REPUBLICAN PARTY AND
RE80URCEJDJSERVATI0N
Present Administration Origin
ated Policy Destined to Be
Productive of Great Good
to Country's Home y
Builders.
MR. TAFT IN FULL SYMPATHY
lie Is the Great American Who Typi
fies the Independence nnd the
Constructive Genius of American
Home Owners Future Potent
Willi Still Grander Undertakings
if Republicans Can Continue
Their Constructive Regime.
An extremely important feature of
the constructive Republican policy Is
the national move for the conserva
tion of the natural resources of tho
country. This measure has been
originated by tho present Republican
Administration and, like the Home
stead law. the National Irrigation act.
and other measures for the benefit of
:he whole people. Its Influence Is des
tined to be far reaching and produc
tive of great good to the home build
ers of the country.
The National Conservailon Com
mission as It exists to-day is an out
growth of the Inland Waterways
Commission this commission was
appointed by President Roosevelt in
March, 1007. In his letter creating
the Waterways Commission the Pres
ident uses this language: "That the
Inland Waterways Commission shall
ponsider tho relations of the streams
to the use of all the permanent nat
ural resources and their conservation
for the making and maintenance of
prosperous homes."
Home Building For the People.
The inquiries of the commission
along the lines Indicated led to the
proposal of th' President on October
.T that lie call a conference on the
general pnbiect of the conservation of
the nationn I resources of the nation.
Among olh-r reasons mentioned for
this movement their letter to tho
President stated: "Hitherto our na
tional polhv has been one of almost
unrestricted disposal of natural re
sources, ami this in more lavish meas
ure than in any other nation in the
world's M-.tn:y. and this policy of the
Federal Government has been shared
by the constituent States. Three
consonuojipop have ensued: First, un
precedented eoniuniption of natural
resources; second, exhaustion 01
these lesources to the extent that a
largo part of our a-ailable public
lands have passed into great estates
or corporate interests, our forests are
fo far depleted as to multiply the
post of forest products, and our sup
JTplies of coal mid:' iron ore are so far
reduced as to enhance prices, and,
third, unequalled opportunity for
private monopoly, to the extent that
both the Federal and State sovereign
ties have" "been compelled to enact
laws for the protection of the people.
"We are of opinion that tho time
has come for considering the policy
of conserving these material resources
on which the permanent prosperity of
our country and the equal opportu
nity of all our people must depend;
we are also of opinion that the policy
of conservation is so marked an ad
vance on that policy adopted at the
outset of our national career as to
demand the consideration of both
Federal and State sponsors for the
welfare of the people.
The Constructive Lcaveii-nt Work,
In his address before the Lakes-to-
the-Gulf Deep Waterways Association
at Memphis President Roosevelt an-
, nounccd his intention of calling such
a conference, and on November 13 he
.issued invitations to the Governors of
all States and Territories to meet at
tho White House May 13-15, 190S.
In this letter he said: "Recently I
declared there is no other question
now before the nation of equal grav
Ity with the question of tho conserva
tion of our natural resources, and I
added that it is the plain duty of us
who fos the moment are responsible
to take inventory of the natural re
sources which have been handed
down to us to forecast tho needs of
the future and so handle the great
sources of our prosperity as not to de
stroy in advance all hope of the pros
perity ol our descendants.
t. This conference was held, Presi
Ment Roosevelt presided and the
practical conservation work was
properly launched,
Taft to Direct the Work.
Mr. Taft is in thorough symnathv
with this movement to build more
homes for the people and to make
them more attractive. He is the
great American who typifies the inde
pendence ana the constructive genius
of the American home builder. There
is an Innate desire in the heart of the
Anglo-Saxon American to own
home. Mr. Taft recognizes the inher
ent yearning of the common people
apparent on every page of history to
own In fee simple some portion of the
earth. The desire is as keen to-day
as It ever was. Of all our wealth
producing class the farmer needs a
home most. He must have land. He
should by all means own it. His
tarm need not bo so large as some
luppose, but it should belong to the
'armer, not to someone else. This is
lot only self-evldtnt because of the
idvantage to the armer, but because
af Its advantages to the nation at
large. It Is tho cornerstone of our
natlona llfe 11 lles at the root of
all true patriotism and all social Im
provement and content.
Give a man a home upon the soil
and you have made him a patriot
who will defend your institutions at
tho ballot box or on tho battlefield.
Mr. Taft proposes to open the door to
our vast natural resources with tho
Republican key of national conserva
tion. This is a most hopeful augury
of the future. When Unpeople have
easy access to tho land wid can fully
utilize our groat natural resources
most of our other troubles will settle
themselves. The property ownor Is a
conservative man who loves his fam
ily and his country. Let tho property
owners he as numerous as possible.
Lot the good work of home making
continue under Taft and Sherman.
The Future Growing (brighter.
Wo are entering upon a new nnd
momentous era that culls for the
highest qualities of constructive
statesmanship such as Taft has fo
impressively demonstrated he pos
sesses. This revelation to otir people
of the wealth at their very doors Is
characteristic of the watchfulness of
the Republican party, and the work
must be firmly and Intelligently di
rected to reach Its hlchett possibili
ties to the citizen. e are planning
not only for ourselves but for future
generations. We are the forefathers
of a mighty future in a mighty land,
if we are canal to our duties and op-
portunltles wo will make homes west
01 uic .Mississippi mver lor a nun-
dred million of the freest men nnd
women who ever walked tho earth.
Wo are living In an age of mighty
achievements. The great projects
and constructive work for irrigation
in the arid regipn. the Panama Canal,
the New York subway and the other
mammoth projects will soon stand
as completed monuments to the con- j
structivo genius of our peoplo and i
this age. The future Is potent with
still grander undertakings, which
will in a few brief years, under Re
publican direction, stand as accom
plished facts.
BRYAN WAS TOO MODEST.
In the course of his address before
the Lakes-to-Gulf Waterway Associa
tion in Chicago, October 8, Mr.
Bryan, while heartily approving the
project under consideration, stated
that he had no plan to offer by which
to raise the money required for the
construction of the proposed canal.
On this occasion as on so many oth
ers Mr. Bryan again displayed the
extreme modesty and lack of self
confidence which have characterized
his public utterances.
It would be a ridiculous and inex
cusable blunder to assume that, be
cause he offered no plan for financing
the canal project, therefore Mr.
Bryan had no plan or that he could
devise none. As a matter ot lact
plans are Mr. Bryan's specialty. He
can supply them in bulk on an hour's"
notice, and if there is anything, from
exterminating potato bugs to amend
ing the Federal Constitution, for
which he hasn't a neat hand-made
plan ready in stock, it is simply be
cause the matter has never been
brought to his attention.
Mr. Bryan proposed no canal plan
solely for tho reason that he was not
asked to do so. If he had been he
could have pulled a plan out of his
coattail pocket in full view of tho au
dience aud without the aid of a con
federate. Mr. Bryan holds that money Is
created by law. Therefore, accord
ing to his philosophy, if $500,000,
000 is needed to construct a canal
between tho great lakes and the
Gulf all that is required is merely an
act of Congress creating that amount
of additional money and turning it
over to the canal builders. Tho
thing is as easy as rolling off a log.
Mr. Bryan in 1S9G wanted the
Government to go Into tho business
of creating money by flat. He ear
nestly assured the peoplo that Con
gress, by a single brier enactment,
could make silver bullion worth
$1.29 an ounce everywhere in tho
world and maintain the price at that
level ' forever. He has never quite
understood why the peoplo rejected
his plan to make them and the Gov
ernment rich merely by an exercise
of legislative authority.
If Mr. Bryan wero President and
the canal builders needed money he
could show them how to get it. He
might, however, take a short cut and
propose to build the canal itself by
flat instead of building It with flat
made money, Mr. Bryan's plans are
marvelously flexible, and he controls
more than fifty per cent, of the entire
output.
FROM SECRETARY ROOT'S SAR
ATOGA SPEECH.
The proposition of the Democratic
platform to require all national banks
to guarantee the payment of deposits
by all other national banks is another
patent financial nostrum, advertised
to catch the fancy of the multitude,
and it should be suppressed under
the pure food law until It Is correctly
labeled "a measure to compel legiti
mate business to bear the risks of
speculation."
WATTERSON'STRIBUTETOBRYAN
Colonel Henry Watterson's speech
hi Louisville on the night of October
S. which he announces will bo his
only public utterance during the cam
paign, Is interesting for two particu
lar reasons. The first Is its scant ref
erence to William Jennings Bryan,
nnd the second its abundant assur
ance that Colonel Watterson's heart
still beats warmly for his native land.
Try a sample of bin rhetoric:
"31 y fsllh Is et strong in the free.
born snirlt of American manhood. I
believe that the American voters will
rise in defense of American principles
and precedents, Hint they will udmln-
ister overwhelming rebuke to these
perversions of their institutional sys-
lem
After that Inspiring utterance there
can be no doubt as to where the griz
zled DcmosthPiies of the Blue Grass
stands. He Is solid for the old flag
and an appropriation, .If eeded.
Moreover, in spite of his omission
of any extensive mention of William
Jennings Bryan, his estimate of that
gentleman Is known of all men and
Is on record in plnin black and white.
Tho general character of Colonel Wat
terson's estimate cf the Nebraska
politic -,n may be snfllclently indi
cated by a few selected phrases:
Hryan is a boy orator, lie is a dis-
THE TAFT RECORD,
tinguished dodger. .He is a daring
adventurer. He is a political fakir.
Bryan is only Tillman in better
English. He is nothing but a Popu
list in doctrine and practice.
It is Bryan and Populism, Bryan
nnd Repudiation, Bryan and Riot,
Bryan and Ruin. The throe IPs of
Bryan's campaign seem to be Repu
diation, Riot and Ruin.
The flag that flonts over the name
of Bryan is the flag of pirates. It is
the flag of Socialists and Anarchists
rather than the flag of Democrats.
There is nothing equivocal about
that testimony. It is as plain as a
pink wart on a pale face. There is
more of it, lots more, in the editorial
columns of Colonel Watterson's great
newspaper, but this is one of those
cases in which quite enough is en
tirely sufficient.
Colonel Watterson is supporting
Mr. Bryan this year more or less fer
vidly. But in a spirit of selfishness
most unusual with him he refuses to
explain whether he is doing so be
cause of his estimate of Mr. Bryan or
in spite of it.
HELPS THE WAGE Ef RNER
The Republican party has created
labor bureaus in twenty-six Republi
can States; has created factory in
spection services in twenty-three Re
publican States; has provided free
employment bureaus in thirteen Re
publican States; has provided boards
of conciliation and arbitration in
eighteen Republican States; has pro
hibited the employment of children
under fourteen years in twenty-three
Republican States; has limited hours
of work for children in twenty-four
Republican States; has restricted em
ployment of children of school age in
twenty-six Republican States; has
prohibited night work for children in
eighteen Republican States; has pro
hibited dangerous employment for
children in twelve Republican States.
It has also limited tho laboring
hours of women in fifteen States; reg
ulated sweatshops in ten States; re
quired wages to bo paid weekly, fort
nightly or monthly In seventeen
States; protected members of labor
organizations in fourteen States, and
protected the union label in twenty
eight States.
Any party that has done as much
as that deserves the worklngmen's
votes and we therefore urgo our coun
trymen to vote for Taft and Sherman,
tho Republican candidates for Presi
dent and Vice-President! who are
pledged to continue tho work of .the
party which has been so well main
tained. Not many men have a chance to
decline a seat on the Supreme Court
bench. Mr. Taft did it twice. It was
when he was' Governor of tho Philip
pines. President Roosevelt insisted.
Mr. Taft pleaded that tho Filipinos
needed him more than ho did tho
Supremo Court Justiceship, and that
his departure from tho islands might
bring a revolt. Tho President let him
have his way.
r
There Is so much music in the air
that you can't hear the Democratic
harmony.
MR. TAFT'S ENTRY INTO POLITICS
it Inhered in Mr. Taft thnt ho
should not shrink even the less at-
tractive, to mm, duties or citizensnip. Jennings Bryan said:
He was in politics in Cincinnati be- I "I desire to express to the orgnn
fore ho had finished his law course. , Izcd labor of this city my grateful np
The Mount Auburn districts were the i prcrlatioii of the gift which they have
lists In which he first broki a lance presented. It Is n gold pen with n
for clean politics and good govern- silver holder, and If I shall be elected
ment, for the preservation of tho In-. to In Chief Executive of this Nation
togrity of tho ballot and for the en- that pen nnd holder shull be used to
forcement of tho election laws. He i sign h. five coinage bill at the earliest
went lino it neart anu soui, aim ne
bruised knuckles and lost his temper
in fighting for the cause. He went.
about It in this way, to quote from a
lecture he delivered at Vale: "The j
graduate will spend as .n ;ch time as
ho can in learning the local situation,
in becoming acquainted with the pre
cinct and ward leaders, in consulting
them as far as he can, in making him
self acquainted, not only with the
well to do and well educated persons
In his precinct and ward, but also
with the laborers, the artisans, tho
storekeepers, the saloonkeepers, in
order, that lie may understand the
controlling influences in the primaries
and elections of that precinct and
ward."
Mr. Taft's bulk and strength made
him an impressive and a useful figure
as a watclier at the polling places
overseen by certain gentlemen who
did not scruple to bring tin? tally to
measure up to their notions of what
they thought it should be, either by
force of arms or taking liberties with
the ballot box.
A blacksmith, as big as Mr. Taft,
was complained against during a cer
tain election for his bullying tactics in
behalf of tho gangsters. Mr. Taft had
the man pointed out to him. He
strode to meet the fellow, who will
ingly enough advanced half way.
Taft's right fist was abruptly removed
from where it was hanging by his
side to a point directly under the
blacksmith's left ear. The black
smith immediately sought a reclin
ing posture on the ground, and as his
friends dragged him away, Mr. Taft
dusted off his hands and remarked:
"Now, let's see what the trouble is
here!" Two or three little instances
of this sort of militant good citizen
ship brought a measure of prestige
to him and aided In inculcating the
lesson in good government which the
young law student was zealously try
ing to teach.
MR. TAFT AS A NEWSPAPER MAN
When he left Yale there were still
steps to be taken to complete tho
mental equipment of Mr. Taft with
that education which, as he has said
of a student, should be "as thorough
and as useful as he himself wishes to
make it." Judge Taft, his father,
notwithstanding his commanding so
cial and professional position, was
not a man of large means. William
had to go to work. It was rather
necessary that ho should in order to
foot tho cost of his legal training,
which he began immediately in the
Cincinnati Law School. To quote
him again there was "that spur of
necessity to enter upon a life of work
without the temptation to lack of ef
fort and idleness which a competency
always creates."
With his disposition there was no
risk that however amply endowed
with wealth Mr. Taft would ever have
been a dawdler, a waster of time and
opportunity. But he had to go to
work, he needed tho money. So he
got a job as reporter on the Times
Star, of Cincinnati. Tho courts
was his assignment. He went tho
rounds for the Times-Star for nearly
a year. Ho-was a good reporter, too;
so good, in fact, that his work at
tracted tho attention of Murat Hal
stead, then editor of the Commercial
Gazette, who dangled a lure before
his eyes in the shape of an offer of
$25 a week. William tools it.
Tho chance this experience gave
him to study and understand the
psychology of a newspaper man's
mind and tho fundamentals of the
profession of collecting, writing and
printing news accounts in good part
for tho excellent terms upon which
Mr. Taft, tho public officer, and news
paper men always have stood. Ho
understands them. He tells them no
lies, deals out no evasions. Ho trusts
them and they know they can trust
him Implicitly.
It was not necessary for the Presi
dent to go on the stump to put ginger
Into the campaign,
4 ,k
MR. BRYAN'S UNUSED PEN.
Addressing a political meeting In
St. Paul October 10, 189G, William
possmir- moment."
When Mr. Bryan made that remark
whether it was a promise or n
threat does not matter the country
was suffering from the greatest in
dustrlal depression it has ever known.
Hundreds of mills nnd factories were
idle, a still larger number were run
ning on half or quarter time, hun
dreds of thousands of employes were
idle, and those still employed wero
working for starvation wages'.
The pirture is not overdrawn. Mr.
Bryan himself will admit- its general
accuracy, and his friend, Mr. Samuel
Gompers, president of the American
Federation of Labor, stated at tho
time that there were then more than
3,000,000 idle workmen in the Uni
ted States.
To these suffering toilers and their
less uniortunate nretiiren still em
ployed, but at niggardly wages, Mr,
Bryan appeared with what he de
scribed as a sure .cure for their dis
tress. But he made an entirely erro
neous diagnosis of the case. He
asked the people to believe that their
hardships were all duo to our mone
tary system, and that if they would
allow him to tinker it after his own
notions the mills would resume, there
would be plenty of work and high
pay and the country would fairly
wallow in prosperity. Some of the
people but fortunately only a few,
comparatively speaking believed
him, and it was that belief which
prompted the presentation to him of
the bimetallic pen in St. Paul. Thanks
to the saving common senso of the
people, that pen remains unusued to
this day.
Had Mr. Bryan been entirely frank
in 1896 he would have explained to
the workingmen that the grinding
hardship which then beset them was
due, not to anything whatever in our
monetary system, but entirely and
directly to the iniquitous Wilson
Gorman tariff act which he himself
had helped to place on the statute
books two years before. His pre
tense that tho industrial distress
which overspread the country at that
time was due to tho gold standard
was the shifty attempt of a political
trickster to dodge tho responsibility
for the effects of a law which he
helped to enact. The people saw
through it, and the trickster was in
gloriously defeated.
Tho principle of free trade which
Mr. Bryan was instrumental in plac
ing in operation by means of the
Wilson-Gorman act of 1894 is one of
the bases of the Bryan campaign of
1908. He misrepresents conditions
and their causes now just as he did
twelve years ago, and brazenly pro
poses as a cure for existing ills the
very nostrum which produced them
in aggravated form when his party
was last in power. That his campaign
of falso pretense should succeed is
possible only on tho Insolent assump
tion that public intelligence 1ms
moved backward, not forward, since
his last attempt to fool tho people.
WOMEN VOTERS FOR TAFT.
Tho women in the States where
women vote do not have a party of
tneir own, with a Joseph's coat plat
form of everything all the nice worn.
en think ought to go in it not at
all, lhoy line up on tho RepuDlican
and tho Democratic sides and. fight
fair in the regular way. The third
parties do not appeal much to wom
en somehow. Even the Prohibition
party Js not strong in the woman suf
frage States as compared to others
and considering tho fact that women
do voto. Tho State committees of
both great parties have their women
chairmen and committees and all
work together with great ease. Tho
Republicans will get the major part
of tho woman voto this year. One
woman gavo a reason the other day
perhaps it wasn't a good reason,
but it may have some weight, too.
She said: "Bryan Is too great an
usurper of woman's great privilege
. to talk all the time we don't like
it."
OLD BILL TAFT.
lly REV. 111. J. .BOATMAN.
(Tune: America.)
For leader strong and (treat
To man the ship of State
Both fore nnd nft; ,
.To guide where breakers roar,
To safely land our store,
To quiet nil upro.ir.
There's Old Bill Taft.
To White House there to stay
And Bryan send nway
Upon n raft;
To do an Teddy did,
What all our people bid,
For mun upon the lid,
There's Old Bill Taft.
To do what's good nnd just,
Kit ike down the evil trust,
And all of graft;
To keen our money pure
And plenty, too, and sure,
The hard. times only cure.
There's Old Bill Taft.
Jleform his flag unfurls,
Againstjall evil hurls
Unerring sl'aft;
Then let our trumpets blare
"He's alupys on the square
At home and everywhere,
Ik Old Bill taft."
Fullcrton, Cal September, 190S.
Copyright applied lor.
xxxxxxx-x xxxxxxx
A Labor Leader Writes
a Remarkable Letter to
His Brother Workers,Stat-ingWithConvincing'Frank-ness
How Injudicious It
is For the Head of a Union
to Give Advice Along Poli
tical Lines.
Onicinl Circulnr.l
Indianapolis, Ind., Oct. 7, 1008.
lo I he Ollicurs and Members
United Mine Workers of
America:
Greeting We nre In the midst
of a political campaign. Ever'
method known to political man
agers will be used to secure
votes for their respective candi
dates. Tills is especially true In
the attempt to obtain expres
sions from those holding ollicial
positions in labor unions.
1 am in receipt of hundreds of
letters from men 6f all shades
of political beliefs and from all
parts of the United States ask
ing for my .opinion of the differ
ent candidates or my views upon
the issues involved in the po
litical campaign.
The United Mine Workers did
X
not elect me international presi
dent to influence your political
preferences or how you should
cast your vote on election day.
You. have elected me to direct
tlie affairs of tlie United Mine
Workers. The success of the
United Mine Workers and the
welfare of its members have and
X
X
will receive njy ilrst and only
consideration us long as 1 have
x the honor of representing you.
x I nni not responsible for in
x tervlews appearing in the news-
fc. papers, alleged. to be from me,
y thnt 1 favor any particular can
didatc. 1 have declined to ex
press or to give nny statement
politically for or against any
x candidate or issue, nor do I in-
tend to do so. This letter will
be my answer to all who ask
me for any advice along po
x liticnl lines.
I have the honor to represent
an organization of nearly 300,- x
x OOO members of every known x
nationality and different polit- x
x leal views. Wo have among x
x our members Prohibitionists, x
x Populists, Independents, So
x ciallsts, Democrats and Repub
x Ucans. From what I know of
x our members you arc fully com
x petent to decide for yourselves
x how yon will vote on election
x day.
x All my time is required to
x look after the interests of tlie
x United Mine Workers. Those
x interested in the subject mutter
x of this letter will please refrain
x from writing me in connection
x with politics if they hope to get
x an answer.
x The United Mine Workers as
x an organization has been in cx
x istence for many years before
x this political campaign, and we
x nil wish that it may live many
x years after the present cam
x 1'iiign has passed into history
x anu until ever' wrong of which
x tho miner complains is honor
x ably adjusted. Yours fraternal
x ly and for harmony,
x T. L. LEWIS,
x President U. M. W. of A.
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
WHY MR. TAFT FOUGHT.
Old-time friends of Mr. Taft sfcy
that as a boy he was a boy all over.
Zestful for play, he was no less faith
ful to work when It had to be done.
He worked hard and played hard.
Blessed with a brain as big and ca
pable as the huge, but not clumsy,
body thnt serves him so well, ho took
to books with tho same quality of en
thusiasm as that with which ho de
ployed bis forces in a stone or applo
fight with the Taylortown gang
boys who lived in a section adjoining
Mount Auburn in Cincinnati or
bent his footsteps toward tho swim
ming hole when school was out and
tasks were done.
Those fights with the Taylortown
gang were pretty strenuous for ama
teur affairs, too. They were a legiti
mate heritage handed down to Will
and his contemporaries from the boya
who had preceded them. Judgo Taft
called Will in one day and began a
cross-examination into the reasons
why the Mount Auburn boys and tho
Taylortown gang periodically
"rocked" each other.
"What is all this fighting about?"
ho asked.
"Oh," replied Will, "I don't know
exactly, only wo'vo always fought
those fellowR."
"But why?" persisted tho Judge.
"What reason havo you for fighting
them?"
"I don't know," was the response,
"only wo'vo got to, that's all. Char
ley und Peter (his half brothers) al
ways did, and somehow it seemB natural."