BY DAVID OVER. The Next Pres:deocy, Extract from a letter in the PottsviUe Register aud Emporium, one of the Loco- i foco organs of Schuylkill County, which j flys at its mast head the name of Franklin j Pierce. There's fuu ahead. Dear Sir: —Much interest has been man ifested for years to see a public sketch of the Life of James Buchanan, which has been involved in the whirlpool of so many ■political inconsistencies. At last, a long history of him has appeared in the Pcnn- i sylvan bin, consuming ten columns of that : paper in its publication, which some con- j tend was written by some insincere friends, ! bat what I contend was a grasping at straws, to sustain him upon any platform. In former life, he was a federalist, an abo litionist, opposed to the Missouri Compro mise, then for extending it to the Pacific, and now, according to an extract of a let tor to Mr. Slidell, lie is in favor of its en tire overthrow. If anything should give confidence to an American Statesman, it is a life of political purity and consistency.— Where has stood Mr. Buchanan upon every important measure that Las come before the eonutry? A life of political inconsistency ihas been his, above all the American states men we have ever known. In this siugular biographical sketch of the life of Mr. Buchanan, heavy claims are impressed upon the illustrious fame of Penn sylvania. But what gives her greatness? The industry and unpretending frugality of her substantial citizens. Tho illustrious statesmen of other days who assisted in giv ing her political renown, have passed away, and it is certain, neither Mr. Buchanan, nor any of his family, had any participa tion in the stirring seenes of the Revolu tion, or took any part with the Democratic party in its early struggles for supremacy, i In a word, sir, no siugle man has any claim to a-k anything on account of tho geo graphical j.osition of Pennsylvania Her democratic sons, who are well educated in the school of principle, contend for no j East, no Wast, no North, no South, but j from the circumference to the centre, eve- I ry thing National is deemed to be National. And why should this long biography of Mr. Buchanan call into question Virginia, for having furnished several illustrious Presi dents, when Mr. Buchanan never voted for one of them, hut violently opposed the best of them. What matters it where the Pres ident comes from, if he be a well qualified niau, faithful to the Constitution, National and just in all his views, and unsurrounded iu all his views by cliques and factions. There are errors in this biography which should be corrected. We admit that Mr. Buchanan has been sixteen years before the public as a candidate for President, and even longer than that. It is also true that he was nominated oil the Bth January 1843. for President at Harrisburg. But that Convention was constituted by 3cif appoint ment of delegates who came in to swell a convention, which had little effect upon public opinion, it being considered a per sonal matter. There be was an opposing candidate to Mr. Van Buren, who was look ing for a reuomiuation. But, in the mean time. Gen'l Cass, who was popular with the people, was brought forward for the Presi dency, which so alarmed Mr. Buchanan, that he feigned to retire from the field, sought shelter in pretended friendship for Mr. Van Buren, joined his forces, and in the. selection of delegates to the Baltimore convention, the friends of Mr. Buchanan were principally chosen instead of those of Mr. Van Buren, and when the convention assembled, Mr. Buchanan turned up a can didate again, and his friends exerted them selves to secure the overthrow of Mr. Van Buren. And, what of the recent State conven -4 Harrisburg? That convention was " vorite delegates in the sev constituted of i* uieetings> oral counties, chosan by tQ and when they assembled in conVJ*. remove everything as far from the ps*., as possible, the President was called upon to appoint a committee, which was so pack ed, that it bad no difficulty io packing a delegation to Cincinnati. The masses Of the Democracy of Pennsylvania, with whom Mr. Buchanan is not popular, cared noth ing about Mr. Buchanan receiving the vote of the State, were satisfied that in a con vention of the people, a candidate must have other, and paramount claims, than the Representative of a State, be that State ever so illustrious. But, the action of this convention has created dissatisfaction. It acted without reference tn the wishes of the people; it paid co attention to the wish es of districts, and avoided all reference to the proceedings of former Democratic con ventions that desired to harmonize public sentiment. Say what may be, before the meetiug, there was a smouldering opposi tion to Mr. Buchanan all over the State, but when the convention had overlooked A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: Two Dollars per annum. right, justice aud fairness to the whole Democratic party, the people gave vent to their feelings of displeasure, and there is now no loss feeling of opposition to Mr. Buchanan, than there litis ever teen. Great credit is claimed for Mr. Buchanan by his biographer, for his evtraordinary ef forts in favor of the electiou of General Pierce. And what were they' He atten ded a convention at Heading, was the pre siding officer at it and made a speeeh; af terwards he attended a meeting in West moreland; but when asked to attend one at Bradford he declines doing so, on the ground that he was too old ' This and this only embraced alibis zeal. Gen'l Cass at once embraced the nomination of Gcn'l Pierce, spoke at Washington in its favor, at vari ous places on his return home to Detroit, and during the campaign in many places in the Western States, bat who has heard that the statesmen and patriot has claimed this as a stepping stone to the Presidency? But where ur<j <.ll the brilliant orators over the Union that appeared ou the stump in favor of General Pierce? If they should all send in their claims to the Baltimore con vention, the list of candidates from which to choose, will be a long one. It is true tuere was another election in xhichMr. Bu ehanau did not make himself very effect ive. Geu'l Cass was the candidate of the Democratic party. In the North lie was opposed by the abolitionists, free soilcrs, and ail she isms opposed to slavery, whilst in the South, Gen'l Taylor, as a Southern man and a slave holder, fresh from the brilliant battle fields of Mexico, was urged as a preference to Geu'l Cass, because he was a Southerner, with Southern interests. What did Mr. Buchanan do in this era barassing and awkward campaign, that would have borne down Gen'l Jackson him self, if he hau been tho Northern candi date opposed by the free soilcrs? He wrote a single letter in favor of that gal laut and able man, the soldier and states man, who knew no part of tho country but when the constitution covered it, who has all his life devoted himself to the cause of his country, in sunshine and in storm—and that letter so cold that if it had been steep ed in ice, it could have been no colder. It is a great mistake in a client to with hold the weak points of his ease from his advocate, to avoid surprise and defeat.— The ten column biographer alluded to made out a very good character for Pennsylvania, which it is presumed her citizens have some idea of' but none of the weak points cf the candidates int ended to be bolstered by the character of a State have been referred to. Mr. Buchanan has weak points, weak in bis political antecedents, weak in his political antecedents, weak in his successive incon sistencies, and exceedingly weak in his | claims upon the indus'rial portion of the whole North, without whose support, all ' the cliques and personal factions in Chris tendom could not save him. What is cal led his low wages speech is fresh in the minds of the people everywhere in his own State, aDd no Democrat could run a lower vote than he. But the other day an old Democrat was asked how he liked the nom ination of Mr. Buchanan at Uarrisburg.— He replied that such a nomination sounded strangely in his ears. He had known him to be a federalist, had voted against him as such, and had an utter aversion to that ten cents a Jay speech of his. But ah, said his interrogator, that speech only meant, if you can buy a bushel of wheat for ten cents and get ten cents a day for wages, you are as well off as if each commanded a dollar. True, so far as that is the case it is correct, provided ten cents a bushel would pay the farmer for raising his wheat. In other re spects, it would not hold good. If I owe my neighbor twenty dollars for a cow, it would take me two hundred days to pay for her at ten cents a day, and I am sure I could not buy as much butter, as many eggs, or groceries, with ten cents, as I could with a dollar. Besides, in this free country where the government makes no distinction be tween the industrious laboring citizen and the r a re f erence t0 l° w grinding warn* of pan?" labor ia Elir0 P eiD ?ovcrn raents,was anexu^ 0 error for an Ameri can Representative to In another instance, aw old Democrat was accosted with—well frienu'— -y° u Bee Mr. Buchanan has been nominated foi." Pres ident at Harrisborg, I hope you are in fa vor of him, as some of our Democratic friends do not sectn to relish the matter very much. Oh, yes,says the farmer, lam in favor of his remaining on his f a * m at Wheatland to experiment on the profit of raising wheat at ten cents a day. These are home arguments, honestly expressed, ■ agaiasfc which politicians in their harrangues i would contend in vaia. The biographer asserts that Gen 1 ! Jack son reposed great confidence in Mr. Bu chanan. This is muoh doubted, and many of Gcu'l Jackson's warm friends do not ro- fly upon the correctness of the statement. That go between , Gen'l Jackson and Mr. Clay, is a spot which should not sully the skirts of a pure man. Gen'l Jackson at once put his foot upon the base proposition, and because Mr. Clay accepted office under Mr. Adams, his future political life was made unhappy and disastrous. Among the old federalists who repudiated Mr. Adams, for his apostacy from old federal principles, was Mr. Buchanan, who, at this period, knew nothing of Democratic purity iu poli tics. The writer of this at one time heard Gen'l Jackson sny, that old federalists were not to be trusted, when great National principles were at issut. This declaration was made during the war of the United States Bunk against him, when many fede ralists who supported him had left Him and joined the forces of the hank; for, said he, that which is "bred in the bone will not come out of the flesh." Besides, there was an unsettled case of veracity between them, and the fidelity of Gen'l Jackson to truth was never doubtod. It is true Mr. Buchan an was appointed Minister to Russia, aud it is equally true that many Pennsylvania politicians of that day thought it was im portant to keep him in tho harness. We might go on and enumerate many inconsis tencies and many weak points in the life of Mr. Buchanan, which his biographer has ne glected, but we shall desist for the present. SPEECH OF DON. LEWIS 11. CAMPBELL, OF OHIO, ' At the American Mass meeting in Washington City, Feb, 2Glh. 1856. Mr Campbell entered the hall, and was received with enthusiastic cheers by the as sembly. He appeared upon the stand, and said: Mr. President and Fellow Citizens: I have this moment entered the ball, and do not kuow exactly what you arc di i lg, or what you intend to do. In faat, sir, I have been almost forced from my q a%t apart ments, a few steps up tho hill, by your com mittee, after I had once declined tho invi tation in the early part of the evening. I feel, therefore, that I am p'aced under cm barrasing circumstances. If it be your purpose to perpetuate tho great principles of American Liberty an l the Union of the States in that spirit in which our Revolu tionary fathers secured them for us, then I am with you with all my soul: [Cheers.] Refore I proceed to make a speech, it is bat proper that I should say, that I came here with no intention to commit myself to the support of men, or to identify myself with your proceedings further than to speak my views upon American principles. I have always been a Whig. Enlisting under the great banner of that great party in 1832, when it was gallantly borne on ward by the lamented American statesman, "Harry of the West," I did not desert it so long as the organization continued. Bat it is now conceded that the Whig party in dead—that it is ".defunct in the abstract!" [Laughter and applause.] It was a glori ous old party, and my eminent friend from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden, who sat on the stand) and I will long cherish our pleasant reoollections of it in the stirring times of 1840 and 1844, when, shoulder to shoulder without reference to grographical lines, we battled fo r its principles. Applause.] Mr. President, all the old parties have been knocked to pieces. [Cheers,] To use the favorite expression of a western friend, they are now in a state af "confu sion confuzled" —[Laughter and cheers.] Why, sir, where is the Democratic party, the party as it existed in the days of Gen eral Jackson? It has been reduced to a mere association of men whose only aim ap pears to bo the spoils of victory! [Ap plause.] It no longer exists as a party of fixed principles. Were President Pierce to send out all his force of marshals and deputy marshals, to find such a party, each one provided with a national search warrant they would fail to discover the fugitive.— [Applause.] It too, has departed! His marshals would have to make returns upon their writs similar to that of the Kentucky constable. A Kentuck fight once occurred at a tavern on "snr grass!" One of the combatants broke a whiskey bottle over the head of his antagonist. The result was a State's warrant. The defendant fled through a cornfield, over the creek, into a swamp, ami there climbed a stump. Seat ing himself in the fork, he drew his "Bowie,' and as the constable approached in pursuit he addressed him; "Now, Mr. Constable, you want to take me, and I give you fair warning that if yon attempt to climb this stump, "Ytltakc. yoa!'' [Laughter and applause ] The constable who had been about the court house enough to learn some of the . technical terms used in returning writs, went baok to the squire 3 BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY, APRIL, 25 1856. office and endorsed upon the warrant: "now est inventus, through fieldibus, across creek um, in swampum, up sfumpum, comeat ibus!" [Laughter and cheers.] it is with the old Jackson Democratic pariy— "non comeatibus !" [Cheers.] At this point a disturbance and rencontre took place in a distant part of the hall.— Cries of "put him out!" " Sag Might!" "put him out!" Mr. Campbell cried at the top of his voice. "No don't pat him out.'> Bring him here and give him a seat on the stand." This created much laughter and restored order, when Dir. Campbell again proceeded.] It is an interesting point to observe what has caused this disruption of these great parties. It is due to truth and frankness to say that it was that "vexed question" of slavery—a question which has, from the foundation of the government, given us, as a nation very great trouble. That question has destroyed tbc Whig party, it has split into fragments tho Democratic party, and now threatens to divide and render power less the American party. Yes, gentlemen it is the "distinguished gentleman from Jtfrica " —[laughter]—who was at an early period dragged to this favored laud of ours, (to which he didn't belong,) by the cupidi ty of Norther n as well as Southern men he has done this thing. It is the "colored gentleman in the fuel," or (if 1 icay be al lowed to express it iu vulgar parlance) the "nigger in the wood pile" who has given us all this trouble.—[Cheers and laughter.] Ho ought never to have been put in our fu el, and if I could have my way, I would take him out and send him back to his na tive home in Africa where he belongs.— (Renewed cheering.] My opinions on this mischievous question of slavery arc well known here, and everywhere, where I am known. I always have maintained, main tain now, and expect to contend hereafter, that all tbe powers of the constitution ought to be exercised to prevent its extension, and that the Nerth freely accord to ibeslave States, in good faith, all that to them by that American bond of union which makes us one people, and binds us all to a con.mom destiny. [Cheers and applause.} On this subject I intend here after, as heretofore to think for myself, act for myself, and on the proper occasions speak for myself, as an American may do on all proper occasions, independent of party drill and pa*ty platforms. (Cheers.) But, sir, when this American party was first formed, slavery was regarded as an outside issue, having no legitimate connexion with the reforms which it intended to ac complish. I regret that circumstances af terwards occurred which have prevented its continuing to be an outside issue. That mischievous act which repealed the long-ac quiesced in Missouri Compromise, and startled the whole country, has forced into the American party this disturbing element. Yet, sir, (said Mr. Campbell; turning to Mr. Crittenden of the Senate, and Mr. Pur year of North Carolina, of the House, who sat immediately on his left,) such is my con fidence iu the honor and patriotism of the two distinguished gentlemen from the South on my left,* that I believe we could retire to an ante-room, and, although it would be two to one as between North and South, fix up a platform in reference to the merits of that act, upon just aud conciliatory terms, ia ten minutes: [Cheers.] But the trouble is, it would not stay fixed, (laugh ter,] because unfortunately there are ex. tremists in both sections, who seem deter, mined to defy the Constitution and jeopar dize the Union, and to disregard plighted faith. But, Mr. President, I pass from this melancholy theme, which it may not bo proper to discuss on an occasion like this, to a brief consideration of some of the more legitimate topics—to the principles for which your organization was originally formed. It is not always profitable to declare"! am an American," but I venture it to-night. Whilst 1 make this avowal to-night, I hold in my hand no dark lantern! Born upon the soil, and sharing in the blessings, the honors, and comforts which the valor of our ancestors has secured to us, may I not say of my country, in the language of the poet: '•I love thee for these haro souls Who answered Freedom's call; I love thee for the Liberty Thou claim'st and giv'st to all. I leve thee for the stalwart arms And braver hearts that stand, A stronger guard than castle wall, For thee— my native land!" It is American Liberty and American Institutions we seek to perpetuate. This can be done only through the purification of the elective franchise and a ballot box which shall not be controlled either by for eign influence or the power of ary church. [Prolonged cheering.] We an charged •Mr. I'uryear, of North Carolina, toted with Mr. Campbell against the repeal of tie Missouri Compromise, and Mr. Critenden ia jnderatood to regard it aa a measure frought vith evil to the country. with making war upon the Catholic religion —a war which is said to spring from pre judice. That is untrue. I certainly have no prejudice, (never having been a member of any church.) My partialities run with the Protestants, because in youth I was trained in that faith, and in manhood learn ed, from the history of the past, that the Protestant has always been tbe church of freedom! [Cheers.] No, sir, we stand by the constitution. The fathers who made it intended, as we do, to secure to all men the right to worship Almighty God accor ding to the dictates of their own conscien ces. To do this effectually, we intend there shall be no union of Church and State. [Cheers.] We will let the Catholic and Protestant each have unlimited freedom of religion, and the unrestrained right to adopt and prac tice any form of worship; but we say to all, you must not bring the combined power cf your Church, especially if it be governed by a head in a foreigu land, hol ding no sympathy with our institutions to control the American ballot box!— [Cheers.] If there be any Catholic in this country, who is not satisfied with this sort of relig ious liberty, I tell him the sooner he "packs up his duds" and goes back, the batter for him; because Sam is after all such persons. [Cheers. But our Catholic friends com plain that they are particularly marked in this movement. If they are, who is to blame' If they are specially looked after by the Americans, it is because in those countries where Papal power prevails there 13 no genuine liberty either civil or relig ious. [Applause.] In shaping oar political action on this point we must be governed by the lights of the experience of the past. If we do not find in our own political history, facts enough to justify the most vigilent scrutiny into the movements of the Jesuits, we need but cast the eye over the pages of history or over old ocean into Southern Europe; for warnings to us that "the pHee of liberty is eternal vigilence," and that it can do no harm to guard against an abuse of the po litical power of the Pope of Rome iu Amer ica. [Applause.] lutimely blended with this question is the question of freedom to the Bible.— How stands that point? Wc find in many States, cities and town?, an open war on the part of our Catholic fellow-citizens against the use of the Bible—that profoundest teacher of wisdom to all men—in our schools df learning. They fight these bat tles with a zeal that can originate only iu a fanaticism that strikes down the genius of religious liberty. Again: Yon go to Italy. You take your passports, under the great seal of the Government of the United States of America. \"ou take your trunk containing your wearing apparel and a Pro testant Bible—perhaps an old family rclic the last present of a dying mother. When you cross your line to Papal power your passport with the broad sea! will admit your person, and your shirts, your old boots, &c.: but they will not pass that good old book you love, if not for its coutents, cu account of the associations that entwine it with your hearts! Oh, no! the officer of government under the power of the Pope will not tolerate its introduction, ani under no ciicumstances can you ever acquire po litical power there; yet at the same time under the liberality of American law, we allow the Church of Rome to send here and circulate without restraint its form of tbe Bible by ship loads, accompanied by thou sands of members of that Church, with whom we divide the soverign powers of our government ! Now, Mr. President, I do not know that this plank is in your platfbrm, (for I have not examined it and am sick of platforms j but it is in mine.- 1 would have "Sam," when he gits strong enough, (and lie will grow and strengthen daily,} exact of all tb e nations of the earth with whom we are in frieudly intercourse, equality in all things —[cheers] —especially equality iu all that pertains to religious liberty—[cheers]— aud the right of Young America, or Old America, to take with him, wherever he may rightfully go, any form of the Word of God which suits his religion, whether it be Catholio or Protestant. [Prolonged cheering.] Aud again sir,' All men must die." In this great land of ours, the spirit of Ameri cans cesures to the wayfarer who is smitten by the fell regard to the clace of his birth or the peculiarities of his religion, the freedom of funeral obsequies. How is it in Papal lands w'th the fallen Protestant American? Sir, you are not allowed to consign his mortal remains to their resting plaec in mother earth, with a s much decent respact as a foreign Catholio iu America is allowed to bestow on the burial of his Newfoundland dog. [Cheers.] llere sir, is another plank whieh my American, ism would stick into your platform. I would have onr government demand—aye, secure —the right of respectful funeral ceremo nies to the American when he dies, from every nation no the face of the footstool of Almighty God with whom we have amica ble relations. [Cheers.] Is there any Catholic or any foreigner in America who will dare say this is an unjust demand. Sir, our movement, embarrassed as it is by internal difficulties, must estab lish, and will establish, sooner or later,that which we have never had, because we have never boldly asserted our r'glit to it—an in dependant nationality! [Cheers.] Yes, to use the expression of Ivossnth, we must be recognized everywhere as one of '■' the peo ples''' of the earth—as an independent pow er acting upon the principle of "equal and exact justice," in our intercourse with other nation? —asking nothing more than that which we give—accepting nothing less . [Cheers.] We are charged with a proscription of foreigners in proposing a reform in our na turalization laws. A few words, briefly, on that point. With the right of suffrage whieh the foreigner who has immigrated, or with his privilege to be naturalized under our present system,* we do not propose to interfere. To those who are yet in foreign lands wo give notice of a new rule of law which is to be established. That is all.— Who* can justly complain of this? Cer. tainly not the man of foreign birth now with us. That there is a necessity for a reform in this regard n a man can deny. I will not go into statistics on an occasion like this, but I have authentic documents to prove that foreign governments, who profess to bo cn terms cf friendly intercourse with us, have long been disgorging from their penitentiaries nad their pest houses, taeir felons and paupers, and shipping them to the shores of America, la some countries —particularly iu Belgium—tho Legislature has seriously considered, as a question of economy to the government, whether it would not be better to abolish their prison and poor-house system, and trausport their felons and paupers to America! That Bel gium has often perpetrated this great inter national wrong there is no doubt. England, too has sent her felons from Botonv bay ! Sir, "Young America"—that is to say, Samuel and bis family, hive determined to put an end to these transactions, even tboug?i the remedy be that most dire of all sorts— the word of " three little letters —W-A-a !" [Cheers.] What do we, in our States, provide in reference to paupers who are native born Americans ? By statute, which regulates the intercourse in tbe family of counties in either of our States, it is provided that paupers sent from one county to another may be sent back at the expense of the county sending them. That is simply all wc propose in our intercourse with the fam ily of nations. When they send theui to America, we will ship them back again at the expeusc of the nation that sends them, and we will exact "indemnity for tbe past, and security for the future!" [Cheers.] Why, sir, these paupers and telons be come sovereigns bcre under our laws. In Indiana, the fundameuta! law gives them suffrages in one year after they are sent here. Under the Kansas-Nebraska act, each-cut throat from a foreign penitentiary, and each loathsome disease pauper from tbe pest house of Belgium, may be clothed in an hour after his arrival there, with as much power to regulate "domestic institutions' and shape the destinies of those great ter ritories, filled by the God of nature with all tbe elements necessary for the increase of American power, as either Washington or Jefferson could have, were they to arise from their graves at Mount \ ernon aud Montkello and appear at the ballot box : This is no fiction. It is a stern reality, and tbe thought makes one's American blood course quickly thaough his vctus.—[Cheers.] Whilst you make such laws and submit to such wroDgs, what do we provide in re ference to ous native-born felons! Let u 3 draw picture in illustratiou. One of these old bullet-riddled soldiers of the American Revolution, or one of the veterans of tbe war of fSI2, is in the lobbies of Congress endeavoring to get a bill passed TO p-av him for supplies he furnished an army in thg days that tried men's souls. He is poverty stricken, because the government has withheld from hiui that whieh it owes ! He has, perchance, a starving family, and is too proud to beg. He passes your market space at twilight his way to his desolate home, and tempted, or rather driven, by necessity- -that law of human nature which overrides the provisions of all other laws— he steals a horse iu otder that he may buy bread. He steales one of those old \ r --ginianags which we see there on market days— blind in both eyes, string-halt and spavin—a horse that would not bring two VOL. 29, NO 17 dollars and a quarter under the hammer ?_. What does jour law do with that old soldi dier? It sends him to your penitentiary, and disfranchises hiin forever. Should be ever afterward appear at the ballot-box, your imported sovereign-felon from Botany Bav, with bands stands stained in the blood of his wife or child, having voted, would chal lenge successfully his vote, on the ground of infamy! Now, sir, I appeal to men of all parties I appeal to the man of foreige birth who has adopted this as the land of his future destiny and the home of bis children-—I ap peal to all men whose political action is in any wise governed by the principles of moral right is not the American party correct in its opposition to the influx of foreign pau pers and felons? If Americans, native and adopted, now here, cannot rule America, who shall rule it? Shall we degrade our selves by submitting tamely our heritage of freedom to influences such as these? Never. I say never. [Applause.] It may suit the purposes of a venal party to cut off the head of Americans in office and thus deprive them of bread, to make room fo r toe adopted fellow-cittizeus. This system of importations from foreign prison-cells and lazar houses may give a party power. Lut mark it! Power thus secured will be short lived. [Applause.] If we must have the aid of such a foreign influence to carry on our government, let us at once have rrcw viston of law to send the American ballot box into all foreign lands. Let it be taken from penitentiary to penitentiary, from pris on to prison, from cell to cell, from lazar house to lazar house, from pest house to pest Louse ! Let the inmates deside who shall rule America 1 Let them deposit their tscxets to neutralize and overcome ours in deciding who shall govern the land of our birth, if it must be so. But let us, I ask, with a view to the safely and well-being of our own people, and for the protection of our fire-sides, onr famalies, and onr homes, resist this influx of paupers and felons who bring to us disease poverty, and death,— [Applause] God knows we have our own internal troub le*; but these are our business—not the business of other nations; and we can set tle them ourselves without their interference, We certainly do not seek the oouncel of those who do uot come to our shores volun tarily; from love of liberty, determined to maintain our institutions and abide by our laws. Wc wage no war against the adopted citir ;n of foreign birth, if he be truly American in heart. But if ho comes to in eulcate fcreignums and subvert our system or engraft upon it principles which he im_ ports from other lands adverse to Ameri can policy, then we say to h'm, We are against you, end we can get along without you whether your name be John Bull, Pat rick o'Rofferty, or Hans Heitenspokenber ger! [Laughterand applause.] Mr. President some people tbereaten to dissolve our Union. Now, sir, I regard that as simply ridicul ons. The truth 'That t'nnsr can't be di<T.' Laughter.] At least, sir, I know that my native State re gard all talk about dissolution as the fruit of imaginations bewildered by fanaticism, Why, sir, how would you make the division? It has been said that the Ohio river is to be the dividing line. The honorable Senator (Mr. Crittenden) and I will both object to that, for many reasons. The gallant back eye lads have crossed over that river; tbey have wooed, won, wedded, and carried back Kentucky's fairest daughters. [Ap plause.] They have reared hosts of young Americano, (applause,) and do you suppose they are ready to split, and make a di vision? (Laughter and applause.) Ns! It's not worth while to taik about that. Ken tucky and Ohio, whatever may be theit troubles as neighbors, will never consent to belong to seperate confederacies, and thus render their people, linked together by the strong tics of consanguinity, aliens and for eigners to each other! No, never (Cheer* a nd applause.) If such be our destiny, I trust I shall nev r live to wituess the border strifes which must eusue. I never want to see the pure waters of the heautiful Ohio reddened by American blood shed by American bands [Applause ] Iha ve strong feelings on thi* point. When an infant oft the Ohio river without protection from the scalping-knife of those savages hired by British gold to massacre indiscriminately the pioneers mother and her children, in the war of 1812 joy and gladness were brought to the heart of the mother who watched over my cradle, by tne express who returned from the scene of hostility with the news, "The Kentucky regiment hns arrived!" Yas, sir, when Ohio in her infancy was about to be over come, Kentucky's noblest spirits rallied to the rescue of the younger sister, and, under the lead cf the galUot Harrison, drova
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