uiiis pfdeXfai [No. XLI.] the TABLE T. No. XLI. I am happy to be relieved from writing an eflay for this number, by prefentirig my readers with the following speculation, put into my hands by a friend. " Jt would be ft range if men agreed in their ideas about titles, when there is no other fubjett of equal im prtancc in which they do not disagree." THE fubje<ft of addre fling thePrefident by a title has afforded ample materials for argument and conjecture. The queltion is not, however, whether by a legislative ad: a title foall be confered on him, but whether the two Houses, or either of them, shall address him by any other style than that of President. Titles are fuppoled to be derived from courtesy and com • mon usage : and in this form of the queltion ihe right of the two houses to address him by a title, is exactly on a footing with that of any other in dividuals : But is the usage a proper and fafe one : Though the public curiosity in relation to this question has considerably abated, I infer from many late publications that it is not wholly ex tinct. The readers of the Gazette will not be much inftrudted, possibly, however, they may be 3mufed,by an account of a conversation between two violentdifputants on this point ; I happened to be present, and will communicate the fub itance of their arguments. The anti-title champion said, " that addressing by a title isanti-republican. A public officer,how ever elevated, is merely the servant of the peo rile, and a title tends to make him a bad one For it creates in the people falfe ideas of the of fice, and stimulates the ambition and vanity of the officer: The progress is natural to the ufur paiion of the powei s which are supposed to be long to the title. The people will be prepared by this mimicry of royalty for servitude, and the magiftiate for ufurpation.—lndependently of the ill tendency of the usage, there is more simpli city and true dignity in forbearing, than givino a title.—The language of adulation has been strained till it has 101 l its meaning, and nothing makes the ridicule of it but the an tiquity of the practice. It is applied to the little fta.es which never had power, or have loft it. The titles of some of the German Princes are abvirlefque upon dignity. High titles will re quire great salaries. The people will be more alarmed by this piece of arrogance than by meafuresof national policy which would affect their property and confer substantial strength on the government. The national authority is fee ble and in no condition to try experiments upon the temper of the people. No title can be ap plied which will not be laughed at. The prac tice has descended to us from the Goths and other barbarous nations ; and as this government is founded on reasoning and reflection, and rests for support on the good sense oi a people the most cnlig.itened in the world, it cannot be deemed necell'ary to address the President by a title.—Let the tyrants of Alia work upon cowardice and ig norance by the enchantment of found." The advocate of titles replied, " That the anci tnt republics did not depend on good sense alone ; -They did more than we propose to do. A chief magistrate is but a man, and not always more respectable than many others. These wife and jealous defend ers of liberty were not willing totrult the execution of the laws to one who rould command no more veneration than those w o were bound to obey them. They omitted no means to create a veneration for his official charader. His person was declared sacred. Oaths and imprecations were added, and many of the rites oi religion. He was attended by lidiars, ant wnh all the pomp of royaltv : Yet at the or the year this mighty consul retired to private life. •1 '''f ? r . ale con ft>tutions have actually given ti- \ es , ot higher import than any now in contem atio.i foi the President. The people have nor a,e - , nor fuffered the loss of liberty in confe rence. J J] C hav t 110 Pretcnfions to the mock humility j ia.e n,,timed. There is real arrogance in it. n . atlo,is Europe will not expert lis to teach /" '° w r ° treat their supreme magistrates. C 1 ® people dishonored and degraded by ad ing their President by a title or style of office ? 'ne revcrfe is true. tarn a ' llonarch y. the King is said to be the foun lennlY l ° nor ' Tlle secret contempt of many for ti nn . lcan influences their oppofi havf 1° an - v r tnl 1 e derived from the people. We them of" , enou gh of titles, andlongufed to t .m, though not to such as are of popular extrac ts a n ' 3 ni ° re than a lord, may cre have ' ,ut f° r the people, who individually 0 ran ' { > collectively to bellow it, is ofFen WEDNESDA Y, September 2, ijiy. live co the pride ofthofewho despise everything xv proceeds from their inferiors, and seems to tne people themselves an awkward exercise cl their prerogative. They are called, and really are, the rounlain of power. Why is it less pro per to call the people the fountain of honor ' In a republic,the laws reign. The laws, then, mult dc made respectable : The office of administering t lem mult be made so too. Over and above the influence of talents, men are honored for their power or wealth. A people wliirh will not give money, nor trult power, may effect the fame pu; - pole by titles. The weaker the government,the more need of their aid. They are cheaper than money, and fafer than the sword, and probably lav e more effeiS: than both in gaining the refpe<Jt or the riling generation. Nor let us fear dan gei from this. If, with a founding title, no real power is given, the man who wears it will not become dangerous to liberty. He is rather dis armed by it : Like the peacock, encumbered with his tail,he will be beaten by every dunghill cock. If, without a title, great power is given, the danger is the greater. Power is a ferpent,they tell us, wliofe bite is deadly. Give him arattle and the heedless paflenger will have warning. The hlent snake in the graft is more to be dreaded. It is as proper to guard a republic against the contempt of it's members, as the ambition of it's officers. I would have the people free, and while they are so, I would have them refpecfttliemfelves and their government ; and believe that their si ee luftrages can make a man as honorable as a bit of parchment with a King's signet." I was called upon to decide the controversy— and though I declined it, I was at length com pelled to all'ume the judge I declared that the utility of titles appeared to me to be very much exaggerated. A government really well balanced and well administered would not be despised if they ffiould be refufed. Nor, while elections continue to be free, will titles supply men in power with money to corrupt, and armies to crulh the defenders of liberty.—Time will de cide whether they are ufeful at all, and in what degree. It would be difficult to fay what title should be applied. Ridicule on one fide and jealousy on the other, form a dangerous ftrait,through which thole mult pass who would import a title. It is probable that any which may be cliofen will be a jest to one half the world, and a scare-crow to the other. AMICUS. EXTRACTS. <l IN a free, well balanced government, how impotent mull all warlike enterprizes prove, that are not fancftioned by the people in their re presentative aflembly ! Without money,the sinew of war, thedefigns of an incroaching ambitious Executive mult prove abortive.—A free represen tation ot the people, which retains in its hands this grand momentum of theconftitution, is a never failing bulwark to freedom." " No people could be more tenacious of tlieii si eedom than the Swedes, till Gujlavus the foil of Eric ascended the throne—His manners were so amiable, Iris- virtues so conspicuous, his govern ment so just, and he made so popular a use of his powers, that his fubjecfts never thought they could commit enough into his hands—But what was the consequence ? His fucceflors made his power a precedent for their own, without attend ing to the precedent of his adminift ation.—This inltance ffiews in the strongest point of view, how neceflary, and how important a well defined con stitution is to a free people." A CORRESPONDENT observes, that " The " firji magiflrate of our nation, when he gives a let " ter of Credence to the King oj trance, ?nufl ?L ■ " htm the title oj His Most Christian Majefty,u>/i,!> a " long firing of others : But -when the King oj France " gives an Ambajfador a Letter of Credence to tht. " fi r ft "tagijlrate of our nation, he mt/f} call him Le " Sieur George U ajhington, president oj the United " States.—An American Credence to Holland mujl 1" be directed to Their HighMightineilesThe Lords " The States General of the United Netherlands : " But a Dutch Credence mujl be direded, Tot-de " Heer George Wajhington, President of the Uni " ted States. " Our Credences to Spain mujl be direfled to His " Most Catholic Majesty : Spanijh Credences to A " tnerica, mujl be directed to El Senor George " Wajhington, President of the United States This is American patriotism and national pride, is it ? American Credences to England must be direct ed to His Mojl Excellent or His Mo/} Sacred Majejlv, —British Credences to us, must be directed tr. Mr. George IVajhington, President of the United States. f Published oh IVcdnefday and Saturday. J This diftindlion must be known not only at courts, but by the nations—by the officers, i'jldi ers and Teamen of their armies and navies. How many drubbings mull you give them be fore they will refpec r t Mr. as much as Majejiy. If titular distinCtions have any influence, at all, upon human ears, methinks these are somewhat humiliating to the brave, daring and intrepid sons of American liberty That we can chastise all the nations of the earth if they affront us, to be sure cannot be doubted : But what shall we do with the debts ■jud taxes, that will become necefl'ary to this purpose ?—Molt men who hate honors, love mo ney. O. NEW-YORK, September 2, 1789. SKETCH OF PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. 111 the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES, SATURDAY, AUGUST 29, I 789. A MESSAGE was received from the senate with the bill to provide for the registering ves sels, and to regulate the coasting trade—return ed with the concurrence of the senate in the last amendments proposed by the house. The engrofled bill for eftablifliing the salaries of the executive officers was read a third time, a motion was made for its recommitment, which was loft—The ayes and noes being called for by Mr. Livermore, on the question, Shall this bill pass ? are as follow— AYES. Meflrs. Ames, Baldwin, Benfon, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Gale, Goodhue,Grifpi:, Hart ley, Heijter, Jacifon, Laurance, Lee, Matthews, Moore, Scott, Sedgwick, Sherman, Silvefler, Smith, ( VI.) Smith, (S. C.) Sturges, Trumbull, Tucker, Wadfioorth, Wynkoop.— 27. NOES. Meflrs. Coles, Floyd, Fojter, Gerry, Grout, Ha thorue. Livermore, Parker, Patridgt, Van RanfJ laer, Schureman, Seney, Sinnickfon, Stone, Sumpter. Thatcher.—l6. she bill tor suspending the operation of a clause in the collection law was read, and order- to be eiigrofled lor a tnird reading on Monday. Mr. Bourn not presented a petition from the inhabitants of the County of Middlesex, New- Jersey, refpeCiing a clause in the judicial bill now pending in theh. 'ife, read and laid on the tat^e. In committee of the whole house, 011 the bill for eftablifliing judicial Courts—Mr. Boudinot in che chair. _ The third fetftion was again under considera tion.—The motion foi (hiking out the whole claufeWas renewed by Mr. Li ermore 'The tate of this clause, laid he, will determine the late of the whole bill.—The greatcft obj ftim that I have to it, is,that it efta'olifhes two diftmd: fyfteuis of judicial proceedings in the United States.—He then stated certain cases in which there would be such clalhings and interferences as would be attended with great difficulties Suppofc, (aid he, a person is in the cr.ftody of a State officer, and is at the fame moment taken hold of by an officer of the federal court, what is to be done—is the man to be divided ? This sys tem may open a door to collusions in cases of debt—by having prisoners under pretences of ar velt by the federal authprity, violently forced from the hands of State officers.- If ihefe difficulties can be got over, I (hall think more favorably of the bill ; but I do not fee how they can be polfibJy—We have supported the Uni on for fourteen years without such courts The fame or equal abilities may be found jultice may be aswelladmiiiiftered as heretofore 1 know of no complaints of any great consequence that have existed.—Some cales of capture have been cai 1 ied to the court of appeals,but they have been very few —He then adverted to the institution of courts ol admiralty in favor of eftablilhing which, he laid, the expence will not be by a fiftieth pai t so much, and the advantage will be ten thousand times as great. Mr. Smith (S. C.) As much will depend on he determination of this question, it is necefla ry it lhould be well considered by all the com mittee.—lt will not be easy to alter this'fyftem when once eftabliffied : ihe judges are to' hold -licit conimilfions during good behr.viour,aiid af ter they are appointed, they av e only re moveable by impeachment; consequently rhis system must be a permanent one; the committee will not therefore determine, that there ffiall be district ourts, until they have reflected ferioully on the consequences attending their vote. After this point is fe led,' the next which oc curs is the extent of jurifditftion, to be annexed to this court. This question is as important as the former ; for it will be no less difficult than
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