the opportunity for plunder, they would resort to any .scheme, however infamous to sat isfy their selfish desires. .So far as the minds, lienrts and wishes of these men are concerned, the Herald's statement is undoubtedly correct, and if every one of the traitors should be hang ed for treason, justice would be getting her duo. But, when their capacity, or incapacity, to suc cessfully execute so great aseheme is considered, the public mind will not bo disturbed by this announcement of their wish or purpose. Their hearts nre black enough to desire it, hut their heads are too weak to accomplish so great a scheme of infamy and treason. The fact that Fremont is their chosen leader in this business, stamps the whole matter with utter impotence, and renders it supremely ridiculous. This choice of one for a leader who is, himself, so notori ously a failure, iu every respect, fitly illustrates the hunnlessness of their proposed scheme, black and infamous as it is in its conception. But while there is no danger that these vile traitors to their country, their own race, their own children and to God, will be ablo to con summate their hellish purpose—while it is known that our loyal army would annihilate whomso ever might he base enough to take up arms in such u cause, and that our people, generally, would trample such scoundrels into the dust— yet, it is incumbent upon us all to drive those traitors from the high places of trust which they so much disgrace, and in which they have al ready done so much to injure the cause of the Union. Let the verdict of the loyal people, at the coming olcction, tell the world how Ameri can freemen appreciate such traitors. [Phil. Evening Jour. FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. "There should be no restoration of the Union with slavery in it."— Eliot, ltep. of Mass. "I will not vote another dollar for this war, unless this war is made a war against slavery."— Conway, Rep. of Kansas, "Universal emancipation must be declared to all ."—Thad. Stevens, of Penna. "I will favor no pacification without distur bing slavery."—.Senator Fessenden, Rep. "The times demand an Anti-Slavery Bible, and an Anti-Slavery God."— Burlingame, a lead ing Rep. "We don't want to see the Union restored iu it was."— Sciota Gazette, Rep. "Tho election of Lincoln will lie like pouring oil upon tho troubled waters."— Greely. "The rebellion will lie crushed in ninety days." —Chase (Black Republican Prophet) to the New York Brokers. "The prcsenco of our troops will restore tho Union sentiment in the South." — Gov. Tod, Fu nonist. "The South cannot sustain this rebellion for | Ratifl of g | On* Square, three weens or lew. . ,- k t v o One Sqimre, eaeh additional insertion lee* than three month* 55 3 MONTHS• 6 MONTH*. J THAN One square $2 00 $3 00 $S 00 Two square* 300 5 <&■ 900 Three squares 400 nfa 12 oO 4 c olmn 500 #OO 15 00 § Column 800 14 CiO 20 00 i Column 14 00 18 00 30 00 OneCotomn 18 00 30 00 •00 00 Thd space occupied by ten lines of thd* size of >ype counts one square. All fraction* of a square under .five lines will be measured as a half square i and *)| over five lines as a fill square. All legal advertisements will be charged to the person hand in; them in. VOL. 6. NO. 8 one month without starving."— Abolition Stump ere 1 ** "The North can whip the South with a reg iment of old women.' I — -Clermont Courier. "The war tax will be about the one seven teenth of a mill."— l *Sclm Galtouki; /, (a standing Black Republican candidate) at the Fair Givund'. "Every voter in the North has already (May 20th, 1802,) a tax of S2OO "'-rMqwes, Rep., from Afass. "The Constitution and Laws must be strictly en forced."— f Jncoln. "Any person claiming a strict construction of the Constitution is an aider and abetter of rebellion."— Ben Wade. "I am nof for a reconstruction of the Union' until slavery is abolished from the land."— Thud. practical Amulgamafionist. inPOUTMT EXTRACTS. Head them and Reflect. OPINION OF JUDGE DOUGI.AS. Republicans of our day, now that he is no more, profess implicit faith in the opinions of the late Hon Stephen A. Douglas. We call to the witness stand the living history of that tried patriot and eminent statesman. In the United States Senate, upon the 3d of January, 1801, Judge Douglas sad : "I address the inquiry to the Republicans a lone, for the reason that in the committee of thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South including those fVom tne cotton States (Messrs. Toombs and Davis)exprcsssed their read iness to accept the proposition of my venerable friend from kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) as a final settlement of the controversy, if tendered ahd sustained by Republican members, hence the SOIC responsibility of our lisagreement, the only difficulty in the way of amicable ad justment, is with the Republican party." The Republioau Party before the Elec tion. The following is the sixth of the series of resolutions composing the platform of the Repub lican party, as adopted at the Chicago Conven tion, in 1860. Itcsolfed, That the People justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government j that a return to rigid economy and accounta bility is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the Public Treasury by favored partisans—while the recent startling 'develop ments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Ad ministration is imperatively demanded." The Kepublican Party after the Eleotion. The following confession was made by the lion. Mr. Dawes, a Republican merpber of Con gress from Massachusetts on the 25th of April, in which he exposed the corruption of Lincoln's Administration: "The gentleman must remember that in the first year of a Republican Administration, which cainc into power upon professions of Reform and Retrenchment, there is indubitable evidence abroad in the land that somebody has plundered the public treasury well nigh in that single year as much as the entire current yearly expense of the Government during the Administration which the people hurled from power because of its corruption." GROUNDS OF EXEMPTION. "A Looker-hn at the City Hall," who has mingled with the crowd that daily besiege the City Clerk's Office to'claira exemption from mil itary duty, gives the following as the result of four hours' observation: Four men claimed exemption because they served their country in the fall of November, 18GO, by bearing a torch, wearing a cape, yel ling hi! hi! and shouting for a free press, free speech and other ridiculous privileges of a sim* ilar character. One man claimed exemption because he was always opposed to men who carried lanterns, and thought they ought to do the fighthig. This man was over forty-five, however. Three desired to be excused because they yo tcd for Lincoln. One thought ho had the right to stay homo because he didn't vote for him. Eleven men who aro known to be ultra Re publicans, did not want to go because the dar keys would not be allowed to shoullor a mus ket. Two men wished to be excused for fear the negroes would have (his privilege given then!. Six patriots desired to remain at home, but would go when all the sympathisers with treA* son were put in the front rank. One would not go until the .Republicans went first. i Four great ruddy faced men wercf on the verge of the gra'vo from disease of the lungs. One lost his front teeth and could not bite the cartridge. Eighty-seven had chronic rheumatism. One hundred and two were subject to palpi tation of the heart, especially when in the neigh* borhood of gunpowder. Eleven were ruptured. Twenty-four were near-eighted. . Eighteen were deaf on one side. Two had Soft corns between their toe#. Eleven had tender feet. Three hundred had joined the fire department within two weeks. One was opposed to the war. . Fifty-four were for making war in earnest, and could not think of going until tfcis-was done. J, One was certain tho Declaration o£ Inde pendence would be violated if a draft-etas hfhde. Two would go if they were certain the Con stitution would not be violated, and that all the puns captured from the rebels Would W> re turned, and interest allowed on their pamage value while retained, - , + Seven would not go becaflso there was tow much talk about preserving the Constitution.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers