FREELAND TRIBUNE.
PUBLISHED EVKKY
MONDAY AND THURSDAY.
TIIOS. A. BUCKLEY.
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
TEIIMS, - - $1.50 PER YEAR.
FREELAND, PA., OCTOBER 24, 1892.
DEMOCRATIC TICKET.
NATIONAL.
President,
0 rover Cleveland New York
Vice President,
Adlai R. Stevenson Illinois
STATE.
Judtfo of Supreme Court,
Christopher Heydrick Venango County
Congressmen-at- Large.
George Allen Erie County
Thomas P. Merritt Berks County
COUNTY.
Congressman,
William H. Hiues Wilkes-Darre
Senator,
J. liidgeway Wright Wilkes-Barre
Sheriff,
William Walters. Sugarloaf Township
Recorder,
Michael C. Russell Edwardsville
Coroner,
H. W. Trimmer Lake Township
Surveyor,
James Crockett. Ross Township
We denounce protection as a fraud, a
robbery of the great majority of the Ameri
can people for the benefit of the few. —
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.
Democracy's Tariff Plunk.
Urover Cleveland, in liis memorable
message to congress, sounded the key
note on the tariff question, lie sprung
the issue and forced it upon his party
and upon the attention of the people.
In the campaign of 'BB, however, Demo
cracy's organs, too many of them, acted
on the defensive. They didn't force
the fight on the lines laid down by their
great leader.
They argued that they believed in a
low tariff, a tariff for revenue—and then
they twisted and squirmed and flounder
ed around in the attempt to prove that
they too, believed in protection, instead
of asserting and bringing facts and
figures to prove that protection was an
up and down, all around, infernal fraud,
and did not protect, and never was in
tended to protect the American work
ingman, either in work or wages.
The tariff plank adopted at the last
national convention is good; excellent.
While we believe in NO tariff we realize
that the "campaign of education" has
not, as yet, progressed far enough for
the people to understand that really a
tariff for revenue only is not what the
people need.
It is an expensive, terribly expensive
method of raising revenue—besides, it
does not place the burden of taxation
upon people according to their means
but according to their necessities—the
poor dollar-a-day workingman often be
ing forced to pay as much of the tariff
tax as the fifty-millionaire.
A tariff for revenue only and a tariff
for protection differ in this: Ttie gov
ernment gets the tax in the one case,
while in the other the government gets
one dollar in the shape of tariff and the
the manufacturer gets four dollars in the
shape of "protection"—tribute, blood
money wrung from people who are not
able to keep the sheriff from the door.
As we have said, we believe in no
tariff; it was born in inquity and has
been steeped in inquity ever since; and
while a tariff for revenue is vastly better
than a tariff for protection, which en
ables manufacturing barons to levy tri
bute from the people, direct taxation
would be as far superior to a tariff for
revenue only system as that is ahead of
a tariff for protection system.
The man who has his millions has not
accumulated them through his own
exertions. Others have created the
wealth but the "others," through some
hocus-podus arrangement, have been
euchered out of the products of their
labor. This is self-evident. A man
may have the knack of accumlating, but
accumulating is not creating.
A man makes an investment in land,
buying up a large tract of raw land for a
song. In time the land becomes very
valuable, worth five thousand times the
original cost. The man who bought and
held it in idleness for twenty years has
done nothing. The community has
made a millionaire of the man who has
invested a hundred or so. He didn't
create the wealth; the community did.
He has done nothing for the benefit of
the community; rather, he has been a
stumbling block in the path of progress.
We would not take from the investor
all his profit, but we would compel him
to pay his just porportion of the tax
burden, according to his means.
We would not leave him all this
wealth, which not he, but the commun
ity created, as a means, a constantly
growing and becoming more and more
powerful means of forcing tribute from
the community which made the proper
ty valuable. — Chicago Free Trader.
HUGH MGCULLOUGH, who was a mem
ber of Lincoln's cabinet as well as of
that of Arthur; Carl Schurz, of Hayes'
cabinet; Gresham, of Arthur's cabinet,
and McVeagh, of Garfield's cabinet, are
among the advocates of the election of
Cleveland; and they stand on the high
ground of tariff reform. Their course
shows how strong is the stream of politi
cal tendency in favor of tariff reform.
REPUBLICAN RECORD.
A BITTER ARRAIGNMENT OF COM
MISSIONER RAUM'S METHODS.
A Notorious Land Speculation and a Cer
tulu Gypsum Mine Transaction—Where
Did the Money l'ald by Helpless Pen
sion Olilce Employees Go?
It has been said that the scandals of
the Raum regime ran nearly the whole
gamut of possibilities. The greater part
of them grew directly out of the Raum
family's desire to get money without
earning it and in devious ways.
It was for money considerations that
Raum got his daughter into two govern
ment posts at once, contrary to law, and
tried to get her through a loophole of
the statute into a remunerative place in
the civil service without the civil service
examination that all others must pass-r
a thing which would have cheated somA
capable and law abiding person out of
the place and pay.
It was for the sake of money that John
Raum exploited his relationship to the
commissioner byway of advertising his
business as a pension attorney. It was
for the sake of gain that he seems to
have been allowed illegitimate knowl
edge of what the pension office records
contained.
It was for gain to his family that the
commissioner created a place in the serv
ice for his other son to occupy. It was
for money that Green B. Raum, Jr.,
levied tribute upon the earnings of his
subordinates and sold appointments for
bribes, as the civil service commissioners
have declared that the evidence justifies
them in charging, and as the congres
sional committee in its report says
"there can be no reasonable doubt" that
ho did.
In the Lemon case Raum gave Lemon
as alleged security a block of stock in a
certain gypsum mining company of
which he was president. This stock
happened to be, as committee re
ported, "of no particular value" because
Raum's company did not own the prop
erty # it represented, and because the
mining value of that property was of
very doubtful existence. But whatever
its worth, the stock appears not to have
belonged to Raum, but to the company.
Yet Raum pledged it for $12,000 and
put the money into quite another specu
lation of his own in which the company
that owned the stock had no interest
whatever.
The transaction was so foreign in its
methods to the ordinary accepted way
of doing business that one of the min
ing company stockholders remarked to
Raum that he "didn't think there was
much difference between that and em
bezzlement," an opinion in which many
business men will perhaps share.
This gypsum mine was one of the
speculations which Raum undertook to
promote from the pension office and
chiefly at government expense. With
one Buckey he had become possessed of
some lands vaguely located in south
western Virginia alleged to be gypsum
hearing. The company, of which he
was president and factotum, seems never
really to have owned the lands. It had
contracts of purchase merely, on which
it had paid an insignificant amount,
partly in "stock" of the company. Un
der these contracts the company was
bound to pay the full purchase price—
sloo,oo0 —within a specified time or for
feit not only the land, bnt all that might
have been paid upon it.
This vague, inchoate title to unpaid
for lands of uncertain value seems to
have been the only property Mr. Raum's
"company" possessed. Yet he capital
ized this at $2,000,000 and tried to work
off the Btock on that basis.
According to the testimony of Buckey,
who first got possession of the claim thus
capitalized, and who was nominally mode
secretary of the company, liaum adroit
ly managed to get the whole thing into
his own hands and to keep it there. The
secretary swore that he had never been
able to see the stockboolc but once; that
he had never succeeded in getting his
own stock issued even to fulfill a con
tract of delivery for a part of it to Colo
nel W. W. Dudley, of "blocks of five"
celebrity; that Baum evaded the fulfill
ment of the contract by reason of the
fact that the attorney who drew it omit
ted to namo in it a date for Baum's ful
fillment of his part of it; in short, that
Baum got possession of everything per
taining to the company and did what he
pleased with it regardless of the rights
of everybody else.
The one occasion on which the secre
tary had been permitted to see the stock
book seems to have been when Baum
wanted some stock issued—presumably
for delivery to Lemon—and found it
necessary to have the secretary's signa
ture to the certificates. Then, accord
ing to Secretary Buckey's testimony, he
sent for him to sign the papers, but upon
pretense of having mislaid his memo
randa had him sign the certificate in
blank so that the secretary never knew
how much of the stock Baum issued.
There is no reason to suppose that
Baiim imposed upon Lemon in giving
him this stock as security for his $12,-
000. Lemon was not a man to be thus
taken in. Ho neither knew nor cared
anything about the value of the stock.
He had other recompense for his outlay.
But if, as Buckey says, Itaiiui confessed
to him the stock given to Lemon Ire
longed to the company, the transaction,
in its relations to the company, was of a
character which the courts are accus
tomed to take cognizance of in away
not agreeable to the person concerned.
As the stock was "of no particular
value" at the time of its issue, and as
what value it had went out of it soon
afterward by the foreclosure of the con
tracts and the forfeiture of tho shadowy
rights that constituted the company's
only assets, nobody seems to have cared
to subject Ranm's dealing with the
stock to legal question. Tho whole en
terprise seems to have been of that kind
which honorable men of business reso
lutely declino to have any connection
with—the "heads I win, tails you lose"
sort of speculation.
Another of liauin's peculiar venturog
was the Charlton Heights speculation.
Charlton Heights is a village of twenty
eight houses near Washington. Raum
got possession of a tract of land there
and proceeded to organize a "company"
for its exploitation. He represented the
place as one of peculiar picturesqueness,
salubrity and convenience, sure to be
come at once one of the most prosperous
suburbs of the capital.
As usual, he does not seem to have
paid anything of consequence for the
land. He merely secured an option
upon it, at a price reported to be thirty
dollars an acre, and laid his plans to
work it off on his pension office subordi
nates and others at $1,440 an acre, mak
ing for himself and his associates a neat
little profit of $1,410 on every thirty dol- j
lars thereafter to be paid.
The prospectus of the company repre
sented that streets were to be laid out
and graded, a $70,000 hotel to bo built
and everything possible done to hasten
the already rapid growth of the suburb.
All this was false. No evidence has
ever been discovered that any of the
money received in subscriptions was
spent in improvements at Charlton
Heights. The suburb was not growing
and really had no capacity for growth,
as all the lots that were not in a marsh,
and therefore unfit for residence, had
been sold already. The scheme was a
mere trap for the savings of pension of
fice and other government clerks.
They were asked to subscribe to the
stock of their chief's company and to
pay their subscriptions in monthly in
stallments of five dollars each. As they
were dependent upon their chief for
their bread and butter they naturally
subscribed in considerable numbers.
It pays a poor clork to give up five dol
lars a month rather than risk the loss of
his place and pay.
The receipts from subscriptions to this
enterprise are reported to have amount
ed at one time to about $2,000 a month.
What became of the money nobody
seems to know. 'lt is certain that the
few fellows who bought the stock could
not now sell it for the price of a single
month's subscription.
They were proinised that if at any time
they wished to withdraw from the com
pany they should receive their money
back with interest. Several of them
asked for this return, hut only two or
three who had influential friends got it.
The rest did not deem it prudent to
make any kind of disturbance.
A poor clerk cannot afford to press his
official chief for money wrongfully got
out of him.
It is a noteworthy fact that of all the
people who have been coaxed, cajoled,
deceived or driven into investing in the
speculative schemes fathered by Com
missioner Raum not one has ever got a
profit upon his investment, and scarcely
one has ever got his money back or any
part of it.
The man who has engineered these
schemes; the man who has in this way
leviod tribute upon his subordinates;
the man who has used his official term,
his official influence and his official con
trol over a government office to make
market of worthless shares is so es
pecially the confidential agent and
friend of the president that even the ex
posure of his misdeeds has not induced
Mr. Harrison to remove him or to with
draw from him his official confidence
and personal support.
Raum has publicly proclaimed that
he is "an issue in this campaign." He
is so. He represents that old issue
which has always existed since the
sense of right and wrong was born in
the human mind—the issue between
honor and shame.
But the speculations recorded here—
or should the word be spelled without
the initial "s?"—are insignificant as
scandals in comparison with the univer
sal refrigerator affair, and Raum's
shifts, evasions and plain falsehoods
concerning it.—New York World.
Force 11111 Is 111 Evidence.
The force bill is as much a part of the
Republican platform as the protective
tariff or any other feature of it. It is
now called a bugaboo and other de
risive names by its authors. It is laughed
at and sneered at on all sides. Would
this be its treatment if the platform con
taining it should meet with popular in
dorsement next November? It might be,
and then again it might not be. In fact
it might, like the tariff issue, be made
more terrible than ever. There is good
reason to believe that this would be the
case, but even if there were 110 good
reason for thinking this there is a chance
that it would be, and this alone is suffi
cient to point out to every good man and
every lover of free and independent
government his duty to vote against the
party which brought such an iniquitous
measure into boing,—Dallas News.
A Tlhnuo of L'ntruthH.
Even Mr. Harrison's letter of accept
ance was a tissue of untruths almost
from beginning to end. If lie is re-elect
ed president it will be due principally to
the astute dissemination of falsehood by
the party managers. It is hard for the
Democrats to keep pace with these
artistic untruths, but we have reason to
believe that the people have been protty
thoroughly warned regarding the con
templated deceptions, and that they will
carefully sift all the statements made by
the Republican managers. Memphis
Appeal-Avalanche.
A Coat ami Turncoat.
Not so very long ago Mr. Harrison
met the Democrats' proposition to re
duce tariff taxation and cheapen prices
with the sneer that "a clicap coat makes
a cheap man." He now claims that the
great object of the Republican tariff
policy was to cheapen prices. Evidently
the president has added not only a cheap
coat, but a turncoat to his wardrobe.—
Louisville Courier-Journul.
StateHmaiiHhlp—Political Cuunlng.
If Harrison is a statesman, as some of
the organs of Republicans profess to be
lieve him, he has won that reputation
in spite of himself. Between the utter
ances of Cleveland and Harrison there
is all the difference between statesman
ship and political cunning.—Utica (N.
y.) Observer.
THE NATION'S BLIGHT
GROVER CLEVELAND ON THE CURSE
OF PLUTOCRACY.
He Mocks the People Who Propose That
the Government Shall Protect the Rich
and That They in Turn Shall Core for
the Poor.
No more searching analysis of existing
American conditions was ever made than
that made by Mr. Cleveland in his clos
ing message—that of December, 1888—
without doubt the ablest state paper in
American archives. "Plutocracy" in
America means the control of the gov
ernment; the enactment and the enforce
ment of laws through the power of
| money. No intelligent American will
deny that such a plutocracy exists, and
that the issue now to be determined is
between a plutocrat and a popular gov
ernment. "Upon eareful inspection,"
writes Mr. Cleveland in summarizing
the causes which have raised this issue,
I '. NN ! e wealth and luxury of our
| cities mingled with poverty and wretch
| edness and unreniunerative toil. A
- crowded and constantly increasing
! arban population suggests the impover
| isliment of rural sections and discontent
j with agricultural pursuits.
"We discover that the fortunes re
alized by our manufacturers are no
longer solely the results of sturdy in
dustry and enlightened foresight, but
that they result from the discriminating
favor of the government and are largely
built upon undue exactions from the
masses of our people. The gulf between
employer and employee is constantly
widening and classes are rapidly form
ing—one comprising the very rich and
powerful, while in another are found
the toiling poor. As we view the
achievements of aggregated capital, we
discover the existence of trusts, com
binations and monopolies, while the
citizen is struggling far in the rear or is
trampled beneath an iron heel. Cor
porations, which should be carefully
restrained creatures of the law, are fast
becoming the people's masters.
"The existing situation is injurious to
the health of our entire body politic. It
stifles in those for whose benefit it is per
mitted all patriotic love of country and
substitutes in its place selfish greed and
grasping avarice. Devotion to Ameri
can citizenship for its own sake and for
what it should accomplish as a motive
to our nation's advancement and the
happiness of all our people is displaced
by the assumption that the government,
instead of being the embodiment of
equality, is but an instrumentality
through which especial and individual
advantages are to bo gained. The ar
rogance of this assumption is uncon
cealed. It appears in the sordid disre
gard of all but personal interests in the
refusal to abate for the benefit of others
one iota of selfish advantage and in
combinations to perpetuate such advan
tages through efforts to control legisla
tion and to influence improperly the
suffrages of the people.
"Communism is a hateful thing and a
menace to peace and organized govern
ment. But the communism of com
bined wealth and capital, the outgrowth
of overweening cupidity and selfishness,
which insidiously undermines the jus
tice and the integrity of free institu
tions, is not less dangerous than the
communism of oppressed poverty and
toil which, exasperated by injustice and
discontent, attacks with wild disorder
the citadel of rule. He mocks the peo
ple who proposes that the government
shall protect the rich and that they in
turn will care for the laboring poor.
Any intermediary between the people
and their government, or the least dele
gation of the care and protection the
government owes to the humblest citi
zen, makes the boast of free institutions
a glittering delusion and the pretended
boon of American citizenship a shame
less imposition."
Since Mr. Cleveland wrote this the 1
plutocracy has dictated a great increase |
in taxes and in the expenses of govern- j
ment. It has inaugurated a policy of
paying out millions annually in subsi
dies and bounties direct from the treas
ury. It has forced the agricultural
states deeper and deeper into debt. It
has asserted a right to employ mercena
ries for use in private wars against la
bor. It has demanded complete control
of elections through a force bill provid
ing for returning boards and supervisors
to take the places of judges and officers
chosen by the people. And after all this
it comes once more before the people
asserting its right to control them and
to subject their inherent manhood rights
to its assumptions of money privilege.
And on this issue of popular govern
ment against plutocratic government
(Trover Cleveland is once more at the
front of the Democratic party, challeng
ing the judgment of every enlightened
American on the justice of its cause.—
St. Louis Republic.
A Cluiuce for Cheap Labor.
Edward Bedloe, United States consul j
to China, says there is a great field in
China for American manufacturers.
The Chinese, ho says, need cheaper ma
chines and better tools. No doubt hun
dreds of our manufacturers will em
brace this opportunity to get the cheapest
labor in the world. But somehow in
the past the high wage countries have
done the manufacturing for the low
wage countries, and high jiriced labor
has been the cheapest. But perhaps
manufacturers have been mistaken for
several hundred years and are just now
about to open their eyes and to reap un
told fortunes from the employment of
Chinese at ten or fifteen cents per day
to take the place of the one dollar per
day European or the #1.50 per day
American labor. We will see!
A Good Protectionist.
"Yes. Free trade is all right in the
ory, hut. yon see, onr workingmen must
have protection against the paujier la
bor of Europe," and in the establish
ment which he managed all the grown
persons were foreigners and the ma
chines were tended by the children of
American jiarento.—Bt. Louis Courier.
HACKETT'S CIRCULAR.
Honent Newspapers Denounce the Re
publican Scheme Tor Bribing Voters.
Mr. Harrison perhaps is not responsi
ble for Hackett's doings, but be must 1)6
aware of this scandalous direction in
which his campaign is being moved,
and he can put a stop to it if he will.
He knows that with the enormous sums
of money fried out of the protected
manufacturers in 1888 more was done
to debauch the franchise and under
mine the foundation of a free govern
ment than can repeatedly be endured
with any safety to the nation. Presi
dent Harrison cannot afford again to be
an accessory, before or after the fact, ill
such a crime against government and
society as was openly committed by tilt
Republican managers and openly boast
ed of by them in 1888.—Springfield Re
publican.
A MERE BEATING OP TOMTOMS.
The chief significance of the exposurt
is that it is a confession on the part oi
the Republican managers thus early it
the campaign that their only hope oi
success lies in bribery. All loud swell
ing pretensions that President Harrisor,
is to be re-elected as the result of a
campaign of education go for nothing ir,
the light of the revelation afforded by
the publication of the Hackett circular
The so called campaign of education is
to bo a mere beating of tomtoms, while
Hackett and his agents with "the abil
ity to keep a secret" are purchasing the
venal voters with the golden stream fur
nislied by the protected manufacturer.—
Philadelphia Times.
A "BLOCKS OP ONE" SCHEME.
Chairman Hackett explains that he
was after Democratic names for the dis
tribution of campaign documents. That
makes the import of the circular all the
more clear. Does it require "an exer
cise of discretion and the ability to keep
a secret" to get numes to which to ad
dress campaign literature? It is simply
a blocks of one edition of Dudley's noto
rious blocks of five circular of 1888.
Hackett is getting up in New York
such a "list" as Dudley worked up in
Indiana.—Springfield Republican.
ARRANGING POR SYSTEMATIC BRIBERY.
Chairman Hackett says that he mere
ly wants the names of Democrats tc
whom circulars and documents may hi
sent. The plausibility of this explana
tion is smashed into bits by the injunc
tions of discretion and secrecy contained
in this "confidential" circular. Repub
licans, those of you who are honest und
candid, do you approve of this palpable
attempt to arrange for systematic brib
ery? Does it indicate a clean election oi
a clean administration by the Repub
lican leaders who'are striving to benefit
by it?— New-burg Register.
HACKETT'S GREATEST SIN.
It is reported that the publication of
the circular has caused consternation at
all the Republican headquarters. Talk
about removing Hackett from the chair
manship of the state executive commit
tee has already begun. His greatest
sin in the eyes of the Republican man
agers is that ho was found out.—Syra
cuse Courier.
AN ILL ADVISED CIRCULAR.
The only fault charged to Mr. Hackett
is the careless way- he did his work. The
desperate fight the Republicans are mak
ing in the hopeless cause of carrying
New York state could not he better
shown than in Chairman Hackett's ill
advised circular.—Pittsburg Post.
BLOCKS OF FIVE TACTICS REPEATED.
What do Republicans who are op
posed to corruption of the ballot box
think of the adoption in New York by
their state committee of Dudley's "blocks
of five" tactics in Indiana four years ago!
—Rochester Union.
The llepuhliean Kingbird, Destroyer of
Other Illrdit' K|fgH,
—Boston Post.
The ForeinoMt Democrat.
Wo do not overrate the importanco of
the document when we say that Mr.
Cleveland's letter of acceptance will be
read,with greater popular interest than
any public document that has appeared
since his historic tariff message. His
presentation and interpretation of issues
will be generally received as a more
commanding and conclusive index to the
government policy during the next four
years than the platform itself. Whether
wise or otherwise, a mighty American
constituency look to Grover Cleveland
for political inspiration and direction.
Like Jefferson, Jackson and Tilden in
their day, Mr. Cleveland is regarded as
the foremost expounder of Democratic
doctrine.—Troy (N. Y.) Press.
A Queer Sort of Convert.
Republican organs are exulting over
-the news that Mr. Powderly has come
out for Harrison, claiming him as a new
convert. Mr. Powderly has always
been an extreme protectionist. He de
clared at a meeting at Cooper institute
in New York that if there were a hair in
his head that was not for protection he
would pluck it out. Mr. Powderly is
better understood among workingmen
than Republican organs appreciate.
They are welcome to him as a convert.—
Chicago Times.
Kill tlie Iniquitous Puree Bill.
The force bill is the livest issue the
Republicans have, but it is temporarily
put under cover by the cowardly Repub
lican press for fear its unpopularity will j
lose votes for Harrison in Novemlier.
All patriots who have faith in the bless
ings of peace and believe in the sov
ereignty of the people and the freedom
of our institutions should keep the issue
prominently in sight and kill the force
MlL—Toledo Bee.
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Advertise in the TBIBUNK.
What is the Electropoise?
and What Will it Do?
The Electropoise has been in llM<> for four
.veins, and is well known in some sections of
the United States, but there are a great many
sufferers that have never heard the name.
Those that have heard of it ami seen something
of its wonderful power, are curious to know
how an instrument so small and so simple can
accomplish cures so great. Now, while the
Electropoise is very wonderful, it is not at ail
mysterious. Its operation falls in with what,
we know of si ienee and any one at ail familiar
with the simplest facts of biology and Physics
can understand.
HOW IT OI'EKATKS.-The way in which
the Electropoise acuomplishes its cures is very
simple and uatural. It consists of a polarizer,
which is connected by a woven wire eord with
a small plate and garter. This polarizer is Im
mersed In eold water, or put on iee. The plate
at the other end of the eord is attached to the
warm body of the patient, generally at the
unkln. From the inherent nature of this
polarizer it becomes ncyatlrclu churned, lly
the well-known laws of induction, the plate,
and with it the body of the patient, becomes
pnsltimln charged. The body thereby becomes
a centre of attraction for negative bodies.
Oxygen is the most negative form of matter in
nature. Hence the body, bathed in the atmos
phere, drinks in the life-giving oxygen at
every pore. Every process of lite is thereby
quickened. Tho temperature rises; the pulse
throbs with a I idler beat; the skin tingles with
new life; every organ acts with renewed vigor,
and the effete poisonous products of tho body
are thrown off with ease.
That quickened change of matter which
oxygen produces throughout the system, is
accompanied by a largely increased genesis of
Nerve Force. Organs half dead and stag
nant are born again, ami begin to perform their
wonted functions. The heart, the lungs, the
liver, the organs of the external senses, the
organs of reproduction all these throw off
their derangement ami weakness, and even the
disordered intellect is ofttiiucs rcciithroned.
Where disease has not already made too great
ravages, restoration to perfect health is in
evitable. The Electropoise is generally used
at night While the patient is asleep, but may lie
applied, ot course, at any time, and to several
persons during the twenty-four hours It will
last a life-time, never wears out nor loses its
strength, m \ or needs mending nor recharging.
One in each family will render that familv
largely independent of doc tors and druggists,
save every ycarmauy times its
NOT AN ELECTRMAL APPLIANCE.
-The Electropoise is not in any way akle to
the numerous electrical appliances, such as
lulls, insoles, corsets, sliiehls, ,v „ palmed off
upon the public. It lias no method of generat
ing a eurront, nor means of conducting one.
It acts upon well-known biological principles,
and is hcurtily endorsed hv mnnv ot the best
physicians in this and other countries, and is
daily used by tliem in their practice. It is pro
nounced by thorn the greatest discovery in tho
history of medicine, in that it does away with
the use of medicines.
DIRECTIONS FDR USING. Accompany
ing each instrument is a book of instructions
fully explaining its uses. Its method of cure is
so simple and tree from danger, that the un
initiated and even children can use it with per
fect case and success.
Editorial in Jloston Chi'isllan Witness and Ad
vocate of llililc Holiness, September 3, 1HHI:
"A method of treatment of disease without
tho use of any medicines or drugs, which lias
been quietly extending itself over all parts of
the 1 nited States during the past three years
with very gratifying results.
We are slow to commend new discoveries ol'
any kind, fur the reason that so many of them
prove to lie worthless. Hut we can commcml
the Electropoise as a safe and effective health
restorer. We do not pretend to explain the
philosophy of its workings, hut, having realiz
ed its beneficial effects, we can speak of its re
sults. About one year ago we recommended it.
to Bro. 1. 1). Ware, of i'ldladelphia. for his son,
who was a great sufferer from Sciatica, lie
had sought relief in various ways and found
none. He was almost helpless, and rapidlv de
clining. The use of the Electropoise restored
him to perfect health, and now, after neaiiv a
year, lie is rejoicing as one who has found great
spoil. We have seen testimonials of most re
markable euros. This notice of the Electro
poise is without solicitation, and entirelv gra
tuitous. We do it for the good of the afflicted.
We have no personal interest in it, and are not
paid for what we say in its favor."
The following editorial in < 'idnd Methodist,
t'atlettsburg, Ky., was written bv Xcphaniah
Meek, l>. I)., editor:
"Unless about ten thousand men, mainly pro
fessional men, lawyers, doctors, editors, preach
ers, and all other classes, including the writer,
are very much mistaken, the Electropoise el
leets cures and gives relief where all other
known remedies have failed. Especially is it
efficacious in the case of delicate women and
feeble children. I have used one for the past
two years, and iind it invaluable as a curative
agent."
Names ol' prominent people in all sections of
the L T . S. generally can be 1 urnished on appli
cation. Our cures cover all parts of the United
States and Europe. Over '•< 1,001) people have
been treated with the most gratifying results.
In the large niujority of ruses the cures have
been speedy, but our elaims are modest, and in
long-standing, chronic eases you cannot expect
speedy cures. We positively'refuse to sell tho
Electropoise in hopeless cases.
For book ot testimonials or for any informa
tion, send stamp or call at
Electropoise Treatment Company,
1341 Areli Street,
I'll 11.A DEI.I'll lA, I'A.
us. p. MCDONALD.
Centre and South Streets.
Dry Goods, Dress Goods,
Notions,
Furniture, Carpets, Etc.
I II Ihsufficient 111 statu our stark thrnuKhout
is the most complete to be found in the region.
We invite you to call and Judge for yourselves.
>\ <• will compare prices with any dealer in the
same line of goods in Luzerne count v. Try us
when in need of any ol the above articles, and
especially when you want
LADIES', GENTS' AND CHILDREN'S
BOOTS and SHOES.
In every department we offer unparalleled
inducements to buyers in the way of nigh class
goods of quality beyond question, and to those
we add unlimited variety in all new novelties
and the strong inducements of low prices by
which we shall demonstrate that tlie cheapest,
as well as the choicest stock, is that now for
sale by
J. P. MCDONALD.
TirMroisr-sr,
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Geo.Ringler&Co.'s
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Put in patent sealed bottles
here on the premises. Goods
delivered in any quantity,
and to any part of the coun
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FREELAND BOTTLING WORKS,
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