i
SUPPLEMENT TO
The Citizen,
. HONESDALK,
BRYAN AND LINCOLN.
While the grotesque something
styled "Imperialism" lg Included In
the rich and varied assortment of
freak Issues which Mr. Bryan offers
to his countrymen this year, he Is not
urging It quite so vehemently as ho
did In 1D0O. In the campaign of that
year he cheerfully assured his hear
ers that It was actually a live Issue, a
menace to free Institutions, and could
bo overcome only by electing him to
the Presidency. Ho declared, more
over, that If Jefferson, Jackson and
Lincoln were living they would rec
ognize the acquisition of the Philip
pines by the United States ns a step
toward "Imperialism" and would op
pose it with all their energy.
Jn his reckless zeal Mr. Bryan tried
to make It appear that Jefferson was
opposed to the very princlplo which
found expression in the Louisiana
Purchase.. Ho perverted the utter
ances of Jackson in a tricky attempt
to show that "Old Hickory" resisted
tho policy that led to the acquisition
of Florida. And finally ho deliber
ately misinterpreted the State papers
T""'Of Lincoln In an endeavor to show
that the Emancipator upheld the doc
trino that flip American Government
has no right to suppress a revolt
against Its own authority, and if he
were President at that tlnlc 1900
he would either withdraw tho United
States troops from the Philippines or
order them to surrender to Agulnnl
do, tho leader of tho Filipino insur
rection. Mr. Bryan's attempt to misrepre
sent the principles and purposes of
Lincoln wns tho prlzo blunder of the
ludicrous campaign of 1900. There
was ..then, and happily still Is, a
living son of Lincoln who, In distin
guished positions both public and
private, has disclosed many of the
rugged attributes of his martyred
sire. Mr. Bryan's perversions of Lin
coln's State papers were so flagrant
and so frequently repeated that Hon.
Robert T. Lincoln finally protested.
He publicly and with great Indigna
tion denounced "tho uses, inventions
and distortions" to which his father's
language had been subjected by the
Democratic nominee, and expressed
tho confident belief that the people
would judge them as they deserved.
How completely that belief was justi
fied at the polls is a matter of history.
To a man of fine sensibilities a re
buke liko that from such a source
vould have been a staggering blow
right hctwcpn tho eyes. Its effect
upon Mr. Bryan was far less impres
sive. Tho only lesson ho drew from
It 'was even if a man knows history
ho Is a fool to misquote it.
BRYAN AND PENSIONS.
f "
In denying what he declares to be
certain erroneous statements with re
spect to his attitude on the question
of pensions for veteran soldiers and
sailor, and their survivors, William
Jennings Bryan defines his position
in these general terms: "I favor a
liberal pension policy."
It Is needless to refer to Mr.
Bryan's record on the pension ques
tion. On this as on other issues
free trade alone excepted his record
is purely negative. His zealous sup
port of the Wilson-Gorman tariff was
in fact the only positive, aggressive
act of his career in Congress, and in
the history of the frightful industrial
ruin which that measure caused Mr.
Bryan's act is designated by a broad,
indelible mark iu black.
Nevertheless, while Mr. Bryan's
record on pensions is Insignificant
and negligible, the record of his party
is properly a matter for careful ex
amination. It may be outlined and
its tendency accurately indicated by
a few facts derived from official
sources.
During a single period of two years
under the administration of President
Cleveland 8694 pensioners were
stricken from the rolls and 23,702
pensions were reduced. In the course
of his two terms President Cleveland
vetoed 524 pension bills, while Presi
dent Grant during his two terms ve
toed only five. Lincoln never vetoed
one', nor did Haes, Garfield, Arthur,
Harrison or McKlnley.
It is worth while to carry the in
quiry a step further. The record in
Congress on fourteen important pen
sion measures prior to 1900 shows
that 417 Democrats voted for thoso
measures, while G4S Democrats voted
against them. On tho other hand,
10G8 Republicans supported them,
and not a single Republican was re
corded against them!
With thoso facts to guide them the
old soldiers will have no troublo
whatever In determining where their
interests lie in tho present campaign.
The Republican party, faithful to tho
nation's defenders in time of war,
has been their steadfast friend, and
protector in time of peace. As
against its honorable record in that
respect wo place tho reproachful fact
that the only Democrat to occupy the
White House since the Civil War ve
toed 624 pension bills while his
seven Republican predecessors vetoed
only five.
TAFT SPEECHES INSPIRE COXFI.
DENCE.
(From tho Brooklyn Eagle.)
Tho aggressive tone of Mr. Taft's
speeches will soon put Mr. Bryan
either upon a falling defensive or
will drive htm to an outburst of rad
icalism that will still further challenge
the apprehension and affright the
judgment of tho country. Tho
thoughtful jurist is playing tho mis
chief with the mercurial Bohemian,
and the man of Ohio who Inspires
confidence Is destroying tho vogue of
tho man of Nebraska, who inspires
only the reverse.
It is tho public interest, not tho in
terest of any single or separate "In
terest," that demands tho election of
Taft and Sherman, as well as. of a
Republican .Congress.
BILLY BRYAN.
By REV. 1IY. J. BOATMAN.
(No tunc.)
Billy Brynn. Billy Brynn,
Still n-tryin', mill n-tryin',
, Vainly tryin';
Thrice before us like a chorus,
Jackass chorus most uproarious,
Tried to floor us.
Billy Bryan, Billy Bryan.
Tar too high your kite a a-flyin'
Wind's n-layin';
Cease to mouth us, cease to mouth us,
Jackass discords don't affright us
Only rouse us.
Billy Bryan, Billy Bryan.
Vttinly cryin' like one dyin'
Calf a-flyin';
Once you'd give us halves for whole una
bilver dollars them sixteen una
lor .our gold uns. '
Billy Bryan, Billy Bryan,
Give up tryin', quit your tryin,
Call your Cry" in;
Once you hitched the ass and monkey.
Iov you d rule that poor old donkey-Played-out
donkey.
Billy Bryan, Billv Brvan,
l'orecs routed, forces llyiti',
Still you're tryin,;
Ptill you re plcadin' like a lover,
OR rejected for another,
Better brother.
Billy Bryan, Billy Ilrvan.
lourc n pood un, you're a lion
(Little chained un);
But your roariu' sounds too chaffy
'Deed it's dnflV-give us Tnft-v,
(ive us Tu:':.v
T.-A.-F.-..C
Pullcrton, Cnl.. Scomber, 1903.
Copyright applied for.
MR. TAFT AftD THE EDITOR.
When Mr. Taft was a young man
there was a scalawag of the name of
Rose running a miasmlc weekly paper
In Cincinnati. It was an unhealthy
sheet, given over to personal attacks,
the printing of scandalous gossip and
thinly veiled innuendo. Rose was a
fighting editor. Ho really could fight,
and he stood ready to back up his
articles with his fists. Also he con
sorted with bruisers, who constituted
a bodyguard. Thc town was lntim
idatedn His victims squirmed, but
none of them cared to join issue with
Rose.
Mr. Taft did it. Rose would have
been all right had he possessed suf
ficient wisdom to keep tho point of
his pen away from Judge Taft. But
he did not. So he was forced to take
tho consequences, which came In a
hurry in the shape of a substantial
apparition of 250 pounds, white-mad,
with locked jaws and a shimmer Hke
that of cold steel flashing from his
blue eyes. Rose weighed nearly as
much as Taft, so no advantage wns
taken of him.
"Are you Rose?" demanded Mr.
Taft. Rose barely had time to wag
his head affirmatively and insolently
when he was jolted severely on tho
Jaw, hurled fo the street, and, over
borne by the weight of tho Nemesis
from Mount Auburn, was forced to
submit to having his face literally
ground into the dirt. "If you'll leave
town to-night I'll let o up," offered
Mr. Taft, when the grinding process
had proceeded as far as. he deemed it
should. Rose promised. "Mind,"
cautioned Taft, "I am coming down
town again to-night, and if you're
still here you'll think that this thing
has only just begun."
Rose did leave that night, and Cin
cinnati saw him no more for a
term. He went somewhere to lead a
better life, and did it, so much so that
when he finally did return to the city
he felt impelled to hunt up Mr. Taft
and assure him that he harbored no
animosity. He also explained one or
two things.
"I knew there was trouble coming
my way when you asked me my
name," said Rose, "and I thought I
was ready for you. I was waiting for
you to hit, and then I was going to
eat you up because, you know, I could
fight some myself. But you fooled
me. You hit out with your left hand,
An amateur always strikes with his
right first, and I'd figured that you
wouldn't do anything different. But
over camo that left of yours and
caught mo."
They say that Mr. Taft's roars of
laughter as Rose offered this explana
tion could bo heard over half of Cin
cinnati. BRYAN CAN'T GET AWAY FROM
HIS SHADOW.
There is a famous story about- a
man who sold his shadow to the
devil, and was haunted through life
by the fact that he was different from
all others of human kind in being
without a shadow
Bryan is quite different from thd
hero, or victim, of that story. He
wants to get away from his shadow
the shadow of tho record he has made
as a champion of free sliver and a
fifty-cent dollar, of free trade and
abandonment of the Philippines, of
Government ownership of the rail
ways and other more or less disor
dered fads and fancies, which have
accumulated from campaign to cam
paign, until now they loom up as the
most remarkable aggregation of po
litical monstrosities that ever amazed
and appalled the American people.
Bryan cannot get away from the
shadow of his past, beat tho air as he
may. It Is part of him, and ho must
be judged by it as well, as by the
later vagaries which he would fain
have considered as his sole political
outfit. There is only one Bryrfn, and
his shadow will not be burled out of
sight until both Bryan and his past
shall be snowed under in November
by tho ballots of American freemen
electing Taft and Sherman President
and Vice-President of tho United
States. .
FROM SECRETARY ROOT'S SAR.
ATOGA SPEECH.
Mr. Bryan charges that tho Repub
lican party is responsible for tho
abuses of corporate wealth. As well
might ho charge that tho man who
plants cotton is responsible for tho
boll weevil, or that the man who
plants fruit trees is responsible for
tho San Jose scale.
Until the millennium has brought
the eradication of human selfishness
and greed, social abuses will come ac
cording to the shifting conditions of
the times.
Perhaps Senator Ballev could cast
a little oil on the troubled waters.
A JESTER WHO WOULD BE KING
"" Jim,i.M..,.wm,ii..t,.ii,n7 ...- ggtjgtiiiimrfr'"H""""iiif "'
1 I
LABOR MOVEMENT '
Daniel J. Keefe, Sixth Vice-President or the A. F, of
L., Insists That President Gompers Has Been Mis
represented, and Denies That Any Attempt Has
Been Made to Swing Labor Vote to Bryan.
TAFT A FRIEND
New York, October. "We insist that the labor movement
shall remain as free and independent from political domination ns it
has over been in its history." -
That sentence is the keynote to a statement made by Daniel J.
Kcefc, of Detroit, Mich'., president of the International Longshore
men, Marine and Transport Workers' Association, and sixth vice
president of the American Federation of Labor.
In his statement, which he made in answer to a query from the
editor of tho Buffalo Republic, Mr. Kecfc says:
"I desire to sny that the American Federation of Labor is not
committed to any political party, nor has any candidate for Presi
dent been indorsed by the executive council.
"I am of the belief that the general public does not fully un
derstand the position of the executive council of the American Fed
eration of Labor in the present campaign. The policy of the labor
movement is non-partisan, and is as follows:
" 'Wo desire to refute hero the aspersions that have been cast
upon the executive council, and particularly one of its members,
President Gompers, that it is our purpose, or his, to dictate to tho
working people of our country how they shall cast their votes in the
coming election, nor has any one promised the vote of tho working
people to any particular party. AVo have strongly, clearly and em
phatically, as it was our duty, presented tho situation in which the
working people of the country find themselves, the demands which
labor lias made upon both political parties as to necessary action,
which they should take, tho treatment they have received, and hnvo
appealed to the judgment nnd patriotism of the working people and
tho friends of labor throughout tho country, since both political
parties have spoken, to. make their choice as their conscience may
dictate.
" 'The misrepresentation of newspapers and others to the con
trary notwithstanding, we repeat and insist, and we have so con
ducted nnd propose to so conduct our course that the labor move
ment shnll remain as free, nnd independent from political domina
tion as it has ever been in its history.'
"Tlie foregoing docs not commit the American Federation of
Labor to nny political party, and is non-partisan, which permits
union men to vote for whom they may please for President nnd
other officers, without fear of criticism. All of which I heartily In
dorse. "Some of the members of the executive council of the Ameri
can Federation of Labor no doubt will support and vote for Mr.
Brynn, which is their individual right, I shall support and vote for
Mr. Taft, who was admitted to membership in tho International
Brotherhood of Steam Shovel and Dredge Men on acconnt of his
strong advocacy of the enforcement of the eight-hour luw on all
Government work coming under tho jurisdiction of the War De
partment, nnd if the eight-hour day did not become an established
fact in connection with dredge work it wns the fault of tho work
men, nnd not the fault of tho Secretary of War.
"I might add further that Mr. Tuft, as Secretary of War, has
done more to enforce laws in favor of organized Inbor than all Ills
predecessors.
SBOI
ase
WHEN THE ACTORS CAME TO YALE
During tho last reunion of Mr.
Taft's class In Yale some ono recalled
the advent into New Haven of
"Count" George Johannes, hlstrlon,
and his leading lady, "Virginia, so
tall and so fair." Tho Count was re
puted to bo an actor. Ho was strong
in Richard HI. Tho class of '78 took
him to its collective heart In tho role,
witnessing tho performance from a
block of reserved seats In tho front
of tho house. Thoy liked tho show,
particularly becauso tho Count's tin
armor provided a surpassing target
for beanBhooters. The '78 nion were
good shots, and tho Count that night
S NON-PASTISAN
OF LABORING MAN.
9S0SI
IGOB9
read his lines to tho nccompanlmont
of beans Impinging ugaimit his hel
met nnd cuirass hntil It sounded like
a professional rlflo shot ringing a
continuous tattoo of bull's-eyes. But
when tho boys carried their appre
ciation of artistic worth so far as to
endeavor to draw tho fair Virginia
to her lodgings in hor carrlago it re
quired tho arguments of the consta
bles to dissuade them.
Mr. Taft Is first, last and all tho
time a Yale man. His father lis four
brothers, himself and his bo i Robert
nro all Yale men and his' oungest
rnn f li '1 r Inn Tj I la , ' .
unnries J'., Jr., is go
when bo gets big enough.
WILLIAM H. TAFT'S FATHER.
Admirable Traits in the Parent of the
Republican Standard Bearer
Which Descended to Son.
Persistence, industry, justice, clear
slghtedness, all the inestimable lega
cies of birth handed down by Judge
Alphonso Taft to his son William,
wore dominant and determining qual
ities in the older Taft's own career.
Tho place of his natvity was a
farm near Townshend, Vt. The aus
tere, delving round of farm life of
move than a generation aso was his
portion until the voico within him,
tho innate hunger for knowledge, for
a progression, spoke and stirred him to
ambitions for an education, to a fut
ure living to be earned with his head,
rather than his hands. Tho Tafts
were folk In only moderate circum
stances. So Alphonso taught school
In winter, worked in the fields in
summer and saved up his money un
til he had enough to bridgo the hia
tus 'twixt income and outgo during a
course at Amherst. His plans were
deflected for some reason, and he
chose Yale for his alma mater in
stead. He was graduated in 1S33.
Another season of toll and saving
and he was financially equipped for
the course that turned him out a fin
ished lawyer in 1S38. Cincinnati, a
raw, unshaped town, with a problem
atical future, needed men like Al
phonso Taft in the fourth decade of
the last century. He settled there,
and his law office speedily became a
centre of legal and civic interests, in
which Judgo Taft invariably took a
commanding part.
An Intensely human man ho was.
"of imposing presence, dignity and
refinement," as has been written of
him," unostentatious, kindly and
gentle, yet of a strong and forcible
character, which won for him re
spect, confidence and love." Almost
Identically the same enumeration of
traits would serve for tho son. He
zealously championed the cause of
education, especially tho common
school system.
A pioneer In his sensing of what
means of land transportation meant
to Cincinnati, he strove to encourage
the building of railroads as a comple
ment to tho advantages of Cincin
nati. It wns ho who successfully ar
gued before the Supremo Court of
the United States tho claim of tho
city for the estate of Charles Mc
Micken, which was tho start of tho
endowment fund for tho University
of Cincinnati. Ho was Judge of tho
Superior Court of Ohio, as his son
was after him. and like him was also
Secretary of War and Attorney-General
of the United States under Pres
ident Grant. Later ho represented
nis country as
and Russia.
Minister to Austria
MR. TAFT REGISTERS.
The Republican Presidential candi
date shows ho is a good citizen by
going homo to register. Tho regis
tration place was In a plumbing shop.
Ho was catechised thus by the reg
istry clerk:
"How old are you?"
"Fifty-one."
"How many years have you lived In
the State of Ohio?"
"Fifty-one."
"How many In tho country?"
"Fifty-one."
"How many years In tho precinct?"
"Twelve."
"Married?"
"Yes."
Tho distinguished oitlzcn then
signed the registry book "Wm. How
ard Taft."
It is apparent that tho private cor
respondence of Judge Taft can stand
the sunlight of publicity.
Every subsequent fact las refuted
every economic theory ever advocated
by Bryan.
MR. TAFT AND THE
, ROOSEVELT POLICIES
President Roosevelt's Battle Won,
His Policies Have Reached
the Constructive Stage.
NO BACKWARD STEP POSSIBLE
President Mr. Tnft Will Re as
Loyal to the Roosevelt 10110108
ns the Noodle is to tho Polo
Under His Regime Will no Har
mony, Prosperity nnd n Long
Period of Development of En
terprise and of Xntionnl and In
dividual Progress.
When Washington gave up com
mand of tho army because there was
no more fighting to do, and turned
over, to others '.he continuance along
penceful lines of tho work which ho
had carried on amid the thunder of
cannon and by bayonet charges, it
was not pretended that there was any
change In tho purposes which actu
ated the American people or their
leaders. The aim of all was to es
tablish on an Indestructible footing
the Independence of the United States
and to make tho Republic united and
respected abroad and at home. When
hostilities ceased methods were
changed, but the policies were the
same, although they now assumed a
constructive form.
When President Roosevelt took the
stand that no person, no corporation,
was above tho laws of tho United
Stntcs, he aroused an opposition hard
ly less formidable than war with a
foreign enemy, and he had to tako
measures to compel obedience to law
which seemed more strenuous and
aggressive than they really were be
cause of tho clamor raised by thoso
who were forced to take their cholco
between surrender to the require- s
ments of law or legal punishment for
disobedience. It is a well known
fact that a wrong long perpetrated
with Impunity comes to be regarded,
by tho offender at least, as a right,
and disturbance in his lawbreaklng
Is, In his view, the greater wrong.
Such was tho attitude not only of
powerful wrongdoers, but also of a
largo part of the public who had so
long endured fraud, extortion and
oppression at tho hands of law-defying
corporations that thoy had
learned to accept these evils as mat
tors of course, out of tho reach of
legal processes that applied to or
dinary lawbreakers. To change all
this required supremo courage, a firm
resolve, and an Indifference to un
just criticism and studied misrepre
sentation. Present conditions more than jus
tify tho so-called Roosevelt policies.
It can be said without fear of re
sponsible contradiction that there Is
not in the United States to-day a cor
poration of importance enough to bo
within public view that openly defies
the law. Ueimtiug lb unknown, or
where carried on, is conducted with
the same secrecy as counterfeiting,
or any other crime, the perpetrators
of which look for prompt punishment
to follow detection. The orders of
the Interstate Commerce Commission
are obeyed, where not suspended by
appeals to the courts. There Is evi
dence that former offenders have gen
erally come to the conclusion that it
is best for them, from every point o
view, to be in the right, so far as com
pliance with the law Is concerned, and
most Important of all tlvo public
have been fully aroused from apa
thetic indifference to lively Interest
in the enforcement of law against
"malefactors of great wealth."
Mr. Taft will face an entirely dif
ferent situation from that which con
fronted President Roosevelt. Tho
Roosevelt policies are now In tffo
constructive stage, and Mr. Taft, a3
he has shown In the Philippines and
at Panama,, and in his varied duties
as Secretary of War, is eminently a
constructive statesman. There will ba
no going backward; no reaction to
ward the toleration of offenses which
President Roosevelt has justly made
odious; but there will probably bo
little occasion for severity now that
those who defied the lawj have been,
chastened into the conviction that It
does not pay, that neither tho Gov
ernment nor tho people will stand for
unlawful methods in business, and
that, as the old saying has It, honesty
is the best policy.
Mr. Taft, as President, will be as
loyal to tho Roosevelt policies as the
needle to tho pole, but he will not
have the same problems to confront,
or rather, not the same phase of tho
same problems. He will bo In a po
sition not dissimilar from that which
ho took when ho went to administer
the Philippines, after tho hard fight
ing had boon done, and tho battle
won. But If any corporation, or in
dividual, however powerful and
wealthy, should dare to raiso his hand
in tho same spirit of defiance that
once prevailed, against tho laws of
tho United State3, that corporation or
Individual would find In Taft another
Roosevelt.
Indications all point, however, to
harmony and prosperity under the
Taft regime, to a long period of de
velopment, of enterprise and of na
tional and individual progress. The
"Roosevelt policies" will bear rich
fruit- In tlio nphlnvnmnnto roanltlno.
ffrom tho impulse given to individual
effort and fair competition by tho
proof that thoso policies were not
merely for a day but for all time, and
that every citizen is to have equnl
opportunity In tho pursuit of wealth
and happiness. Tho election of Mr.
Tnft will give assurance and stimulus
to every form of legitimate business,
because everyone will feel secure in
the possession of those legal rights
which President Roosevelt has striven
so manfully to vindicate, and which
President Taft will not less manfully
defend.
Mr. Roosevelt caused It it to ba
denied that ho would go on tho
ctump. 4ut ha spoko to the cntlro
Nation, Just tho 3ume!
Experience and association ure tho
first-class qualifications of Judgo Taft
for popular promotion to the Presidency.