. .*' '' ' f' X &X%- A ■ '• .i • " '
BY DAVID OVER.
jUUer of Acceptance of Colonel
Jdlin C. Fremout.
FuiLADKLPitiA, June 19, 1856.
Sm —A Convention ot Delegates, assem- !
Lieu at Philadelphia, on the 17th, ISthand
I9;h days of June, 1856, uudcr a call ad- j
dressed to the people of the United Slates, j
without regard to past political differences
-,i- divisions, who are opposed to the repeal i
~f the Missouri Compromise, to tbe policy '
~f the present administration, to tbe exteu- j
„ion of slavery into free territory, in favor
of the admission of Kansas as a free State,
and of restoring the present Federal Gov- i
trnmout to the principles of Washington •'
anu Jefferson, adopted a declaration of
principles and purposes for which they are
united in political action—a copy of which
we have the honor to enclose—and unani
mously nominated you as their candidate
for the office of President of the United '
States at the approaching election, as the
,-bosen representative of those principles
in this important political contest, and wi'h
ihe assured conviction that you would give
them full practical operation, should tho •
suffrages of the j conic of the Uuion place |
you af the head of the National Govern
ment. *
The undersigned were directed by the :
Convention to communicate to you tbe fact j
of your nomination, and to request yen, in j
their name, and, as they believe, in tbe j
name of a large nwjorny of tbe people of J
the country, to accept it.
Offering von the assurance of our high
personal respect, we are, your follow citi
zens,
11 S. LANE,
JAMES M. ASHLEY,
ANTHON YJ. BLK ECKER,
JOSE I'll <". IIORN BLOWKR,
E. R. HOAR.
TUADPKUS STEVENS,
KINGS!.EV S. BINGHAM,
JOHN A. WILTS 1 .
0. F CLEVELAND.
LYRES ALDKICH.
To John Fremont, of California.
COL. FREMONT'S REPOT.
NEW YORK, July 8, 1856.
GentUaen:Y<>n call ir,c to a high respon
sibility lv placing tnc m the van of the
great movetncnL of tlta people of the Uni
ted States, who, without regard to past dif
ferences. are uniting in a commm effort to
bring back the.action of the Federal Gov
ernment to the principles of W aahinton and
Jefferson. Comprehending the magnitude
of the trust which they have declared them
selves willing to place in my hands, and
deeply sensible to the borfor which their un
reserved confidence in this threatening po
sition of the public affairs implies, I feci
that I cannot better respond titan by a sin
cere declaration that, iu the event of my
election to the Presidency, 1 should enter
upon the execution of its duties with a sin
gle hearted determination to promote the
good of the whole country, and to direct
sojelv to this end all the power of the Gov
ernment, irrc-pective of party issues and
regardless of sectional strife®. The decla
ration of principles embodied in the re
solves of vour Ui mention expresses the
tei'tiiueni* to which I Lave Leon educated,
und which have been ripened into convic
tions by personal observation and experi
ence. With this declaration and avowal, 1
think it necessary to revert to only two of
the subject* embraced to these resolutions,
And to those only, because events have
suvronnded thern with grave and critical
circumstances, and given to ibetu especial
impoi tance.
I concur in the views .if the Convention
deprecating the foreign policy to which it
adverts. The assumption that we have a
right to fake from another nation its do
mains because we want them is an aban
donment of the honest character which our
countrv ha* acquired. To provoke hostili
ties hy unjust assumptions would be to sac
rifice the peace and character of the coun
try, when all its interests might be more
certainly secured and its objocis attained
by just and healing counsels, involving no
iuos of reputation
International enibarassntents are mainly
the results of a secret diplomacy which
muts to keep ftou) tie knowledge of the
people the operations of the Government. —
This system is inconsistent with the charac
ter of our institutions, and is itself yield
ing gradually to a more enlightened publio
opinion, and Co the power of a tree press,
which by its broad dissemination of politic
<al intelligence, secures in advance to the
side of juftiee the judgment of the civil
ized world. An hnneat. firm and open pcl
t ey in our foreign relations would coiumaud
•he united sopjo-t i( the nation, whose de
liberate opinion* i would necessarily rc"
fleet.
Nothing i clearer in the history of our
iustitatioce than the Je/go of the nation
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c Terms: Two Dollars per annum.
In asserting its own independence and free
drm, to avoid giving coanteuance to the
extension of slavery. The influeu<*e of the
small but compact and powerful class of
men interested in slavery, who command
one sejtiou of the country, and wield a vast
political coutrol as a consequence in the
other, is now directed to turn back this im
pulse of the Revolution and reverse its
principles. The extension of slavery across
the continent is the object of the power i
which now rules the Government; and from
this spirit has sprang those kindred wrongs
in Kansas, so truly portrayed in cue of
your resolutions, which prove that the ele- ,
men's of the most arbitrary Governments
have not been vanquished by the just tbe
i orv of our OTTD.
It would be out of place bere to pledge
; mvsclf to any particular policy that has
been sotrgested to terminate tbe sectional
| controversy engendered by political ani
mosities operating upon a powerful class
banded together by a common interest. A
practical remedy is the admission of Kan
-1 sas into the Lnion as a free State. The
' South should, in my judgment, earnestly
desire such consummation. It would vin
dicate its good faith —it would correct the
! mistake of the repeal, and the North,
1 having practically tbe benefit of the agree-
I meni between the two sections, would be
satisfied, ar.d good feeling be restored.—
i The measure is perfectly consistent with
the honor of the South, and v;tai to its in
terests. That fatal act which gave hirth
| to this purely sectional strife, originated in
i the scheme to take front free labor th
country secured to it by a solemn covenant,
cannot be too soon disarmed of itsperni
' cious force. The only genial region of the
middle latitudes left to the emigrants of the
Northern States for homes, cannot be con
quered from the free laborers, who have so
1 long considered it asset, epsrt for them in
our inheritance, without provoking a despe
rate struggle.
Whatever nny be the persistence of thr
particular class which seems ready to haz
ard every thing for the success of the unjust
scheme it has partially effected,! firmly be
lieve that the great heart of the nation,
which throbs with the patriotism of the free
men of Loth sections, wi'l have power to
overcome it. They will look to the rights
secured to them by the Constitution of the
Union, as their best safeguard from the op
pression of the class which, by a monopoly
of the soil and of slave labor to till it
might in time reduce tbem to the extremity
of laboring upon the same terms, with the
slaves. The great body of non-slavehold
ing free men, including those of the South,
upon whose welfare slavery is an oppres
sion, will discover that the power of the
general government over the public lands
may be beneficially exerted to advance
their interests and secure their indepen
dence. Knowing this, their suffrages will
not be wanting to maintain that authority in
the Uuion which is absolutely essential to
the tn iintnance of their own liberties, and
which has more than once indicated the pur
pose of disposing of the public lands in
such away a- would mike every settler tip
on them a freeholder.
If the people entrust to me the adminis
tration of tbe Government, the laws of
Congress in relation to the Territories will
be faithfully executed . All its authority
will be exerted in aid of the national will
to re-establish the peace of tbe country on
the just principles which have heretofore
received the sanation of the Federal Gov
ernment, ef the States, and of the people
of both sections. Such a policy would
leave no ailment to that sectional party
which seeks its aggrandizement by appro
priating the new Territories to capital in the
form of slavery, but would inevitably result
in the triumph of free labcr—the natural
capital, which constitutes the real wealth of
this great country, and creates that intelli
gent power io the masses, alone to be re
lied on as the bulwark of free institutions.
Trusting that I have a heart capable of
comprehending our whole country, with its
varied interests, and confident that patriot"
ism exists in all parts of the Union, 1 ao
cept the nomination of your Convention, io
the hope that I may be enabled to serve use
fully its oause, which I consider the cause
of constitutional freedem.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant
J. 0. FREMONT.
To Messrs. H. S. Lane, James M. Ash
ley, Anthony J. Bleecker, Joseph C. Horn
blower, K. R. Hoar, Tbaddeus Stevens.
Kingsley S. Biogbam, John A. Willis, (A
F. Cleveland, Cyrus Aldricb, Committee.
FRAUDS. —It is stated from Washington
that a series of most startling frauds with
which prominent members of Pierce's ad
ministration arc connected, is coining to
to light.
MR. BUCHANAN'S CONDUCT TO- j
WARDS HENRY CLAY.
There are some deplorable passage* 4n the
history of American politics. Henry Clay
was struck down , in 1825 by the charge of
bargain and corruption: and subsequently
he was struck down by the same charge as
often as he was presented by his friends as
a candidate for the Presidency. There is
not now a respectable man in tbe United
States, who will express the opinion that
the charge hod the slightest foundation in !
truth; but, false as it was, it did its work.
Hundreds of thousands of American citi
zens now look back with equal astonishment
and regret at the effects of a miserable cal- :
umny in prostrating the gieatest ef Ameri
can statesmen and patriots, aud moulding
tire political destinies of the nation.
For twenty years Ilenry Clay was an as
pirant to the Presidency, and during all
that lengthened period, there was not a
time at which be could not have been tri
umphantly elected, but for the use of the
wretched old bargain slander. And now
let our fellow countrymen reflect what an
everlasting infamy it wruld be- if, af- i
ter having unjustly rejected Henry Clay, !
upon the strength of the charge of bargain ,
and corruption, they were to elect James I
Buchanan, who stands convicted before the
world, of having done everything in his j
| ]>ower in 1824 to bring about bargain and
■ corruption. We appeal to all men, to m irk
the disgraceful part he played. Unques
| tiouably, without the slightest authority in
the world from Gen. Jackson, he went to
Mr. Clay, and in the presence of a distin
guished witness, professed to be able to say
wbat kind of a Cabinet Gen. Jackson would
make if elected, and directly and explicitly
3tated, as a matter within his
that Mr. Clay would be Secretary of State
—of course, provided his vote should be
given for Jackson,
i Mr. Clay would not even consider the
proposal; but see what tbe self constituted
emissary did io the pursuit cf bis purpose.
Although not receiving the semblance of
i encouragement from Mr. Clay, he went
stiaigfct to General Jackson, and, whatever
! may have been bis language, be made the
: distinct impression on the cbieftan's mind
that Mr. Clay and his friends were willing
and anxious to give him the vote of Ken
tucky, on condition of Mr. Clay's being
I Secretary. The impression was made so
distinctly, that Gen. Jackson published the
i all edged advance of Mr. Clay and his
friends as a fact which be could establish,
and gave up the name of Mr. Buchanan as
; bis authority, and sole authority.
So Mr. Buchanau played the part of a
miserable go between in an attempt to get
up a bargain between Clay and Jackson, first
going without authority to Mr. Clay, and
| assuring him that Gen. Jackson proposed
!to bestow on bim tbe Secretaryship. Clay
and Jackson were too proud and honorable
to have anything to do with bargaining for
i office; but Buchanan's conduct showed that
his whole soul was bent upon bringing about
a bargain between these two distinguished
uien. Gen. Jackson, with perfect confi
dence, publicly named Mr. Buchanan as
I the witness by whom he could prove Mr.
Olav's corrupt advances, and although Mr.
Buchanan did not dare, in view of what
j he knew could be proved upon him, to con
firm Gen. Jackson's statement, he did dare,
with ao infamous effrontery never exceeded
upon earth, to publish his own conviction
that Mr. Clay had sold himself to Mr. Ad
ams for tho Secretaryship. In publishing
such a conviction, he published what he per
sonally knew to bo calumnious.
We bave already dwelt sufficiently for
the present upon the extraordinary fact
that Henry Clay with power at any moment
to toar the barbed arrow from his own in
nocent breast, anl to hurl it into the goilty
heart of James Buchanan, did, in pity to
that pleading and ahject man, keep silent
for more than twenty years—years of the
bitterest trials and persecutions ever en
dured by a public man in any age or coun
try. We hare dwelt sufficiently at present
upon the fact that Mr. Buchanan, in a let
ter to Gov. Letcher, published by us tho
other day, refused to that gentlemen the
privilege of making known to the public
what oocurrod in his room between Mr.
Clay and Mr. Buchanan in 1825, as proof
that Mr. Clay, far from having made a pro
posal for bargain, had rejeoted sooh a pro
posal from Mr. Buchanan himself. We
may now add that Gen. Jackson never for
gave Mr. Buchanan for failing to state ih
his letter to the public, what Jackson had
said he could provo by him. He made no
open quarrel with the Pennsylvania poli
tician, but he never had confidence in him
afterwards.— Louttvtllt Journal.
Buchanan will not he elected our next
President.
BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. JULY 24 1856.
Clay aud Buchanan-Gen* Jackson's
Testimony-Look al This.
When we first heard of Mr. Buchanan's
nomination for the Presidency, we said,
without a moment's hesitation, that a full
revelation of his conduct during the pen
dency of the Presidential election in the
House of Representatives in 1825, would
kill him with the Ameiican people. We
have already developed upon him, in
connection with that affair, enough to kill
half a dozen men of more vitality than he
ever possessed.
And naw we have another document to
lay before the public, a document that will
attract and rivet the country's attention, a
letter written by Gen. Jackson near tbe
close of his eventful life. Important lead
ing facts connected with Mr. Buchanac's
extraordinary movements in the Presidential
election of 1825 are already before the
world. He went to Mr. Clay, and to in
duce that distinguished statesman to sup
port Gen. Jackson, assured him, as if by
authority, that Gen. Jackson, if elected,
would make him Secretary of State.
Without receiving tbe slightest encour
agement, he went to Gen. Jackson, told
him that Mr. Clay, if promised the Secre
taryship, would support him, and earnestly
solicited permission to say from Gen. Jack
son, that, if elected, he would appoint Mr.
Clay Secretary. Gen. Jackson treated Mr.
Buchanan's proposal as contemptuously as
Mr. Clay had previously treated Mr. B.'s
proposal to himself. Both Gen. Jackson
and Mr. Clay scorned all thought of bar
gain and sale, and both alike repulsed their
self-constituted go-between in his attempts
to get up a corrupt bargain between tbero.
And yet the go-between, en being summon
ed by Gen. Jackson as a witness, lyingly
expressed a belief that Mr. Clay had been
guilty of bargain and corruption, and from
that time, for more than twenty years, hum
bly supplicated Mr. Clay to spare him by
not vindicating himselt—by continuing to
submit unresistingly to the most bitter and
cruel caiußiiiies.
We have said that we hare another docu
ment in connection with tlis matter io lay
before the public, a letter written by Gen.
Jackson shortly before bis ieatb. The let
was furnished three or four days ago by the
Hon. Allen A. Hall, edittr of the Nash
ville Banner, who says tlat the original
' manuscript is in his possesion. Here it is:
HERMITAGE, leb. 28, 1845.
"Your observations witl regard to Mr.
Buchanan ate correct. H< showed a wan:
of moral courage in the iffair of the in
trigue of Clay and Adams—did not do me
justice in the expose he tlen made, and J
am sure about that time lid believe there
was a perfect understauditg between Ad
ams and Clay about the Presidency and the
Secretary of State. Thisl am sure of.—
But whether he viewed tlat there was any
corruption in the case or mt, 1 know not:
but one thing 1 do know, tht he wished me
to combat them with their own weapons—
that was toletmy friends s(y if 1 was elect
ed I would make Mr. Clay Secretary
of State. This to uie Appeared gross
corruption, and I repelled it with that ho
nest indignation which I tbught it deserv
ed. "
Let the public mark thai Gen. Jackson
says that he knows that Mr. Buchanan,
when he came to bim, wishd to get him to
say that he would givo thejSecretarysbip of
State to Mr. Clay for his v*te, and he akds
that Mr. Buchanan's propsiiion appeared
to him gross corruption, am that ho repell
it with gross indignation. Uere we have it
under Gen. Jackson's owa haDd that Mr.
Buchanan made to bim wht he considered
a grossly corrupt one which he
felt called on to repel with |orn and indig
nation, and he charges besif that Mr. Bu
chanan was guilty of mori cowardice in
not daring when called on ty him, to con
firm what he had privately sated to him.
As the Nashville Baunr remarks, a
stiong poiDt to bo pressed it that Mr. Bu
chanan, it is now conclusitly proved by
Gen. Jaokson himself, did ant the Gener
al to practice the very comtion which Mr.
Buchanan's political friend charged upou j
Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay-that Mr. Bu
' chauan did of his own acfird UDd on his
i own individual responsibly, go to Gen. j
Jaokson and urge bim, ith the view of j
buying the support of MrCiay's friends,
to let hie (Gen. Jackson's friends say, if j
ho was elected, he wouldmake Mr. Clay-
Secretary of State—a prodding that Gen. |
Jaokson thought "deep corrup- i
tion." That proceeding ojtbe part of Mr. j
Buchanan, ought certainljto deprive him ;
of the support of every fo, of whatever ;
party, that ever made of "bar- j
gain, intrigue and corruptp," against Mr. I
Clay a ground of objeotioflo him.
THE DEAD CHILD. —i'ew things ap
pear so bean* iful as a yig child in its
ah rood. The little face looks so
sublimely simple and coning amongst the
old terrors cf death. CiWe and fear-
less, that little mortal has passed alone un
der tbe shadow. There is death in its sub
limes! and purest image—no hatred, no hy
pocrisy, no suspicion, no care for the mor
row ever darkened that little face; death
has come lovingly upon it: there is nothing
cruel or harsh in its victory. The yearn
ings, of love, indeed, capuot be stifled; for
the prattle and smile, all tbe little world of
thoughts that were so delightful, are gone
forever. Awe. too, will overcast us iu its
presence, for the lonely voyager, for tbe
child has gone, simple and trusting, into the
presence of its All-Wise Father; and of
such, we know, is the Kingdom of Heaven-
"BURS TOE BIBLE."
What object can men have in view in is
suing a command so opposed to every in
terest of the country.' Is there anything
concealed from the pnblio eye—any dark
design upon our republican institutions?
Do not men know tbat when they arrive in
this country, "moment they arc free"- -free
to read for themselves—to reason compare,
and judge for themselves? Why do many
influential characters, coming from various
pa'ts of Europe, try to smother our schools
of public institution, and lander the word
of God? Such a course, evidently, tends
to perpetuate in tbe uiiud of the credulous <
emigrant,—the principles political and re
ligious, of his fatherland, it leads him
back to tbe days of bis childhood, —he sees
the king in his palace, and the priest ia the
confessional, and is foolishly led to exclaim
as did the subjects of Herod, "it is the
voice of a God." The perpetuity of this
republic rests upon the intelligence of a
large majority of the people. Be it known
to tbe priesthood ol the Romish
that when the people of this country become
as ignorant as tbe vassals of Rome in
Europe, our prescut ptivilages will b9 ex
changed for chains and slavery. Point us
to the country where the Romish Church
and State system prevails, that national in
dependence of the republican form is en
joyed by tbe people. No such permanent
republic! Political and religious tyranny,
generally, go band in hand, —"usurpers of
the people's rights." As it is policy, on
the part of the political oppressor, to keep
his subjects in ignorance, that he may the
mote easily accomplish his nefarious sbetnes,
sc the exclusive religionist would, if he
could, banish the holy law of God from the
minds of the masses, and thus impose on
them'the doctriues aud commands of men/
What more or less does the order '■burn Ihe
Bibles received front Ihe -V*. Y. Bible Society
contain l Euiiueut dignitaries! Useless
sacerdotal assumption in the niueteenth cen
tury to sit in council, and to decide upon the
merits of God's holy Word, and finally cou
demn it to the flames!
What reason can be rendered for an ac
tion so absurd and impious, as would be
that of destroying tbe Bible from the world?
God intended that all men should have his
Word to read, but the Roman Catholic eler
gy labor to suppress it. Let uo one deny
it. I have abundant evidence that it lias
been done in this country. As Roman
Catholicism is a compound of Paganism,
Judaism and Christianity, we can hardly
expect that it should adopt the Christian's
creed. In all ages it has shown itself anti
cbristian, by endeavoring to enforce its
doctriues by tbe civil arm and the sword;
and at tiiis moment we may venture tb e
opinion, that had they the opportunity and
power, "faith would not be kept with here
tics."
I agaiu ask, what can be the object in
: trying to suppress iLe Bible! Evidently,
J there are many things held important in the
! Romish system, whieh, if they were com
! pared with [Divine revelation, would lose
. their power to deceive, and would fall to
! rise no more, "like the baseless fabrie of a
! vision." The inquirer would commence
i learning out of that book "that is profitable
I for DOCTRINE, for reproof, for correction,
for institution in righteousness; that the
man of God may he perfect, —thoroughly
furnished unto ALL OOOD WORKS.' They
would see that the "holy Scriptures are able
to make men wise unto salvation," and that
we are commanded by Jesns, the true head
of thechurcb, "to SEARCH the SCRIPTURES,
for in them we think we have eternal life,
and they are they that testify of bim;"
the Roman Catholic priest to tho contrary
notwithstanding! All blievers in divine re
velation should labor diligently to circulate
it among the subjects of Rome without note
or comment. In so doing, no just cause of
complaint can rise. Tbo Roman Catholic
laymen are taught to look npon the sayings
of the priest, sacred and binding upon the
Romanists. They bear it among their firsj
lessons, and "if tbey live whero their fa
thers lived, they are sure to die whrfre their
fathers died." The priests know this, and
profit by their knowledge. They end# ~
to suppress tbe Bible, —tbey would mt|
willingly shut the gates of knowledge'
against ratty that are willing to enter he*
temple, and thereby perpetuate a system
which has washed its fratricidal hands in
the blood of millions of victims.
Concord , ,V. Y., Jan. 1, 1853.
G. C. S.
A JsVT FOR OLD LLYE WHIGS
TO CRACK.
The Richmond Enquirer is looked upon
as the leading Sag Nicht journal of the
South, and it may cot he uninteresting to
read its views and note its sentiments in re
gard to old line Whigs respecting the anti-
American ticket. It says in one of its is
sues of the early part of this week:
".As some persons seem to have mistaken
both the motive and object of our appeals
to old liue Whigs, it is proper that we
should acquit ourselves of the unjust ac
cusations to which such misconstruction ex
poses us. Wc iuvite no man of Whig prin
ciples to join the Democratic party. Such
an overture would be as insulting to bim as
unjust to our party. A person with Whig
convictions cannot, consistently and honest
ly profess to be of the Democratic party.
A person with WLig convictions cannot be
admitted into the Democratic organization,
without (o some extent corrupting its integ
rity and debauching its principles. We
have a creed which constitutes a test of
Democracy; and to which no Whig can
honestly subscribe, because it is absolutely
irreconcilable with the principles which he
professes. An advocate of protective tar
iffs and of federal aggrandizement; cannot
consistently enter an organization based
upon the principles of free trade, strict con
struction and State right.-: and if we con
sent to such an association, it will not be
long befor the Democratic party is destroyed
by its allies.
We object to fusion because it U consis
tent neither with personal nor politics]
honesty An alliance between independent
political organizations is another aud very
different thing. It is not only allowabfe
but in certain exigencies, may be essential
to the best interests of the country. Such
an emergency is the present; which demands,
not a fusion of all parties in the South, bat
n co-operation of good men for the sake of
the Constitution and the Union. We ask
no Whig to renounce his jrineiples, except
from an honest conviction of judgement.—
We invite no Whig to come into the Demo
cratic party, unless he chooses voluntarily
and from conviction to abjure his ancient
faith, and to profess allegiauce to our pe
culiar platform."
WHEN MR. BUCHANAN BECAME
A DEMOCRAT.
Tbe Lancaster correspondent of the
Philadelphia News relates the following an
ecdote:
Rather an arausingais well as redicuious
performance took place at Wheatland, on
Friday last, when a few dozen of halt
drunken fellows marched out to congrat
ulate Mr. Buchanan on the announcement
received by telegraph of his nomination.—
George W. McElroy, Esq., who by the
by had "drank deep," wishing to get some
items in Mr. Buchanan's life and history
approached him with pencil and paper to
"make a note" of such answers as Mr. Bu
chanan would make to questions.
After sundry questions by Mr. McElroy
he went on—
"Where were von born Mr. B.?"
Answer. "In Franklin county Pennsyl
vania."
"When did you remove lo Lancaster
county?"
Answer, "in 181—"
"When did you join the Democratic par
ty, Mr. Buchanan?"
For a moment "Old Buck" lost his brcatb>
at last he answered—
(oh never mind that, .Mr. .McElroy
That is not at all important!"
That last question put an end to the
cross-examination, and Mr. McElroy will
not be able to enlighten the Democracy
on that doubtful point of when Mr. Bu
chanan came into the Democratic party.
LOVE.-—' The imperishable, inexhaustible,
unapproachable Dature of love is shown in
this—that all the millions of love stories
that have been written, bave not one whit
abated the immortal interest that there is
in the rudest and stupidest of them. Ali
the rest of the wretched thing may be the
mosc dismal twaddle, but you can't help
feeling a little i&tereat, wheu you hare ooce
taken up the book, as to whether Arabella
will ultimately relent in favor of Augustas,
and whether lh wicked creature, man or
woman, who is keeping tijem apart, will not
soon be diepesed of scmebow..
VOL. 29, AO 30
H RT J HERE is SO CHANCE FOP. HIM—
oe Boston Journal has the following
Among the many good reasons why Mr
defnan can never be elected to tbe Presi-
Heisb*rc L, one which is conclusive,
el or, — 4an hater—a dried up old bacb
with him> ladies can bare no sympathy
be elected, V their sympathy he cannot
United States V cf the President of the
into a bachelor's ig the White House
ty five millions of ttietting Wore twev
of a man enjoying his the example
unchecked by the grandeur"
woman ! Tbe idea is pre post society of
not —cannot be. Society will t j ( miJ . t
against so evil a example." itse'f
PRINTING PRESSES, PTLPITS AN.
TICOATB. —These are the three great It
that govern tbe world. Without them t.
bottom would fall out, aßd society would
become a chaos again. The press makes
people patriotic, the pulpit religious, but
women sway all things. Thtre would be
no going to cLureh if there were r.o girls
there, neither would there bo any going to
war were the soldiers to meet with no ap
plause Lut from the masculines. Without
the sunshine shed by rose of af
fection would never grow, nor the flowers of
eloquence germinate. In short, she is the
engine of life, the great motive power ot
love, valor, and civilization. In proof of
this, truth in all history speaks trump*!-
tongueJ.
QCEER, is IT NOT ?—James Buchanan
commenced Lis political life as a full grown
federalist and was the champion of the alien
and sedition laws of John Adams.
Is it not singular that the anti-Ameri
cans who 1-ave always declaimed against
these taws, denouncing all who favored
them in unmeasured terms, and who pro
fessed to despise federalism, should, after
all, run J v.ues Buchanan for the succes
sion ? Modern sehool Democracy is a cu
rious compound. What new phase will it
assume next ? We should like to know
NEW YOHK POLITICS.—/VETO York, July
s.—Tbe X. Y. Evening Post publishes to
day a eaii signed by several leading demo
crats who decline to support Buchanan, in
viting their fellow-democrats of like feel
ings to meet in convention on 24th inst., at
Syracuse for consultation, and, if deemed
necessary, for political organization and ac
tion. This is supposed to be a movement
of tbe "softs" for Fremont.
MR. RATNKR DECLINES—Tbe Hon. Ken
neth Rayuer, of North Carolina, bis de
clined the nomination for the Vies Presi
dency, tendered by tbe New York Anti-
Fillmore convention. He declares himself
in favor of Fiilroore and Donnelson.
HON. FRANCIS GRANGER.--It Ins been
falsely stated that this gentleman had de
clared himself for Fremont. Mr. Fillmore
has no firmer friend in tbe Union than Fran
cis Granger.
True eloquence is not that which, like
the Aurora Boreaiis, flashes its fires in tho
sky, but leaves the rigors of a polar winter
beneath ir. It is rather like the sun of day
which warms and vivifies the world, while
at the same time it giies anu glorifies the
whole heaveus.
LOOK DOWN IXTO THE GRAVE.— It is an
unsightly cavity—yawning at cur feet like
a thing of black omen in the midst of a
laughing, world.
Juto the cavity you have seen tliem de
send—si<i father mother, sisters and child,
one by one it has taken them into its bosom,
and they sleep there with sod upon their
breast.
Look down into the grave.
The autumnal suu is shining brightly, the
woods yonder are all scarlet aud gold, and
the haze of the Indian summer rests like a
veil upon the w ous and sky. Aud at your
feet it yawns, that deep and dark wound in
the green sod which is caPed a grave:—
There you have buried jour best beioved.
Your Lopes are luiied their. Faces that
you love so well are buried there: voices
that you heard from childhood are silenced
there, tLrkuess his fallen upon the eyes
which used to look love into your face.
Father and mother—those sisters who
grew op with you—the obild that only lit
tle while ago stretched its tiny hand toward
yon—.all arc there.
And s you stand, looking dowu into the
grave, a thought comes over you—aud you
cannot check it—that you have no business
in Ihis lower world. That as your treas
ure is not here, nor your heart, it were bet
ter f>r you to go on your pilgrimage, and
strike at the door which will open to you,
the Better Land.
A thought oomee upon you, that von
have lived too long —t.uat you had better
take by the band those who are still lot t to
voa— and with them descend uncomplain
ing talc inat deep grave.