lil^CUHCil BEDFORD, Pa. ft ey Homing April 24. IS "< "Fearless and Free." 7JWID OvBR, EDITOR AND I*RGPIE7Vt • " IMOS STATE TICKET." FOR GOVERNOR: DAVID WILMOT, of Bradford County -CANAL COMMISSIONER: WILLIAM MILLWIKD, of Philadelphia- ! SUPREME BENCH: JAMES YEEUI, of Fayette County- JOSEPH J. LEWIS, cf Chester County, j ■ - - DEMOCRACY AND WILMOT IN 1840—'47. When David Wilmot first introduced his famous Proviso into Congress in 1816, his j Democratic colleagues stood by him, an i when in 1847 h renewed the motion to at tach the Proviso to the three million bill, it was Democratic to vote for prohibition, i It was also Democratic iu Pennsylvania. ; as tale as 1847, as witness the following ; resolutions introduced iuto the House by j Mr. Victor Piolett, a Democratic member ! frotu Bradford County: Whereas, The existing war with Mexico ' may result iu the acquirement of Dew Ter ritory; and Whereas, measures are now pending in j Congress having iu view the appropriation i of money and the conferring of authority i upon the treaty-making power to this end, therefore Resolved, ncb can be found, it will be time enough to make a selection from among the Lawyers, Doctors or Clerjy. LIBERTY. THE LATE BALTIMORE CONFER ENCE. The Chambersburg Repository speaks as follows on resolutions presented and adopted by the late Baltimore Conference of the Methodist Church: Rev. Isaac Gibson and N. Wilson sub mitted the following resolutions: Resolved, fry the Haiti more Conference, in Conference assembled, that we highly deprecate the agitation of the slavery ques tion, which has already resulted to the great detriment of the political and religious in* terests of the couiitjy. Resolved, That as heretofore, we will op pose with zeal any aggression which shall be attempted bv the abolition agitators of the country. Rev. James H. Brown moved to lay them upon the table. Adopted. Rev. John A. Collins deprecated such action, as it placed the Conference in an equivocal position, lie would therefore ask that they again be taken up, with a view to a direct vote thereupon. Agreed to by the following vote —yeas "210, nays 4. They wore then put upon their passage, and the first, resolution adopted by yeas 220, nays 3. The second one was taken up and also adopted bv a vote of yeas 197. nays 14. Some of the Locofoco presses are rejoic ing with great gusto at the passage of the above resolutions by what has heretofore been known as the Methodist E. Baltimore Conference, at its rtcent session iu Balti more. which embraced in its limits a con siderable portion of Maryland, \ irginta and Pennsylvania. 'lt's a poor bone that affords no rr.eat,> and the seeming greediness with which sonic of these Locflfoeo curs gnaw this bone, it must be sweet to their palate. The though' that a Conference of the Ministers of the Methodist Episcopal Church, on so vital and a'l important a question as that of which these resolutions treat, should take a posi tion affording an occasion for rejoicing on the part of tvicked and ungodly men, is painful to us. However unworthy, we nev ertheless claim to be a member of this branch of the Christian Church, and so far as we are concerned, if she is p°'"tg to seek a truce with dealers in human flesh— if she is disposed to desert the field aud quietly yield the ground she has ever so honorably occupied, we want none of her At its last session, this Conference was divided into what will be hereafter known as East Baltimore Conference, to be composed mainly out of Pennsylvania, and a small portion of Maryland—and Baltimore Con ference, to be made altogether out of parts of Maryland and Virginia. It was after this division had taken place that these resolutions were submitted, a large portion of the members who are to compose the East Baltimot" Conference, neither voting uyc or nay on their passage. In our opinion, here is where they were in error, inasmuch as they were still in session as the Baltimore Conference, and, until they . had assumed a position as an independent , body were morally houud and fully com, promised by the acts of that Confercnco.— But they thought differently, and desiring ■ to part in peace, their voices were not raised in opposition to those abominable resolu tioos. We, too, are lovers of peace, hut peace can be purchased a! too great a cjst, as it was manifestly in this instance. World - ( !y men or politicians may compromise with evil, but Christian men—and especially those who set themselves up as watchmen . on tbo walls of Zioa, can never do so un- : le.s it be at their peril. The doctrine of the Apostle is "first pure then peace able." To the last resolution we Sad no objec tioe. The man who drew it up is neither more nor less than a politico religious dem agogue. He has used the terra 'abolition | agitators,' when he knew in his own heart — j if he knows anything, that there is not one j I member in the limits of the entire Confer- ; euce, ulrat can really be called an Aboli- i I tionist. The term has been used by him in |.a genuine Border Ruffian sense, and is a : direct insult to a large and respectable body jof Christians, with whom it would be an I I'onor to him to be allowed to associate. T<> the first resolution we do object, and as a feeble and unworthy member of that i branch of the Christian Church, we enter j our protest. We protest against it in the name- of bumuuiiy and Christianity, we pro test against it in the uame and oil behalf of the membership of that Cauroh in Penn sylvania, whose very soul revolts at t.c uu uutural, inhuman and barbarous institution —we protest againt it iu the name and on j behalf of the cherished memory of its aint ied fouuder, JOHK WESLEY, who, in his I agitation of the subject, denounced Slavery I as 'the suin of all villainies'—we protest against it in the name and on behalf of the BEDFORD I NQUIRER AM) CHRONICLE. spirit f the slaveb'ddntg system ou themselves, and their social po sition and economical interests. It is, in fact, a dcntocratical uprising such AS rm Southern State has ever before known.— There has been a great deal of talk at the South about Democracy, but bitbeito it has been only talk. In every Southern State the planters have been everything," and the laboring men, merchants, mechan ics, professional men, nothing—we may say, in deed, less than nothing, abucgaiing themselves and their own interests to be come mere echoes of the planters. In St. Louis we see the commencement of e process by which Slavery is speedily to be driven from all the most enterprising and vigorous of the Siiveh'dditig State-. We have spo ken of the Anti-Siavery triumph in that city as the act of the laboring men. But they were not the only actors. The moneyed men, the Lusiuess leaders of the city, concurred and co-operated in it. The combined forces of capital, industry and intelligence carried the day over the long-established authority of the country planters, who havb hitherto ruled in St. Louis with the s.-ttue authority almost as on their own plantations. It is observable that in Europe the abo lition of Slavery and serfdom began with the towns. As the spirit of industry, pro. ductiou and acquisition developed itself, free labor came more and utorc into vogue. It was soou discovered that slave labor was incompatible with the higher degrees of skill and industry, and still uv>re with the higher degrees of produ it ion and consumption both, cf which depend mutually ou ejclt other.— Throughout Europe the towns, as they grew in size and wealth, became the scats of free labor, and places of refuge to the serfs who fled from the oppressions of their masters. From the towns the same system of free labor gradually extended itself into the country. It was shown in the vieiu age of the ci'ies ihat free labor had no less ail - vantage over slave labor in agriculture than in manufactures and the. arts, un 1 hence, by degrees, the totai abolition of slavery throughout Western Europe. It is in accordance with the nature ot things that the advocacy of free labor and effectual opposition to the slavehoiding sys tem in our Southern States should find its first firm poiuts of support in the commercial cities of those States. The failure of the agitation set on foot by Jefferson, and countenanced and supported by Washing ton, Madison, Henry and other distinguish ed Southern statesmen of the Revolutionary period, for tint abolition of Slavery, is tnainly to be Ascribed to the fact that, like Archimedes, they had uo ground upon which to fix their machinery, and whence tr, carry on their operations. Hitherto, the planting interest has beer, entirely predominant throughout the South, and the mercantile and town interest utterly insignificant.— There were no towns, or next to none, in which the advocacy of free inbur could organize itself. Such towns as existed were but mere points for collecting the produce of the planters and furnishing them with supplies, and the men engaged iii this busi ness sought to secure planter custom by out doing each other in humble submission and deference to planter dictation. St. Louis is almost the first Southern town which has outgrown, or which has felt itself to have outgrown, this condition of shop keeping vessalage. St. Louis aspires to become a great commercial city—a <;enter of trade •tealth, arts, literature, science, elegance I and enlightenment—a focus of civilization and production; aud to become that, her ; inhabitants perceive not only tho necessity i of freedom and free labor for themselves and within their own limits, but the necessity of freedom and fiee labor for the couutry around them. Comparing Missouri with Illinois on the cast, and lowa on the north, ' the vast advantages of free labor arc too palpable to be overlooked. The citizens of St. Louis do not desire that the State of Missouri should become a new Alabama, whence, after a settlement of from twenty to thirty years, the inhabitants arc now rushing in masses from exhausted and worn out plantations to find new lands in Atkansas and Texas on which to repeat the same ex periment. The citizens of St. Louis have tho sagacity to perceive that a permanent and progressive prosperity can only rest on the basis of free labor; and perceiving this, they have had the courage and the spirit to emancipate thcmso'ives from planter dicta tion, to proclaim tneir intention to act up ' to their eonvictions, aud to seo what they | can accomplish toward doing now what i ought to have been done when the State ! Constitution was first formed. : It is impossible that the example thus set by St. Louis should not be followed in ether Southern towns and cities. Louisville and Baltimore occupy a position, in the econom ical aspect of this subject, precisely similar. Though they have always suffered them selves to be domineered over by the planters, ! free labor and the expulsion of Slavery from the States of which thoy form a part is no j le-s their interest than it is the interest of St. Louis. Even New-Orleans itself, iu which the employment of fire labor has within a few years greatly increased, has substantially ii that Col. llollaud, in supporting this resolution, said that although this prop osition might seem to be a startling oue, yet a little reflection would convince every thinking man that the plan was not only perfectly in accordance with, the decision of the United Slates Supreme Court , but Was also perfectly feasible. He Spoke at considerable length, developing the details of the proposed plan. lits remarks were ilstcucd to with profound attention, and at their conclusion the meeting adjourned uuril the 27ih instant, when final action will be taken on the leaolu.ioi:. We shall await find action with soma utii.ety, but in (be meantime suggest to Col. if. thv propriety of modifying his lcsoiutiuu, so that tho surplus cash shall go towards buy ing every white man a larui, and. sby'ihi it fail short, let us iueiutic in the sale all oth er persons whose complexion is of the 'ournßh livery of tiie sun'—the white slaves who have to work for io-ir livings, to the great disgust of tire South. We see cheering signs of the speedy advent of 'the good iliac coining.' JEFFERSON AND*~OO LORE D CITI ZENS. The Democracy hive always professed lo swear by Thoaus Jefferson. Ju?t n<,w. however, some appear to differ iu reconci ling allegiance to '.be doctrines of Jefferson with feuity to tlio3' 1 of Taney. The Latter gentleman alleges iu his decision <•! the Pri-d Sco't esse, that the statesmen o 1 the revolution did not recognize the colored man as "possessing auy rights which white men were bound to respect." Mr Jeffer son, on the contrary, asserted in the moat unmistakable terms that they wore '■'■ cit izens of the. United States."' During the administration of Mr. Jeffer son, the British man-of-war 1 jeopard forci bly took from an American frigate, f>nr seamen, claiming ibt they were deserter,* from the British service. Two of the four were foreigners by birth, the others colored men, Datives of Maryland. In Mr. Jeffer son's proclamation, issued on the occasion, is found the following passage: "This enormity was without provocation or justifiable cause, b? was committed with the avowed purpose of taking bv force fioui a ship of war of the United States a part of her crew; and that no circumstance might be wanting to mark its character, it had been previously ascertained that the seameu demanded were native citizens of the Uni ted States.'' Bat Mr. Jefffrson goes even further than Chancellor Kent, whose opinion on this sub ject we gave a few days since. In that pas sage which has been so often repeated, that almost every school bey knows it by heart, lie claims this dignity not only for the free man of color, but also for the slave. "With what execration," says he, "should the statesman le loaded, who permitting one half of the CITIZENS thus to trample on the rights oj the other , transplants those in to despots and these into euetnios, destroys the morals of the ono and tbe amor patra of the other." We say to our Democratic friends, in all candor, ye cannot follow Jefferson and 'Parl ey. If Jefferson be your leader follow him, if Taney, follow him, and no longer "halt between two opiuions."— Stevbenville Her ald. NATIVE AMERICAN CAMELS. —We have some camels in Texas to whom the natural* ization laws would not apply—three baviug been born under stars and stripes. The Washington Star says they arc tli riving, and five or six more births arc expected. From the reports of the condition of the animals, at present, and through the eleveu months that the first iuiporta'iou havo been on the continent, we may regard all doubts as to | their acclimation dissipated, and that so much of the experiment is a fixed Jact. — The only remaining intermediate point is the character of the stock that may be pro - j uuced. For this time will be required. THE APPORTIONMENT BILL. The follow ing is a copy of the Appor tionment Bill as it passed the Senate on Monday: SENATORIAL DISTRICTS. . Dist's. J. Philadelphia city, 4 2. Chester and Delaware, 1 3. Montgomery, 1 4. Buck*, 1 5. Lehigh and Northampton. } 0. Schuylkill, I 7. Berk*. 1 8. Lancaster and Lebanon, 11 9. Dauphin and Cumberland, 1 10. York, 1- It Adams and Franklin, 1 12. Bci rd, Fulton, Blair and Hunting- 1 don, " l 13. .Somerset, Fayette and Crceno, 1 14. \Y ashington and Hearer, I 15. Allegheny, 2 10. Indiana and WesTtporeland, 1 11. Lawrence, Butler and Venango, 1 18. Crawford and Mercer, i 19. Erie, Warren and M'Kean. ] *2O. Armstrong, Clarion and Forest, 1 21 . Jefferson, Elk, Clearfield and Cam bria, j 22. floga, Potter, Ciinton and Centre, ] 23. Perry, Juniata, Mifflin, Snyder and I uior., y 2L Northumberland, Montour and (Joiuni '•ii, > *1 25. Bradford, Suiiivan and Lycoming, ] 23. Susquehanna, Wyoming and Wayne, 1 27. Luzerne, 1 28. Carbon, M juroe and I'ifce, ] Total, 33" B I.RRI S ENTATIVE DISTRICTS. First Ward, PbiUdelDiiia city, J Second Ward, 1 3d. 4'h and s:h Ward-", do. 1? Gth, 12th and 13'h Wards, do. 2 7th, Bth, 9'h Si 10th Wards, do 3- 11th, Phil Si 18th Wards, 00. 2 Utii 15.L Si 2U'h Ward.-,, do. 2 17th and 19th Wards, tin. 2 21st and 24th Wards, do. 1- 22J and 23 i YVurJs, do. 1. ,Ciiy < i Philadelphia, 17 Delaware count., I Chester, do. 3 Montgomery, de. H Buck.*, do. 2 Northampton, do. 2 Carbon and Lehigh count ins, 2- Berks counts, 3 feciiaylaiil, do. 3 Lebanon, do. 1 1.-anrster, do \ orli, do Dauphin, rt<>. o Cumberland county. } Adam*, do. 1 Franklin and Fulfou counties. 2 Huntingdon, J Bed lord and Somerset, 2 Fayette, y Greene, 1 Washington, 2 Alleghany, 5 W t-sin • r> irn i, 2 Anu-ornrie ttid Jefferson, 2" Butler, 1 Beaver, and Lawrence, 2 Mercer and Venango, 2 Eric, ' 2 Warren, and McKean, 1 it' rii-'. Bik, and Clearfield, 1 Clarion, ' 1 Indiana, 1 Cambria, y Centre, j. Potter, =nd Cimton, ] M iffl'ii, l Juniata, and Snyder. ] Union, ar-t Lycoming, 2 N Tihnmbe: land, 1 M mtour, ami Columbia, 1 Tioga, 2 Bradford, 2 Way up, 1 Luzerne, 3 Susquehanna. Wyoming, :nd Sullivan. 2 Monroe, and Pike, 1 Parr;, i IP air, 3 Crawfor.i. 2 Total, 100 GF.N. CASS. —"lndependent." tho quick eyed aud impartial \\ ashington cerrespon dcut of tlie Pbii'a A'orth is of o piuioii that the new Secretary o f State ha* already exhausted himself, lie says the conviction is very decided in Washington that Gen. Cass will uot remain Lug in the Department of State, and it is shared Iv men who ate in high position and who Lave access to the best information. It has al ways been nvini.'est to those who havo be stowed any attention tipen diplomatic that Deiilitr Ins age, his habits of thought, nor his training, fitted hits for this respon sible and laborious station. In tho Senate he was accustomed to take his e .se; now Lo is compelled to labor whether equal to the toil or not. The constant requirements of new and complicated issues must be iuet and, with all tho good dispositions which Gen Cass may bring to their investigation, he lacks the physical stamina to tr.swer these unceasing demands. In council upon the public policy he has not fulfilled tue ex pecta'ioas of his colleagues, who, at a dis tance, were accustomed to regard him as a niong tbe wisest and most sagacious of liv ing statesmen. These and other deficiences have made their impression, and tended to confirm the belief that a vacancy in the Premiership must happen at no distant day. EF** D '* something to be a citizen of this republic, after all. Lord John Russell tho other day, in pleading with his coostitucntj for a re-election, among other fine things which he proiessed, with a politician's road, iness to promise, declared mat uc would take tae "best and ablest men in tho Uni ted i:tales" for his example. Or, if ho did not put tho pledge in precisely these words, he said "ho looked to the diffusion of edu cation atqtha security for uatiou.il institu tions, as the best and ablest men in the U nited States look to the diffusion of educa tion as tho best security for the peace and order of the ootumunity."