FREELAND TRIBUNE, Established ISBB. PUBLISHED EVEUY MONDAY AND THURSDAY lIY THE TRIBUNE PRINTING COMPANY, Limited. OFFICE: MAIN STKKKT ABOVE C'ENTHE. 8U BSC RIl'T ION KATES: Ono Your $1.50 Six Months Four Months 50 Two Months | The date which the subscription is paid to is on the address label of each paper, the change of which to a subsequent date becomes a receipt for remittance. Keep the figures in j advance of the present date, Report prompt- 1 ly to thisoflice whenever paper is not received, i Arrearages must be paid when subscription is discontinued. Make all money orders, checks, etc., payable to the Tribune Printing Company, Limited. FREELAND, PA., OCTOHER 27. 18!K ROBBERY OPIUM. A Gross Injustice Perpetrated by the Republican Party Upon the Demo cratic Citizens of Pennsylvania. How One* Republican lias n Greater Representation Than Five Dotno crats— Ignoring the Constitution to Serve Party Ends—CandidateGobln's Share In tlie Crime and the Spoil. The present constitution of Pennsyl- j vania was enacted in 1873, and went ; into operation on Jan. 1, 1874. Section 18 of Article 2 is as follows: "The gen eral assembly, at Is first session after I the adoption of this constitution, and ; immediately after each United States decennial census, shall apportion the ! state Into senatorial and representative j districts," etc., etc. A like provision is made with refer- i ence to the judiciary of the state, and j common fairness suggests that tlie con- j gressional districts should lie apportion ed just as frequently ami at the same j times. How the Republican party in Pensyl vania has treated the mandatory pro visions of the constitution above quoted Is shown in the fact that the last apportionments were enacted as follows: Senatorial, 1874: representative, 18S7; congressional, 1887. For 24 years, therfore, they have been persistenly refusing to do, with reference to the senatorial apportion ment. what the fundamental law com mands: for ten years they have been similarly derelict with reference to the representative apportionment, and for a like number of years they have al lowed a congressional apportionment to stand, which, by a fair rendering of the people's will, should at that time have been set aside. The reason is plain. They derive a large advantage in representation from their remissness. Not only do they shut out the Democrats from their fair share of senators and members, but they also checkmate that element of their own party that chafes at "boss- Ism" and the innumerable evils that always attach to It. To illustrate the gross injustice of these procedures to the Democratic party: In the senate of 1897 there were 44 Republicans and 6 Democrats. In 189G the Republicans reached their high water mark as to majorities in the vote for president. In that year there were cast for McKlnley 728,300 votes, and for Bryan 433,228 votes. By dividing the number of senators for each party into the party vote it will be found that there are: One Republican senator for each 16,- 553 Republican votes. One Democratic senator for each 72,- 204 Democratic votes. Make a like calculation as to the members of the lower house of the state legislature, which had 171 Re publicans to 33 Democrats, and the fol lowing will lie the result: One Republican member for every 4,259 Republican votes. One Democratic member for every 13,128 Democratic votes. The American system makes every citizen politically equal, and the laws are supposed, and in fact, are consti tutionally ordered to lie made to en force that rule; yet here we have a method of electing senators in Pennsyl vania that makes one Republican as good as four and a half Democrats— that is, that gives one Republican as large a voice In this matter as four and a half Democrats. As to the congressional representation, the Injustice is even greater. Including the two elected at large, Pennsylvania has 30 members of the national house of representatives. Of these 27 were elected as Republicans and but three as Democrats. Here we have: One Republican member for every 26.933 Republican votes. One Democrat for every 144,409 votes. Which makes every Republican vote count, In this regard, as much as five and a half Democratic votes. As showing the gross injustice of the present senatorial apportionment, many specific instances might be cited. Let one suffice. According to the census of 1890 Luzerne had a population of 201,203, and Lackawana a population of 142,108, making a total of 313,291. The senatorial districts in these two coun ties, under the act of 1874, which is still operative, overlap, part of the Lu zerne district extending into Lacka wanna. Together, they have two sen ators, or one senator for 171,645 of pop ulation. The county of Lebanon has but 48,131 population, yet she has a senator by herself. That senator for the last 12 years was General Gobin, now the Republican candidate for lieutenant governor on the machine ticket; and General Gobin is one of the men who have exercised the most potent influence in perpetuat ing this great wrong by openly oppos ing or secretly conniving against any new apportionment. Every legislator who has done this, or been in any way an obstructor of apportionment legislation has been guilty of perjury, for all take oath to obey the constitution which perempt orily demands it. Are the Democrats not justified in ar raigning the Republican party for this among its myriad of other great wrongs and persistent ignoring of the plain letter of the constitution? MAMAKER ~ ON TAXATION Startling Figures Showing the In equalities of Taxation Under Quay Machine Eule. The Farmer and Workingmen Compelled to Pay $2.94, While the Corpora tions Pay But One Penny. Mr. Wanamaker, in a speech delivered nt Huntingdon on Oct. 19, had the fol lowing to say upon the subject of tax ation: I have been waiting for an oppor tunity like this to say something more to the farmers and laboring men of Pennsylvania about taxation. In my Williams Grove address on Sept. 1 I declared that the people, and especially the farmers, were unjustly taxed. I stated that through legisla tion passed by the Quay machine there was unjust discrimination in favor of corporations, and that the masses were forced to bear an unequal bur den of state taxation, and I want to reiterate those statements again to night, and to present to you specific ] proof of their correctness. The statements that the farmers paid too much tax have been challenged in public speeches by the Republican can didate for governor and the Republican state chairman. Nominee W. A. Stone, in his Pitts burg speech on Sept. 7, in the course of his reply to assertions made by me, said: "There is not a corporation in Pennsylvania that ever for one moment realized that it was the favorite of the Republican party" (meaning the Quay machine). Speaking of our tax system he declared: "This is a great triumph for the Republican party, and one of which all Republicans should feel Justly proud;" and, continuing, he said: "It seems to me that it would be much easier to prove that farmers, laborers and mechanics are the favorites of the Republican party, who have been so highly favored by its legislation." At Hollidaysburg on Sept. 15 Candi- | date Stone is again quoted as saying that "The people are not taxed, and not one foot of your land (meaning the people) pays one cent of tax; we have taken the tax off the lands and put it on corporations." ELKIN QUOTED. Republican Chairman Elkln, at Car lisle on Aug. 31, said: "We (meaning the Quay machine) have taken taxes off the lands, occupations, trades and all personal property, except money at interest." At Pittsburg on Sept. 7 he again declared that "the purpose and policy of the Republican party (mean ing the Quay machine) has been to re move the burden of taxation from the people and place It upon those who obtain some franchise from the state, and we (meaning the Quay machine) have reason to feel proud of our rec ord." I am facing an audience composed largely of farmers. Before me are men who gain their livelihood by the tilling and handling of land. If there is one among you all who does not know that the statements of Candidate Stone and Chairman Elkin are false let him stand up and say so. There may be some farmers here who on next election day intend to vote to perpetuate the Quay machine. To them 1 want to ask it it is a fact, as Candidate Stone assert ed in his Hollidaysburg speech, "that you are not taxed und that not one foot of your land pays one cent of taxes," and whether It is true, as Chair man Elkin states, that the Quay ma chine has taken the taxes off land? If one ,single farmer in this audience will come upon the platform and show that his land Is not taxed I will agree to make six speeches a week for the Quay machine from now until election time, and if there is one farmer here who owns or works a farm that can not show by his tax receipts that all these statements are untrue I will stand by the same offer. And If there is one farmer who does not know that he Is unjustly taxed and Is paying part of the corporation's share I want him to send me his name and he will be given proof of his happy ignorance. The subject of taxation is a vast and complex question, but there are phases of it and facts concerning it that can be reduced to simple, practical and con vincing propositions. And specifically and with varied figures I want to pre sent some of thorn to you. In this argument when I make use of the word "corporations" I mean those of that class that have the right to con demn and take private property for their own use, such as steam railroad 3 which pay no local taxes .for county, township, school or road purposes upon their roadbed and other property used in the operation of their franchise. And also other great combinations of cor porate wealth, such as pools and trusts and companies capitalized at millions, all of which maintain armies of agents and lobbyists to invade and surround legislative bodies, whether national, state or municipal. Candidate Stone tells the farmers of the state that the corporations pay the entire cost of running the state gov ernment, and also the appropriations to public schools. This statement is grossly untrue, as is shown in the last official record of the state treasurer. The total receipts of the state treas ury for 1897 were $12,475,070.17. Of this sum the entire amount received from all sources, from all corporations, in cluding the thousands of smaller cor porations which we are not considering, together with the tax on bank stock, was only $6,044,131.67, or about 50 per cent of the cost of running the state and paying the school appropriations. This demonstrates Candidate Stone's misrepresentation No. 1. Candidate Stone says that corpora tions are taxed higher in Pennsylvania than they are in other states. This statement is untrue. For the purpose of proving the falsity of Mr. Stone's assertion I will compare the tax law of our state with that of New York. TAXES IN NEW YORK. In New York state every dollar of corporate property is taxed, yet our own ex-auditor general, Jerome B. ftfles, in a public speech delivered In 1893, made the astonishing statement :hat there were from J 100,000,000 to $600,- 000,000 of railroad property in Pennsyl vania that pays no tax whatever, either locally or to the state. In New York state the dollar of value is the basis upon which taxes are levied, real and personal, and no corporation of any kind can escape paying its share of taxes. But, by the statement of ex- Auditor General Niles, in Pennsylva nia, through discriminating legislation passed by the machine, and purchased by the corporations, one-half billion dollars' worth of corporate property es capes all taxation. The fairest way to show the difference In taxation of steam railroads between Pennsylvania and New York Is to take the trunk lines and lateral railroads that lead out of Pennsylvania into New York, and compare the taxes they are compelled to pay in each state. The Northern Central railroad, from Wllliamsport to the New York line, near Elmira, a distance of 70 milesr does not pay one cent of taxes upon Its roadbed and other real estate used in the exercise of Its franchise in the Pennsylvania counties of Lycoming, Tioga and Bradford, ropn seating a value of $2,000,000. Rut when it reaches the township of Southport, Chemung county, New York, it contributes In taxes to that township $372.40. Passing through the corner of Southport, through the city of Elmira, into the township of Hors( heads, it pays to that township $637.52. It touches the corner of Catlin and pays $36.64, and enters the township of Veteran, in the same coun ty, and pays to the township treasury $1,038.80. Then it passes through the counties of Schuyler, Yates and On tario on to Niagara Falls, paying at the same rate in all counties named. Then again take the Lehigh Valley railroad, which does not pay one cent of tax on its roadbed and other real estate for local purposes from the Del aware river at Easton through the counties of Northampton, Lehigh, Car bon, Luzerne, Wyoming and Bradford. When It reaches the township of Van Etten, in the state of New York, it contributes $1,902.33 to that township treasury. ANOTHER ILLUSTRATION. Then take the Delaware and Lacka wanna railroad, which contributes noth ing to the local treasuries in Pennsyl vania. When it reaches the township of Ashland, New York, only touching one corner, it contributes $225.C0 toward township taxes. To the township of Elmira It pays $425.82, to the city of Eimlra $1,199.70, to Horseheads $926.06, to Big Flats $1,157.20, and so on to every township it passes through. Then take the Tioga branch of the Erie railroad, which runs through Tio ga county, Pennsylvania, and does not pay one dollar on its 50 miles of road bed in that county. When it reaches Southport, in the state of New York, on a valuation of $63,000 it pays to the township treasury $441. Then the Fall Brook railroad and leased lines, which pay nothing on their roadbed in the state of Pennsyl vania, the moment It reaches the town ship of Lindley, in New York state, contributes $1,500 to the local treasury of that township. It should be remembered that in New York all these railroads, in addition to the local taxes specified, pay also a state tax for the general purposes of state government. Yet all the railroads I have mentioned pay no more or no less in the state of New York than the farmer, merchant, manufacturer, or the money lender on their dollar. So again Candidate Stone's statement that cor porations pay more taxes in Pennsyl vania than in other states is proven false. This is Candidate Stone's misrepre sentation number 2. Again, Candidate Stone asserts that the corporations in Pennsylvania pay their full and equal share of taxes. Now, under our state law, they pay but four mills on the dollar of their cap ital stock (not counting the $500,000,000 that escapes altogether); but does not every farmer here know that he pays from 15 to 25 mills on every dollar of his capital stock? Is this equal and fair taxation? This proves the falsity of another of Mr. Stone's statements. This Is misrepresentation number 3. FARMERS IN OTHER STATES. Again, Candidate Stone asserts that the farmers of Pennsylvania are no more heavily taxed than those of other states. Yet the average tax in Penn sylvania on your land, for the past ten years, has been from 15 to 30 mills on the dollar, while in New York state it has averaged from three to ten mills on the dollar, and in some townships and cities in that state almost the en tire local taxes are paid by the corpora tions. This proves the falsity of Mr. Stone's statements, and is misrepre sentation number 4. I might continue the list of his mis representations on this subject almost indefinitely, but time will not permit. You farmers who live in interior coun ties do not fully understand the way you are discriminated against, but the farmers who live along the New York state line, in the counties of Erie, War ren, McKean, Potter, Tioga, Bradford and Susquehanna realize how the ma chine made laws of Pennsylvania take the burden off of the corporations and place It upon the backs of the tillers of the soil. All along the northern border the farms in New York state are more val uable than those of the same size and kind In Pennsylvania. A $5,000 farm in the state of New York is not taxed to exceed $25, while the adjoining farm in Pennsylvania of the same value pays from $65 to SBS. And it is something New York farmers cannot understand why railroads in Pennsylvania are not made to assist In paying local taxes, and why Pennsylvania farmers support a political system that compels them to pay 20 mills on their dollar, while rail roads pay only four mills on their prop erty. Through the machine passed and cor poration protecting legislation of our state the corporations are favored to the extent of millions annually, which is paid by the farmer, land owner and laborer. The evasions and exemptions allowed to corporations from the law requiring them to pay four mills tax on the dollar are enormous, and I believe that a thorough and faithful enforcement of the provisions and even the present un just tax law would put millions of i money in the state treasury. SOME OFFICIAL FIGURES, j For example, the last report of the ' secretary of lnternul affairs, for 1897, | showed the cost of all corporations of this t lags (railroads) in Pennsylvania to be $1,653,072,313. The total cost of equipments owned by the railroads was $189,404,266. Stocks and bonds owned by railroads, $282,655,815; cash and cur rent assets, $90,302,269; other assets, $200,508,217, making a total of $2,315,942,- SSO. Taking this to represent the cash value of the capital stock of these roads, and multiplying this sum by four mills, the flate the law requires, you have what the great railroad cor porations alone should pay into the state, amounting to $9,263,761. Yet the j taxes paid by corporations of all kinds —big and little —together with the tax ! on gross receipts of corporations, and j the tax on bank stocks amount to only $6,044,131.67, showing a discrepancy upon ; this too liberal basis of $3,119,631, which In some manner the corporations are j relieved from paying. J Now, farmers, you ought to ask Can | didate Stone, who declares that there | is no discrimination in favor of corpo ! rations, to account for this shortage of more than $3,000,000. But the loss of that vast sum of money Is not a commencement of the I Injustice heaped upon the farmers by the present machine made tax system, since the same amount of property— -52,315,941,880, the value of railroad stock and Investment—ln the hands of the farmer is taxed five times as much, or $46,318,855. The railroads In this official valua tion pay only $5,448,120.47, making a balance against you under this system that Mr. Stone calls equitable of $40,- 870,735. But experts say that the value of railroad property in Pennsylvania is double its assessed valuation, or nearly $5,000,000,000. If this be true, then the railroads are paying about one mill on their dollar, while you farmers are paying 20 mills on yours. In Tioga county last spring I was in formed that $13,000,000 of farming prop erty in that county pays $325,000 an nually, while the same amount of rail road and mining properties pay less than $12,000, as shown by the county treasurer, a discrimination against the farmer of $313,000. CORPORATION TAXES. Scores of like cases can be shown throughout the state, but time will for bid more detail on this particular point. I want to give you a few examples of how great corporations are protected. The Philadelphia and Erie railroad, which cost upward of s4o,ooo,ooo,through the kindness of machine legislation, is not obliged to pay one dollar of tax to the state on capital stock until the road shall earn a 6 per cent dividend. Of course, that time has not and will never come, as Its stock can be water ed, salaries Increased and expenditures kept high enough to prevent any such contingency. Will Candidate Stone show where the machine made tax system of Pennsyl vania, which he declares favors the farmer, hns ever exempted $40,000,000 of farm lands until the farmers have made 6 per cent clear, after enjoying like privileges with the Philadelphia and Erie railroad, of voting high sal aries to their sons and friends and rais ing the valuation of their farms as they see fit? You farmers who are paying 20 mills on every dollar of farm lands you have should ask Candidate Stone to explain the following figures taken from the auditor general's report of 1896. That report shows that the Philadelphia and Delaware Connecting railway, costing $536,566.82, paid into the state treasury only $35.22 In 1896. The Kinzua Valley railroad, costing $113,450.21, paid $28.12: the Allentown railroad, costing $1,085,747.94, paid $ 15.02; the Baltimore and Harrlsburg railroad, costing $480,000, paid $43.73; the Balti more and Philadelphia, costing $9,840,- 000, paid $675.41; the Bustleton railroad, costing SIOO,OOO. paid $10; the Clarion railroad, costing $140,000, paid $1.60, and i the Pickering Valley railroad, costing $481,399.08, paid the sum of 92 cents. TAXES ON RAILROADS. In other words, $12,777,164.05 of rail road property paid a total tax of $870.03 in 1896. At the same time $12,777,164.03 of your property at 20 mills (the aver age) paid $255,543.28. Stated in a sim pler way: $12,777,164.05 of property be longing to corporations and a like amount of property belonging to the farmers, together amounting to $25,- 554,328.10, paid taxes in 1896 amounting to $256,413.31. and of this sum the far mers paid $255,543,28 and the corpora tions $870.03; or, to still further show the inequality, every time the farmer paid $2.94 of taxes the corporations, un der the tax system that Candidate Stone says is fair to the farmer, paid but one penny. I could prolong the list showing the Inequalities of taxation almost Indef initely. but time .will not permit to night. After all, It seems much like a waste of argument to try and con vince the voter of what every intelli gent citizen already knows—that there Is no fairness or equality In our ma chine made system of taxation. But there Is another side of this great question of taxation that must appeal to every person within the hearing of my voice. It is the remedy. It is far easier to justly criticise the deficien cies of economic p< llcies than to rec ommend intelligent and adequate meth ods for their equitable adjustment. It Is impossible for me tonight to do more than give in general terms the funda mental principles upon which, I belive, the taxation of our people should be founded. A REMEDY SUGGESTED. The dollar of value should be the basis upon which taxes are levied. The man owning SI,OOO worth of property, either in railroads, farming lands or corporate interests, should pay ten times as much tax as the man who owns but SIOO worth. No taxable property should be given advantages or concessions In the hands of one owner that the like property or value does not receive in the hands of every other owner. A full assessment of all property should be made, and an Impartial Indiscriminating tax should be imposed. The assessed valuation of property in Pennsylvania, real and personal, accord ing to the last census, that of 1890, was, in round numbers, $6,500,000,000. Ac cording to the best expert authority the actual valuation of real and personal property in Pennsylvania at the pres ent time is $10,000,000,000. If the value of assessable property Is $10,000,000,000, the present tax rate of four mills (that corporations are supposed to pay, but do not, though It Is only about one flfth the rate the farmers pay) would /leld $i(V000,000 to the state annually, or a"bout three and one-half times the amount collected under the present law. This would pay the running expense of the state government and give the $5,500,000 to public schools that is now allowed, and leave, $28,000,000 to be paid back to counties to aid in or wiping out entirely, local taxation. Nothing is plainer than that the heavy burden of taxation borne by cer tain interests results alone from the to tal or partial exemptions granted vast corporate interests, as the result of ma chine legislation. The resources of Pennsylvania are so vast and her wealth so great that, if each dollar of property paid Its Just Bhare, taxation would be so light it would scarcely be felt by any. But the machine paid speakers will reply to this statement by telling the farmers that Wanamaker advocates a tax sys tem that will place (we will say for ar gument) a four mill tax on their lands. To this I want to say, yes, I favor the placing of a four mill tax on your lands and your homes, if by so doing I can strike off the 20 mill tax that the ma chine made laws now compel you to pay. I believe I can do no greater service to the people of my state than help to change the perpetual machine laid mortgage of 20 mills for a reasonable and moderate tax rate of four mills or less. The above article by Mr. Wana mnker In a full oxpannlon of the gen eral points made by Georsre A. Jen Us, the Democratic candidate for gover nor, in several of bis now fbmons campaign addresses. Vote for Jonks and equality of taxation and equullty In all other respects before the law. JENKS AND QUAYISM. Some Kxtracts From tlio Jefferson County Statesman's Speeches That Show Clearly Where lie Stands on Thut Subject. It has been alleged that the nomina tion of Mr. Jenks for governor by the Democratic convention at Altoona was brought about through the influence of Quay. Some of Mr. Swallow's stumpeis are even yet so asserting in their speeches. The allegation is absurd upon its face. Quay knows Jenks, knows him to be an honorable, high toned gentleman, who can neither be lorrupted, nor by any power swerved from the straight line of what he es teems to be right and for the good of the people. Had Quay been in position to exert any influence in the Demo cratic state convention, George A. Jenks is about the last man in the state for whose success he would have em ployed it. Lest there should remain in any Democratic or independent Republican mind any doubt as to where Mr. Jenks stands on Quay and Quaylsm, the fol lowing brief extracts from his cam paign speeches, etc., are herewith pre sented: "It is well known and cannot be de nied that Senator Quay has ruled leg islatures for years past. His will was the law of the majority, and no bill of any importance was passed without his approval, nor defeated without his eon sent." —Interview with Philadelphia Ledger, Sept. 1, 1898. "Upon the Republican party, with its glorious traditions, there has grown an ulcer. M. S. Quay, for twenty-seven years an office holder, twice a United GEORGE A. JENKS. States senator and again a candidate for election, has acquired his power by keeping an eye single to what benefits him."—Speech at Warren, Pa., Sept. 10, 1898. "Quayism is now the proper name of the Republican party in Pennsylvania. The particular characteristic of its managers is selfishness, as all officials are chosen, not for their peculiar fit ness, but because of their willingness or ability to strengthen the hands of Quay and help him throttle the will of the people."—Speech at Erie, Sept. 17, 1898. "The concentration of power in the hands of a single man in a republic is dangerous. The czar could not rule here because the people still have the spirit of liberty, yet they allow them selves to be ruled just the same by Czar Quay through indirection."— Speech at Oil City, Sept. 20, 1898. "The real contest and issue in this election Is between Quayism and the people of the commonwealth of Penn sylvania. The question you must an swer on your conscience and on your character is: Who shull rule, one sin gle, autocratic ruler, or the voice ofthe people honestly expressed by ballot."— Speech at Meadville, Sept. 19, 1898. "The whole of Quayism is corrupt and rotten, not only in dollars and cents, but in the principles that under lie it. The government of the whole state by any one man or by 50 men, is a violation of the constitution of Pennsylvania."—Speech at New Castle, Pa.. Sept. 21, 1898. "We must settle this Quayism by saying that the people's rule should be resumed, and these wrongs should be no longer perpetrated."—Speech at Pittsburg, Sept. 24. 1898. Hon. Jerry N. Woller will receive a large vote from the organized work ingmen in the state. He has served them long and faithfully. Candidate lams is a taking public speaker, a hard worker and a sincere student of all public questions. He would ably and faithfully represent the state at Washington. HfInHHBHBHBHHnfinBHHHHifIi B I IB L emfiwr!® "11 uAu I Unlft -^* 4 * nV'Tfi | For Infants and Children. CASTORII The Kind You Have BBBHI Alwa v s Bou 6j ! slmilating the Food andßeguta- _ . 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