Inquire flirt €lirouidc.
BY DAVID OVER.
TUB BEAUTIFUL.
BT C. D. OTIAKT.
Tliou can'st not clasp tho beautiful,
And cull it all thine own ;
The beautiful is given for all,
And not for one alone.
If is Ood'i lore made visible
In earth, and sea, and sky—
A blessing wide aa time and space,
l oi every human eys.
The fo'ln that croafs the ocean wave.
An 1 sparkles to the light,
i he Star that gems the brow of tnorn,
And glorifies the night,
The brook, the flower, the leaf, the bird,
Whatever gUds the sight,
Is Gods own living gift to all,
The beautiful and bright.
And blessed it is and beautiful,
That this one gift at least
Defies the cruel tyrant's power
And ban of wicked priest;
Tor spite of chains the slave can see
God's love is with him here,
In beauty's light,in beauty's joy,
And beauty's blessed cheer.
And Gi d be praised forever tnore,
For this his blessed boon ;
i be beautiful—which all may share,
And none can share too soon.
The beautiful which purifies,
And leads us up tollitn,
Who is its source, its life and 1 ght,
From flower to seraphim.
TOCXG AID OLD.
Oh, merry goes the time.
When the heart is young;
There is nought too hard to climb,
When the heart is young.
A spirit of delight
Scatters rosea in its flight,
And there is muic in the nigH,
When the heart is young.
But weary go the feet
When the heart is old ;
Time cometb not so sweet,
When the heart is old,
Trout all that smiled and shone.
'lhere is something lost and gone,
And our fiiemls are few or nous,
W hen the heart is old.
O, sparkling are the skies,
When the heart is young .
1 here's bliss in beauty's eyes.
When the heart is young.
The golden break of day,
Bringcth gladness in its ray.
And every ni -nth is May,
When the heart is young.
Hut the sun is setting fast,
When the heart is old ;
And ibe sky is overcast
When the heart is old.
I.ifeV worn and weary bark,
Lies tossing wild and dark,
And the star has left hope's ark,
While the heart is old.
TUB RICH IIEAUT. —Every tbiug thitis
called fashion and courtesy, humbles itself
before the cause and fouutaiu of honor,
creators of titles and dignities, namely, the
heart of love. This is the royal blood, this
is the fire, which iu all oourftries and con
tingencies, will work after his kind, and
Conquer and expand all that approaches it.
This gives new meanings to every fact.—
This impoverishes the rich, suffering no
grandeur but its owu. What is rich ! Are
you rieh enough to hold any body ? rich
enough to make the Canadian, in Lis wagon;
the itinerant, with his consul's paper, which
commends him "to the charitablethe
swarthy Italian, with his low broken words
of English, the lame pauper hunted by over,
sccrs from town to town, eveu the poor
insane, besotted wreck of man or woman,
leel the noble exceptions of your presence
and your house, from the general bleakness
and stoneiucss; to make such feel that they
Wero gr ietod with a voice which made them
both remember and hope I What is vulgar,
•hut to refuse the claim on acute and con
clusive reasons l What is geutle, but allow
it, and give their hearts and yours one
holiday from the national caution 1 Without
the tiuh heart, wealth is au ugly beggar.
ITEUOJQ.V AT HOMK. —"Let them learn
fiist," says Paul, "to show pity at home."
Religion should begin in the family, and
.make borne the holiest sauctuary on earth.
The family altar ic more venerable than an
altar in a cathedral. The education of the
soul for eternity begins by the fireside.—
The principle of love, which is to be carri
ed through the universe, is first unfoulded
iu the family. We learn to love God by
loving our brothers and Haters, and mother.
That is, we exercise the same feeling, which,
iu an exalted degree, is to be directed to
be directed to God. So that it is true iu a
euse more familiar, and yet more compre
hensive than is commonly given to it; "He
ehat lovetb not his brother, whom he bath
saoo, how csii be lovo God, wl;9tr) he hath
fret iea#i"
t A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts', Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: Two Dollars per annum.
AN ORATION.
Delivered before the
Washington Association of Lancaster,
on the Ith oj July , 1815.
BY JAMES BUCHANAN, ESQ.
Thirtv-NTke years ago, upon this day,
we were deeiwred an independent people.—
At that tiuie the Constitutional Congress
burst a&sunder the chains which bound them
to Great Britain, and resolved to be free,
or perish in the attempt. Upon that day
they presented to the world a spectacle of
wiasioni ami firmness which has never been
excelled.
To make a proper estimate of their con
duct, we must take into view the then situ
ation of tin's country, compared with that
of our euemy. On the one side, the armies
of Great Britain were numerous and veter
an; they were led by commanders who had
acquired military reputation in every cliine;
they were supported and furnished with
every implement of war, by a nation whose
wealth has, upon different occasions, pur
chased the scrvico* of all the crowned
heads in Europe. On the other side, our
armies wore small, and unacquainted with
military discipline; our officers were desti
tute of experience, and we were so miser
ably poor that our brave soldiers were not
more tbau half clothed, and their winter
inarches over the frosty ground which they
were defending, oould be tracked by the
blood that flowed from their naked feet.
But even these were not the only disad
vantages under which we labored. \V hilst
our enemy invaded its from without, the
torch of discord and of treason was lighted
up within. When Independence was de
clared, the mother country had a powerful
party throughout all the middle States,
and many adhereuts iu every other part of
the Union.
He becomes very patriotically inclined.
Dreadful, therefore, was the repnnsibility
of that Congress. Had not victory crown
ed their banuers, their names would have
been cursed by the people of this country as
the promoters of a destructive civil war,
while their blood would have flowed on the
scaffold as a sacrifice to appease the spirit of
British vengeance. In this awful situation
whilst the dark cloud of destruction appear
ed ready to burst upon them, they declared
to the world our Independence. They
thought that —
••One day, one hour of virtuous lil-erty,
Was worth a whole eternity of bondage."
Everlasting honor to their names! The
gratitude of a free people will forever hal
low their memory.
It is not my intention, at this time, to
give you a narrative of those glorious
events of the Revolutionary War, which
led to the recognition of our Independence
by Great Britain, and by the world. They
have been the subject of so many oratiots,
and of such general interest, lhat they are
familiar to every mind. The present ora
tion shall coutain a short historical sketch
of one of the most prominent actions of
the party now in power in this country,, and
their consequences; and also enquire con
cerning the course which souud policy dic
tates that the Government of the United
States should persue iu future. The im
portance of these subjects, although not
strictly connected with the celebration of
this day, will, I trust, be their apology to
every miud.
He touches the democracy lightly.
There was a powerful faction in the Uni
ted States opposed to the adoption of the
Federal Constitution. The individuals of
which it was composed were called anti-Fed
eralists, and were the founders of tho Demo
cratic Party. They gloried in setting them
selves in array against our present admira
ble form of government. The authors of
this opposition were chiefly demagogues,
who ruigbt have risen to the head of a State
faction, but who felt conscious that tboir
talent, would be eclipsed, when the lumin
aries of the United States would he collect
ed around the General Government. To
gratify their ambition they wished that
this country should continue divided into a
number of petty State sovereignties with
out any efficient government for thoir con
trol.
This they desired although they bad the
example of ancient Greece before their eyes
and well knew the clashing interests of the
States and their mntual jealousies kept alive
by alliances with different foreign uations.
would have made this country a perpetual
theatre of contention and civil war, until it
had fled for refuge into the arms of despot
ism. They predioted ruin to the State
Government and to the liberties of the peo
ple, from the powers of the federal govern
ment. By these means tbey succeeded in
alarming the fears of many good men, and
inducing them to believe, that government,
which is now the palladium of their safety,
would be the instrument of their destruc
tion. Notwithstanding their desperate ef
forts the Constitution was adopted, and
Washington was elected President.
It might have been supposed that these
facMonists would have been awed into si
lence by his wisdom and virtue. This was
Dot the case. The opposition which they
bad given to the federal government, was
now transferred to its administration. At
first, indeed, the voice of calumny dared on
ly to whisper against Washington and his
measures, but ere lung it was heard in thun
der.
When the French revolution commenced,
it was hailed by the people ot this country,
generally, as the dawn of rational liberty
in Europe. But when, in its progress, it
had become the destructien of religion and
morality— when thousands of citizens were
daily sentenced to death, and butchered
without trial and without crime—when all
the horrors of anarchy were poured out up
on that devoteu' corui try at home—and when
Attila like it had become the scourge of
God to foreign nations; the Washingtonian
party began to entertain 'ars of its result,
and thought it necessary to st°.m the torrent
of French influence, which w"W rapidly
overflowing our country. To this' do'Y ?hey
were imperiously called, as it was .not only
in theory one of the avowed objects c'f that
government to spread revolutionary princi
ples over the whole world, but tbey had .ac
tually attempted to sow the seeds of re
bellion throughout the United States. ,
He accuses t fie Democracy of libelling Wash
ington.
True to their original principles and their
first love, the Democratic party of that dy
become more the frienda of the French as
they became more the enemies of social or
der. Wheu the proclamation of neutrality
was issued by Washington—that proclama
tion which is now almost universally admit
ted to hare been the salvation of our coun
try —that proclamation which impartially
placed England and France upon the same
footing, and laid open tbe commerce of the
world to America, they were enraged that
we bad not entered into an alliance with the
French Republic, and waged war, under
their banners, against the human race.—
But, when the treaty of peace with England
commonly called Jay's treaty, was ratified
by Washington, torrents of personal abuse
were poured out by the Democratic Party
upon his head.
They openly charged the Father of bis
Country with an intention of destroying his
own beloved offspring. To such a pitch of
ingratitude were they carried by their
diabolical passions, that they dared public
ly, and without the slightest foundation, to
aecuse hiiu of secretly putting his hand in
to the treasury, like a felen, and appropriat
ing without authority, the money of the na
tion to his own individual use. The man*
whose youth had been worn out in those
splendid military achievements which made
our country independent; and whose age
and experience had been devoted to the
creation and organization of the Federal
Government —that man who had never re
ceived one farthing more of the public money
than what be had expended in the public
service, was accused of being a base pecula
tor of the public trecsure. Duiing this
cruel persecution bis nobio mind felt sensi
bly the stings of bis countryuion's ingrati
tude. In the bitterness of his soul he had
been abused, to use his own empbatical
language, in 'such exaggerated and inde
cent terms as could scarcely be applied to a
Nero—-a notorious defaulter—or even to a
common pickpocket".
Says the Democracy have not the principles
of Washington.
What must be our opinion of an opposi
tion whose passions were so dark and malig
nant as to be gratified in endeavoring to
blast the character and embitter the old age
of Washington. After thus persecuting
the saviour of his country, how can the
Democratic party dare to call themselves
his disciples!
But no opposition eould divert thesieady
soul of Washington from bis purpose. He
had digested a system of policy which he
steadily pursued, amid the storms of fac
tion. His successor in office for the most
part, .walked in his footsteps. To continue
at peace, a nation must be ready for war,
was a maxim by which the Federal Admin
istration were constantly direoted. Under
their auspices, therefore, public credit was
well established, as the best means of pub
lic defence.
The debt of the revolutionary war was
founded and moderate taxes were imposed.
A navy was built for the protection of com
merce. We considered all nations equally
in war, as enemies, in peace as friends; and
therefore a strict neutrality towards all was
preserved. It wopld be impossible to enu-
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY, JULY 4,1856.
' rue rate every wise measure of the Wasbing
tonian Administration, suffice it to aay that
during its continuance, the prosperity of
this country was unexampled in the annals
of time. The dreams of fancy were almost
realized. Cities rose up as if by magic
throughout our country and wealth flowed
in upon us from all nations- Tbc Wilder,
ness yielded to the baud of agriculture?
and fields loaded with the rMwat harvests
covered those gloomy forests where wild
beasts, but a few years before, had used to
roam. Happy, indeed, were those people,
had they but known their own happiness.—
Notwithstanding their prosperity, faction
still coutiuued to rage and to increase-
What the Democracy would do for Power.
The possession of power waa the end of
the opposition—about the means they were
regardless. Their leaders pretended to
tender solicitude for the welfare of the peo
ple. Their voices were loud in favor of
public ecoaomy, and against a navy, au ar
my and taxes. Although France had wan
tonly captured a number of our vessels with,
out cause, had actually demanded tribute
from us and had threatened our country
with invasion, and with the dreadful fate of
Venice, if it were not paid; although she
had twice refused to recognize our ministers
who went supplicating for peace, they were
opposed to raising an army or a navy for
our defences.
After an army had been raised, notwith
standing it was commanded by Washington
and destined to act against a foreign enemy
thev lordly expressed their apprehension,
that it wa. s intended to destroy our republi
can form of Government and substitute
monarchy ill its stead. The taxe* necessary
for its support, aff° rdcd the,n a fresb tbeme
of declamation . By means such as these,
they succeeded so well in their endeavors,
that they at length became a majority of the
nation. How they bave used iheir power,
it will be my endeavor *° show.
What the Denocn.' 0 }! 'i° ne -
They began with the des of the
Navv. It had been supposes' by the Fed
eral Administrations, that a Nav J our
best detence. From the locality onr
country, and from the nature of / ycb a
force, they knew that it would be peculik' J 'j
calculated to protect our shores from foreign
invasions, and to make us respected by the
nations of the world, without, like a stand
ing army, endangering our liberties. It
was also foreseen by them, that, without a
Navy, our commerce, would he exposed, as
a rich temptation, to the avarice of all na
tions; and, in consequence of our weakness
we would be subjected to constant insults
and injuries upon the ocean, without the
power of resistance. It had, therefore,
been their policy gradually to erect a Navy
and they had built a great number of ves
sels at the time when the first Democratic
Administration came into power.
At that moment the scene changed.—
They had promised the people an exemption
from taxes, and unless they could perform,
their popularity was in danger. They did
not hesitate what course to pursue. They
immediately sold our natioual ships—they
disarmed the country —left commerce un
protected, and invited insults and injustice
from abroad, that they might uot be under
the necessity of imposing a trifling tax, and
thereby injuring their popularity at home.
Thanks be to Providence, the delusion
upon this subject has vanished, and their
conduct now appears in its proper light be
fore the public. The little remnant of that
navy, which had been fondly cherished by
Washington and bis adherents, bat whieh
was despised by the patriots of the present
day, has risen triumphant above it* enemies
at home, and has made the proud mistress
of the ocean tremble. The people are now
convinced that a navy is their best defence.
He accuses the Democracy of attempttng to
. destroy our Commerce.
The Democratic Administration uext de
clared war against our Commerce. They
were not satisfied with depriving it of the
protection of a navy, but they acted as
though they had determined upon its anni
hilation. At a time when the nations of
Europe were convulsed by dreadful wars,
the United States being neutral—and when
in consequence thereof all our native pro
ductions were in great demand and the car
rying trade presented to our merchants a
rich harvest in every quarter of the globe,
they shut up our ports by embargoes and
non-importation laws.
By these means, tbe streams of wealth,
which were flowing into our national trea
sury and into our country, from the thou
sand fountains of commerce, were suddenly
dried up. These acts of paricide gave au
instantaneous aud a dreadful blow to our
prosperity. The voice of business was no
longer heard 'in our cities. The stillness
of death pervaded every streot. Dejection
and despair sat upon oach man's counten
ance. The newspapers of (bo day, instead
of being filled with arrivals from abroad,
and sales of merchandise, teemed with
bankruptcies. And our ships were laid up
to rot, as melancholy monuments of tbe
weak and wicked policy of our Govern
ment.
Who that has witnessed things cannot
observe the hand of the Corsican despot,
like that dreadful hand npon the wall of the
Babylonish monarch, writing our destruc
tion. Who can avoid believing that Bona
parte was the source of this policy, and
that it was intended to operate in unison
with hia continental system. It might per
haps be unwarrantable to assert that our
administratien was actually corrupted by
France; but that their politics were biassed
by a warm and improper partiality for that
country, there can be no doubt.
He acknowledges that his tongue cannot
portray the corruptions of the Democracy.
Time will not allow me to enumerate all
the other wild and wicked projects of the
Democratic Administration. Suffice to say.
that after they had deprived us of the
means of defence, by destroying our navy
and disbanding our army, after they had ta
ken away from us the power of re-creating
them by ruining the commerce, the great
source of our national and individual
wealth; after tbey had, by refusing the
Bank of the United States a continuance
of its charter, and harassing the financial
concerns of the Government, and with
drawn the only universal paper medium of
tbe country from circulation; after the peo
ple had become unaccustomed to, and of
course, unwilling to bear taxation, and with
out money in the Treasury, they rashly
plunged into a war with a nation more able
i to du us injury than any other in the world.
What was the dreadful necessity for this
desperate measure? Was our country in
vaded? No. Were our liberties in dan
ger? No. Was it to protect our little re
maining commerce from the injuries sus
tained by the orders iu command? No.—
Commerce was not sueh a favorite, and the
merchants wished for no war on that ac
count.
His idea of Democratic duplicity in regard
to Foreignism.
Besides if the existence of the orders in
council had been its true cause, after their
k -epeal, our country would have accepted
the' branch, which was offered by Eng
land. What then was the cause? The oue
for whvefc we professed to draw the sword
and risk x>ur all, was to determine an ab
stract question of the law of nations, con
cerning whie,\ an option different from
that of our adjoinistiaiio/i, was held by all
Europe. To decide whether a man can ex.
patriate himself or not. In the deoisiou of
this question our administration pretended
to feel a great interest. THE GREATEST
PART OF THOSE FOREIGNERS
WHO WOULtf BE AFFECTED BY IT,
HAD LONG BEEN THEIR EARNEST
FRIENDS, THEY HAD BEEN ONE
OF THE GREAT MEANS OF ELEVA
TING THE PRESENT (DEMOCRATIC)
RULtNG PARTY, AND IT WOULD
HAVE BEEN UNGRATEFUL FOR
THAT PARTY TO HAVE ABANDON-
I ED THEM.
He says Foieign Influence controls the Ad
ministiation
Superficial observers may suppose this to
have been the real source of tbe war, but
whoever will carefully ami impartially ex
amine the history of our country, will find
its true origin to have beeu far different.
It took its rise from tbe overwhelming par
tiality which tbe Democratic party have
uniformly shown for France, and the conse
quent hatred which they felt against her
great adversary England. To secure this
Foreign Influeuce has been the labor of
their leaders for more than twenty years,
and well have they been repaid for their
trouble, for it has been one of tbe principal
causes of introducing and continuing them
in power.
Immediately before the war, this foreign
influenoe had completely embodied ' itself
with every political feeling of a majority of
the people, particularly in the West, its
voice was heard so loud at the seat of gov
ernment, that the President was obliged to
yield to its dictates or retire from office-
Tbe choice in this alternative was easily
made, by a man (Madison) who preferred
his private interests to the public good.—
We were, therefore, hurried into war en
tirely unprepared.
The Administration conquer a disgraceful
Peace.
What has been its results? Exactly
what reasonable men expected at its com
mencement. We declared our intention of
conquering Canada, whether for the pur
pose of annexing to tbe United States or for
compelling our enemy to yield to the doc
trine of imprisonment, is immaterial to the
presoqt question. Instead of conquering
it, we have ourselves been invaded in eve
ry quarter, and the best Llood of our coun
try has streamed in defence of our soil.—
The very capitol of the United States, the
lofty temple of liberty, which was reared
and consecrated by Washington, has been
abandoned to its fate, by bis degenerate
successor, (Madison) who ought to have
shed his last drop of blood in its defence.
After tbe (Democratic) Administration
had entered upon the war, instead of cotn
iug forward with manly confidence, and tax
ing the people for its support they basely
shrunk from their duty, in order to main
tain their popularity, and adopted the odi
ous system of carrying on the contest by
borrowing money. What were the effects
of this policy) Does not every man in tbe
country know; was it even disguised by the
Administration, that tbe United States
would, in short time, have become bank
rupt, had not peace been concluded? Thanks
to Heaven, that we have obtained peace,
bad and disgraceful as it is; otherwise tbe
beautiful structure of the Federal Govern
ment, supported by the same feeble hands,
might have sunk, like the Capitol, into ru
ins,
How the Democracy embarassed the Country, j
This system of anticipating our revenue
has left an immense load of debt upon the
country, the payment of which will be a
grievous burden not only upon the present
generation, but upon posterity. This bur
den has fallen more heavily upon our coun
try than upon any other part of the Union,
on account of our numerous and extensive
distilleries. The late additional duties im
posed upon whiskey has almost destroyed
its manufacture. In its consequences it has
not only affected the distillers, but it has
given a severe blow to the property of this
country generally.
Whilst the distilleries were in active op
eration, the cattle and grain found a good
aod ready market at home. The balance
of trade was generally in our favor, and
wealth was rapidly diffnsirg itself through
out our country. But Congress, by impo
sing a tax upon the article more grievous
than it was able to bear, have destroyed th e
very revenue which tbey intended to raise.
This instance, among others of a similar
nature, shows how totally destitute are ou r
present Rulers of wisdom and foresight,
even upon subjects immediately regarding
the pecuniary interests of the Government.
These are not the only evils consequent
upon that timid and time serving policy.—
It has embarassed the government so much,
that it must be a long time indeed before
we can dare again to go to war with any
powarfu' nation, even for the maintenance
of our dearest rights All these evils would
in a great measure, bave been prevented
by sufficient independence in the Adminis
tration, to have imposed moderate taxes at
the commencement of the contest. The
credit of the nation would then have con
tinued good, and we might have avoided the
painful spectacle of seeing the publie stock
sold in tbe market at an enormous discount,
ayd greedy speculators enriching them
selves by its purchase, at the expense of the
toil and sweat of the honest yeomanry of
the country.
Instead of exempting seamen sailing un
der our flag from impressment by the war,
we have altogether relinquished that princi
ple, because it is a weii established truth
in the law of nations that if war be waged
by one country against another, for a speci
fied claim, and the treaty which terminated
the contest b silent spou that subject, it is
forever abandoned. Thus the Government
have at least j'ielded the verj point for the
maintenance of which they professed to go
to war, after having expended nearly two
hundred millions of dollars.
We have not only obtained by the war
anything which we were taught to expect,
but we have lost many valuable privileges.
All the jiumerow rights and advantages
guaranteed to us by Jay's treaty, have been
relinquished. Nay, we have not only been
compelled to conclude a treaty which does
not contain one solitary stipulation in our
favor, except that there shall be peace, but
which unset ties the boundaries of our coun
try, and leaves to the decision of commis
sioners whether we shall longer retain a part
of our own territory, which he held in quiet
possession for more than twenty years.
But notwithstanding our iiumouse na
tional debt, which if the war had continued
would have soon resulted in national bank
ruptcy, notwithstanding all our property,
even the very necessaries of life, have been
taxed heavily, notwithstanding wo hare not
obtained a single object which wc had in
view at the commencement of the cootest,
but have lost many valuable privileges; not
withstanding our country has been invaded
in every fluartcr, end the Capitol of the
United States has been laid in ashes by a
marauding party of the enemy —this has
bean called a gloriout war? Glorious it ha* 1
VOL. 29, NO 27.
been, in tho highest degree, to the Ameri
can character, but disgraceful in the ex
treme to the Administration. When the in
dividual States discovered that they were
abandoned by tbe General Government,
whose duty it was to protect them, the for
titude of their citizens arose with their mis
fortunes. Tbe moment we were invaded,
thp genius of freedom inspired their soul*.
They rushed upon their enemies with a hal
lowed fury, which the hireling soldiers of
Britain could uever feel. They taught our
foe that the soil of freedom would always
be the grave of its invaders.
The Country ruined by Democratic Rule.
But docs the administration, who involv
ed us in the late unnecessary war, derive
any credit from their exertions ? Certain
ly not. They were the spontaneous efforts
of the couutry, undirected by the Govern
ment. The militia, who were chiefly enga
ged in these glorions conflicts, were often
without pay and without comfortable clo
thing. Tbe dreadful situation of tbe coun
try compelled them to abandon their families
and the sweets of domestic life, without any
previous warning, to defend places which
were left utterly unprotected by their prop
er guardians—places which ought to have
been ready for a siege at the commence,
ment of the contest. As well might Ferdi
nand the VII. of Spain, who was not in his
kingdom, but who was nominally King,
claim the glory of rescuing his country from
the armies of France, as our Government
take to itscif the credit of expelling our in
vaders.
When we turn our attention to the regu
lar army, wbieh was peculiarly under the di- 1
reetion of the national government, what do
we discover? During the first year of th<
war, that year, in which it was to have
closed with glory, that year within which
our triumphal banners were to have floated
upon the walls of Quebec, and all Canada
was to have been ours, the year in which
that province was left unprotected, and the
forces of our enemy were employed in Eu
rope, it experienced nothing but a continu
ation of degradation and defeat. Is there
an American on the floor of this bouse, who
has not blushed for his country a thousand
times, during that disgraceful year—until
all the general officers, who had been ap
pointed for political purposes, and entrusted
with the command at the commencement of
the contest, were disgraced; and until oth
ers bad fought themselves into credit anil
iuto notice, all our battles ended in de
feat.
But peace has again returned to bless our
shores. Again commerce who has few years
been weeping over the misfortunes of obr
country, begins to smile Agaiu we stafld
ceutrai to all the European powers. What
then should be tbe political conduct in fu
ture? Precisely to preserve the political
maxims adopted by Washington. We ought
tu cultivate peace with all nations, by
adopting a strict neutrality not only f con
duct but of sentiment.
We ought to make our neutrality re
spected by placing ourselves in an attitude
"of defence. We ought forever to abandon
the wild project of a philosophic visionary,
of letting couuneree protect itself. In its
protection we ought to increase onr navy.
We ought never to think of embargoes ami
non intercourse laws without abhorrence. —
We ought to use every honest exertion to
turn out of power those weak and wicked
m en who have abandoned the political path
marked out for this caunttry by Washington,
and whose wild and rmonary theories have
been at length tested by experience and.
found wanting.
What must be done with Foreignism.
ABOVE ALL WE OUGHT TO
DRIVE FROM OUR SHORES FOR
EIGN INFLUENCE, AND CHERISH
EXCLUSIVE AMERICAN FEELINGS.
FOREIGN INFLUENCE HAS BEEN
IN EVERY AGE THE CURSE OF RE
PUBLICS. HER JAUNDICED EYE
SEES ALL THINGS IN FALSE COL
ORS. The thick atmosphere of prejudice
by which she is surrounded, EXCLUDES
FROM HER SIGHT THE LIGHT OK
REASON. . .
Whilst she worship* the nation which she
favors for their very crimes, she curses the
enemy of that nation even for their virtues.
In everv age she has marched before the
i enemies of ber country proclaiming peace
when there was no peace, and lulling its de
fenders into fatal security whilst the iron
hand of despotiaui has been aiming a death
blow at their liberties. Already has our
infant Republic felt her withering influence.
Already has it involved us in a war which
had nearly cost us our existence.
Should this Wanbiugtonien policy be pur
sued, our country will ogaui rise to its
former greatuess and wealth. Under the
1 blessings of providence, we may then calcu
late on a loug and happy existence as a na
tion. We may reasonably hope thai our
children's children, to remote genoratuMn,
may be assembled together upon thia V* B "
pic ions day, blessing the memories of rub
men whom heaven ell true led with the g ,r " i
otn task of making a greSlnation free, bap*
py and independent.