the 31st of December. 1889, the pas-
Bender traffic increased by over three
million persons, and the gross receipts
by over 50,000 pounds, or about $250,-
000. As the total number of people
annually carried by the Hungary
railroads has not, hitherto, exceeded
1,500,000 persons, fhe large increase
in live months is remarkable. It is
said that no extra expense has been
incurred, and. in fact, that economies
have been effected in the ticket issue
department, owing to the facilities
now afforded for obtaining tickets at
postofflces, stores, and other places in
town. In real truth, the Hungarians
send themselves by stamps, just as
they and we do our letters. This is a
showing that merits the most careful
attention, and especially when it is
remembered that the State railways
of Hungary cover only 0,170 miles.
The fare is so low that a ride of six
miles costs only one cent, moreover the
wages of railroad men have been
doubled since government ownership
began. Vrooman's report of the
German railroads are that the gov
ernment lirst assumed the ownerehip
of the railways in 1843.
The cost to the end of 1892 has been
10,020.240,000 marks. Receipts for 1892
on Government roads were 1.348,804,000
marks. Expenses, 877,054,000 marks.
Profits, 472,810,000 marks (or 4.4
cents). The average passenger fare
* is .0117 per mile and the average
freight rate is .0147 per ton per mile.
During the last ten years the profits
have increased 41 per cent, and wages
are 120 per cent, higher than under
private ownership. The fare for third
class travel (which is a large per
cent, of all) is only one cent for four
miles. The State employed 340,553
persons on railways in 1890, and paid
them 404,286,555 marks (about $90.-
220,000). There were 59,130 other per
sons employed in shops on repairing,
gas making, etc. There were 1,316
employed for every 100 miles of road !
in 1890. There were 7,331 stations I
and 1,305 signal stations.
In speed the law prescribes a limit j
of 50 to 55 miles per hour for main
line passenger trains with air I
brakes. The fastest trains in the
world, taking average speed, are on
the Berlin & Hamburg line of 178
miles, where the rates for through
passenger trains average 48.9 miles
an hour.
Now then you will note that the
average rate on freight is .0147 cents
per ton mile. The study of this per
ton mile rate on freight is an inter
esting study. 1 hold in my hand a re
ceipted freight bill for the freight
charges on a car load of oil well sup
plies shipped from Harmony, Pa., to
Unity, Pa., a distance of 49 miles; the
cost was $46.60 for the car load of 16
tons, or $2.91 per tor for the 49 miles,
or 5.93 cents per ton mile. Here I
have another freight bill that shows
that 1 paid 4.32 cents per ton mile.
Both of these shipments were of the
liftli and sitftli class, and I take it
that these bills ar<- about the average
freight rates that the people pay on
the transportation of their products,
but the statistics show that the
average of all the freight shipments
of the United States is only .85 of 1
cent per ton mile. These facts con
vict the railroad managers of a great
crime. For these freight bills here
show that the public is being robbed
for the benefit of the stockholder,
wli'Y the statistics show that the
stockholders are being robbed for the
benefit of the trusts, monopolies and
favored shippers. Here is a problem.
If the average cost for freight in
SUPPLEMENT.
America is only .85 ui o ie cent per
ton mile, and the public i* obliged to j
pay from 4.32 to 5.93 c per ton mile, ;
then in order to bring the average j
freight rate of the country down to
.85 of one ton mile, what i
must the monopolies and favored i
shippers pay? The answer to this !
question would answer the eve * occur- j
ing question: Why are so m. .Ny of!
our railroads in the hands of re- :
ceivers? The facts are that many of i
these (bankrupt roads have been j
robbed for the benefit of the favored '
shippers, just as the Atcheson, Topeka
and Santa Fe railroad was. |
In the United States, under corpor- |
ate ownership, in 1892, the railways
carried 575,770.000 passengers, and i
killed 7,047 passengers, and injured j
37,164, including employes. Under !
government ownership, in Germany, I
in 1892, the German railroads carried j
464,013,000 passengers, killed 726 pass- !
engers, and injured 2.542 passengers. \
The figures show that the persons |
killed under corporate ownership in I
the United States, are nearly one I
thousand percent greater than they '
are under government ownership, in I
Germany, and that the people injured ! ,
under corporate ownership is nearly |
! six hundred per cent greater than j
they are under government ownership. :
These figures speak volumes, and I
present them to you tor your earnest
consideration.
In conclusion let me say, that the
power of the ten billions of capital
organized in the highways of the
Republic, backed by the billions of
the monopolies and trusts organized J ■
in one common conspiracy to take I
from the people the wealth produced I
by them, is a power that is taking j
awav the control of government from
the intelligent rule of the masses, and
we must shake loose tl. se fetters 1
that bind us. or American liberties I
; are lost, and lost forever.
The author of the "Highways of the
Republic,' 1 is a thorough Democrat, j
He at one time ably represented his i
district in the State legislature and has j
always taken a leading part in every
forward movement of the party.
With bin Democracy means the
rule of the common people; govern- ■
ment administered for the protection j
of their rights, the preservation of i
their liberties, the advancement of i
their interests, the promotion of their !
welfare. He looks upon the Demo- j
cratic party as the party of the peo-1
pie, and believes that it should be this j ■
at all times everywhere. He is an !
ardent supporter of the principles of j
the Chicago platlorm, believing them ,
I to lie the expression of true Democ-1
; racy, and hopes to see them made the i '
basis of government by the triumphant i
i election, in 1900.0f the great advocate i [
and exponent, William J. Bryan.—
I EDITOU. I
BRYAN CN THE RATIO.
The Great Leader Says Silver Is the
Issue and 16 to i the Ratio.
No one b lieves that bimetallism will ,
prove a j uuacea lor all political ills,
but the money question must bo settled
before othei qnestious can he reached. '
Financial independence is a condition
precedaut ro reform along other lines.
The power that controls our financial I
policy can control ihe policy of our gov
ernment on every other subject when
ever occasion arises lor the exercise of
that coutrOi Suppose, for instuuco, that
the money question were dropped and
the light against the trusts made the !
main issue Much foreigu capital is iu
vested in trusts, ami foreign financiers
could announce that any legislation bos- '
tile to trusts would I e followed by me
withdrawal of fnreicrn capital and a
pauic. If tbcy can threaten the with
diawal of foreign capital to preveut a
change of our financial policy, they can
threaten such withdrawal to prevent
the annihilation of trusts or the regula
tion of other corpe ations. Not only can
this throat be made in regard to our
domestic policy, hut it can be made to
prevent the adoption of any foreign poli
cy which does not meet with fi. vor in
Europe. We cannot proteu the rights
of our citizens, avenge uu insult to the
flag, enforce the Monroe doctrine or ex
press our sympathy with those who are
struggling to bo free if we aro to be de
terred by the threats of foreign invest
ors. The right to legislate for our peo
ple on the money question involves the
right to legislate on all questions, and
until this right is secured the discussion
of other questions will uvuil nothing.
When we have released ourselves from
the dictation of foreign financiers and
overthrown the local money trust which
controls our financial policy, we shall be
in a position to undertake the extermi
nation of other trusts and the protection
of our people from all loruisof monopo
listic oppression.
The other planks of the Chicago plat
form are not abandoned Those who fa
vor free coiuuge at 16 to 1 advocate and
will carry out all the other reforms
enumerated in the platform, but they
will not lessen the emphasis placed
upon the money question by ihe party
itself in its latest utterances.
Why 10 to 1?
Dot there are some \vho admit the
necessity fur bimetallism and who con
fess that it can only be secured by inde
pendent action, but suggest a change of
ratio. They ask, Why 16 to 1? 1 answer
that there are several reasons. Sixteen
to one is the ratio at which we had free
coinage from 1834 to 1873. It is the
ratio uow existing between the gold and
silver coins in circulation, and it is
more favorable to gold than the ratio
uow existing in most Luropeau coun
tries
To change the ratio by independent
actinu, besides changing existing con
tracts. lessening our currency and in
curring great expense, would put us
out of harmony with other nations.
Especially would it put us out oi har
mony with 1 ranee, the Kuropeun na
tion most triendly to silver, where the
ratio is J ok, to 1. If by international
agreement we should change the ratio
to Hi to 1, fur instance, it would neces
sitate the recoiuuge of more than *4,-
000.000,000 of silver into coins twice
us large (provided the change was made
by increasing the size of the silver
coins) To uouble the size of the silver
coin of the world would diminish by
one-half the silver money of the world.
It would diminish by one-quarter the
entire volume of metallic money of the
world. Such a shrinkage in ihe volume
of money would in effect add bil
lions of dollars to the debts of tbe world.
Should HO great i n injury Ledone with
out tLe necessity for it being proved be
yond u reasonable doubt?
Bnuetallists contend that gold and
silver have been driveu apart by bos
tile legislation ami that they can he
bronpht together by friendly legislation
They contend that legislation lavorable
to gold has increased the purchasing
power of an ounce of gold throughout
the world ami lowered the general level
of pi lees, while tbe same legislation
bus lessened ths demand for silver aud
lowered the gold price of that metal.
They oouter.d that the restoration of
the tree aLd unlimited coinage by a
great nation like the United States will
increase the demand for silver to a
point where tbe miuts will require all
tbe surplus silver of the world, aud
thus by raising the gold price of silver
and lowering the purchasing power of
an ounce of gold will restore the parity
at 16 to 1 and thereafter maintain tbe
jarity at that ratio.
It is true that some bimetal lists do
not believe that this nation alone can
maintain the parity at that ratio, but
shall the gr at majority who do believe
surrender their conviction to the com
paratively lew who doubt? Upon what
principle ess a minority demand of the
majority the right to dictate a plat
form? Those who are opposed to the
gold staodard must act together, and
the plan of action must ho determined
by the majority. The moment the ratio
of 10 to 1 is surrendered our silver
plank loses its force. Those who oppose
the ratio of 10 to 1 are not agreed
among themselves. No considerable
body of men ask for any other i jeoifio
ratio. One inuu Buys 2J to 1, another
24, another 32, hut all the objectors to
gether are small in number when com
pared with those who iiruily believe in
the ability of this nation to muintain
the parity at 16 to 1. If it is proposed
to leave the ratio to congress it must
be remembered that those who desire
bimetallism demand affirmative action,
and every one opposed to the ratio fixed
in any proposed bill will be counted
against any kind of bimetallism. If the
ratio is left to be determined by con
gressmen who run upon different plat
forms, it gives a chance for a variety of
ratios which will effectually prevent
any legislation favorable to bimetallism
and will also give a chance for frienda
of the gold stundard to slip into con
gress under the pretense of favoring
some undefined ratio, but who, as a
matter of fact, would uso their positions
to maintain the gold standard.
The Popular Ratio.
The ratio of 10 to 1 has been adopted
by the Democratic party in a convention
which, morn than aiiy recent conven
tion, received its authority direct front
the people. The rault and file of the
Tarty, instead cf leaving the ratio to
the h aders, expressed their own opinion
upon the subject, and that opinion has
not changed since the convention. This
ratio has also been indorsed by the Pop
ulist party the National Silver party
and the Silver Republicans. To aban
don the ratio would be wrong in itself
and as impolitic as it would be wrong.
If the Democratic party were to allow
its policy on this question to he deter
mined by a few doubting Thomases, or
by the deserters who supported the ene
my in the great struggle between de
mocracy and plutocracy, it would lose
the respect and confidence of those who
now look to it as an efficient means of
restoring government of the people. To
turu from its cleur and courageous enun
ciation to wallow again in the mire cf
ambiguity uud deception would alienate
those who have been drawn to it by the
platform of 189(1.
The Democratic party could have re
tained within its folds the deserters of
189(1 if it hud consented to a meaning
less platform, but it preferred to lose
some members of (he body rather than
have the whole body destroyed. Regen
eration did not come too soon. The gold
Democrats were rapidly malting the
party a rival of tbo Republican party
for the favor of trusts aud monopolies.
If the Chicago platform did nothing
else, it drove from the party those who
had been manipulating the party for
private gaiu ami usiug the goverumeut
for public plunder. There are many of
these deserters whoso return to the party
would bring weakness rather than add
strength, aud there are millions of Dem
ocrats who would not surrender a siugle
line of the Chicago platform to recover
everv deserter who left because of real
antagonism to the principles set forth
in that platform. 1 do not refer to those
who were misled. There were many
who left becuuso tbey did not fully un
derstand the issues raised, aud they are
comiug back of tbeir own uccord be
cause they find themselves iu sympathy
with our platform.
The party can win more voters by
steadfastly standing by the right than
by weakly compromising with error,
aud those wen back to the platform
will bo useful when tbey return, while
those who profess aitaebmeut to the
Democratio tiauio rather than to Demo
cratic principles will always require
watching
The Democratio party has put its
band to tho plow, and nuless I mistake
the spirit which animates the members
it will not look back.
W J. BRViN.