the mum
From the Jfaint Fmrmmr. .
Do Sandy Lands teach the iSanimi
tArooh Xhtml
This question hat heretofore cetrsed coo
aiderabte discussion among Annan, but
there have been iw very accurate experi
ments to settle the question.- ft is however
well settled that auch kinds of soils ant M
sndy and peroua do not retain manures
so Ions, or, id other words, need manuring
oftener than those which contain a large
quantity of clay. Tbia may not be owing
"to the manure dissolving by rain, trickling
through the anil, and (weeing off out of the
way. It ia a common remaik that warm.
a tidy aoila feel the manure quicker, and
that the first crop after the manure ia ap
plied is larger than the same manure would
eaase, in a retentive soil, no mora fertile
than was the sandy soil.
In the last number of the Working Far
mer, the editor bas some remarks upon the
subject of rendering sands retentive, by ad
ding clay, which we copy in pail. It ii
a common error," aays be, - to suppose
that in sandy loams manures in aolution
leach downwards and thus duringa growth
of ainule cron a full manuring seems to
nana Cram the soil. The facts are. that
free saadv loams, when containing ma
nuret ploughed under but a few inches,
receive the atmosphere, dews, beat of the
eun, ate., very freely, and hence the ma
nures are decomposed mora rapidly than
they can be decomposed by plants, and
the organie manures pass off into the gas
eous form and escape into the atmosphere,
wbile the inorganic portion in eolation
sink down to undesirable depths. To cor
rect this evil without rendering the soil
mora difficult to work wa have only to
add large portions of carbonaeemu mailers,
such as charcoal dust or tan bark, decern
- nosed neat, decomposed sawdust, burnt
r a
bones, after being used by the sugar re
fineries, ftx. die. Any, or all these in
gredients, will render sandy soils retentive
of manures without altering them into soils
snore difficult of tillage, and after a auffi
cieat quantity of carbonaceous matters
have been added, they will last in the soil
fifty years, re-performing their office of re
taining the gasea until wanted for lb use
f planta, to each new manuring and du
ring the whole time will assist in retaining
new portions of ammonia from the atmos
phere, which clav alone would not do. If
these carbonaceous matters be added to
tbe manures in compost, they will retain
all their parts which might otherwise be
lost during decomposition , nor does the
benefit end here, for if six bushels of com
mon salt be added to the acre, the aandy
loam will be rendered sufficiently retentive
of moisture and free from grubs and wire
worms, nor will the inorganic constituent
of manures filter down and pass beyond
the point of use as resdily aa if these ma
nures were not in the soil.
To prove this lent, fill a tub with aandy
loam,cnnteiniog fair portions of carbonace
ous matters, throw upon the lop of it one
thousand callous of water in which ten
r....i r poraan or soda has been dissolved
ktf the water leach through tbe soil in
the tub and run out of the bottom then
evaporate tbe water to dryness, and it wilt
be found that the alkali ia not in tbe water,
but remains in the soil. Make a similar
experiment with the soil simple, without
tbe carbonaceous matters, and the alkali
will be found in the water.'
GOVERNOR'S HE88AOB
To the Senate and House of Representa
tives of Pennsylvania :
Gentlemen : The States of Virginia and
Georgia have transmitted to the Executive
Department of this Commonwealth, Reso
lution ia reference to the preservation of
the Uuion the institution of slavery nd
complaining of certain alleged violations of
the Constitution of the United States.
A respectful courtesy to these distin
guished members of the confederacy, dem
ands from the Government of Pennsylva
nia aa early and calm consideration of the
. grievances thus presented. Tbe known
character of the citizens of this Common
wealth for their faithful adherence to the
National Constitution, their deep venera
tion for. and attachment to, the National
Union.and their uniform respect and regard
for the rights, privileges, and happiness of
the citixens of other States of the confede
racy, is a sufficient pledge that they would
feel deeply wounded should their rep
tatives by silence and acquiescence seem
to admit, that they or their Government
were justly obnoxioue to tbe assertion that
they "had commenced, and were persist
ing in, a system of encroachment upon the
Constitution and rights of a portion of the
people of this conJederacy, which ia alike
unjust and dangerous to the peace and per
petuity of tbe cberbbed Union.''
Persuaded that there exists bo unkind
feeling among our citixens to any other
portion of the confederacy, and that a cor
dial love for the National Constitution and
Union pervades our entire population, it ia
deemed a pleasant duty to transmit those
resoluiicfls 10 your honorable bodies, that
the necessary met su res may be a,
after a candid consideration of the whole
subject, to give a decided negative to tbe
complaints of our sieter republic, if they
have done our people and Government in-
justice in these charges ; and if other wwe,
offer tbe amplest assurance inai ine
speediaet remedies will be provided to re
dress any just grievances. A his action ia
necessary in order that no truthful accusa
tion of a wilful and wanton breach or the
Constitution, infideliy to the National Uni
on, or invasion of tbe rights of othershall
stain tbe social history of Pennsylvania.
Tbe wrongs alleged may be classed aa
follows :
First, That the people of the non Slave-
holding States have encroached upon the
Constitution of the Uutted States.
Second, That they have done acta hos
tile to the peace and perpetuity ot we
National Union.
Third, That they have unjustly, dange
rously, and injuriously trespassed upon the
rights of other portiona of the confederacy
These are grave charges against the faith
and honor of ihisCommoowealth,end hence
the necessity of a careful examination of
their justice and truth.
Questions connected with the slavery ol
the colored race.bave given origin to these
complaints.
It ia not necessary to discuss the abstract
Question of Slsvery. If it were now to be
established if the footprints of the bond
man were now for tbe first time to press
the toil of our common country if the
Constitutien were now to be formed, it
would be our duty to enter our solemn
protest against its introduction or recognt
tion. We should feel a pleasure in tbe
adoption of a different policy from that
imposed upon us by our British progeni
tors. Where they forged and riveted, we
would atrike the chains of bondage from
human limbs.
The Constitution of the United States,
however, having guaranteed, to a certain
extent, tbe existence of etavery, and recog
nixed the rights of the people of the Slave-
holding States in their peculiar property,
all tuck discussions in reference to the
institution aa it exists in those States are
properly precluded by a just sense of con
stitutional duty. With slavery, therefore,
in the several States, there ie not now,
and never has been, any disposition, on
tbe part of the Government of Peonsylvs
nia, to interfere-.
Let us examine how far the general
charges, made against the people ol the
Free States, apply to our citizens. To do
an with mora clearness. recital ef tbe
events preceding and attending the forma
lion of the Constitution,is deemed necessary
and proper.
Pennsylvania had been a Slave-holding
State. The introduction and use of servile
labor, and ike moral and political degrade'
tion of the colored raee.had been engrafted
upon her liberal institutions by the cupidity
of our British ancestry. While the Kevo
lution and the separation of the Colonies
from tbe mother country were in progress,
end before the recognition ol their Indepen
deuce by tbe Government of Great Britain,
her Legislature, by the act of the 1st ol
March. 1780, abolished slavery within her
borders. A copy of that statute is hereto
annexed.
The preamble to this act, in strong and
- - f
rence of that condition of civil bondage to
which the arms end tyranny of Great Bri
tain were exerted to reduce us ; acknowl
edges the beneficent agency of the Supreme
God in our deliverance from the threatened
dangers, and admits tbe great injustice and
wrong done io the servile race, by means
whereof they had been H deprived of the
common blessings to which they were by
nature entitled ; and then.in commemora
tion of our own happy escape from tyrannic
and despotic power, provides that all per
eons, as well negroes and mulattoes as
ethers,who shall be born within this State,
from and after the date of the said act,
shall not be deemed, and considered serv
ants for life, or slaves.
The further provisions of this humane
law relate to the registry of slaves the
service of their children their support
when left indigent their trial for offences;
and whilst it thus declares, in most express
terms,) hat no mao or womanf any nation
or color, except regislerdi) slaves, shall at
any time thereafter be deemed, adjudged,
or nolden within the territories ol in
Commonwealth as slaves, or servants for
life, but as free men, and free women it
makes provision for the protection of the
property of non-residents in slaves, or ser.
vaats for life, who may be sojourners for a
period of six months. On the 39th March,
1781. another act. intended to cure the
defects of the act of 1st March, 1780, was
passed, and is hereto annexed.
These enacUnenta made Pennsylvaaia a
non-Slaveboldiag Stale, and in terms of
tbe clearest and strongest character marked
the determination of her people to abolish,
for ever, servile labor within her borders.
Whilst the preamble to the first net recited
and embodied tbe reasons for the abolition
of, and expressed her feelings in relation
to, the institution of slavery, it furnished
notice, ef tbe moat authentic kind, of her
mined resistance te its increase and
extension.
The Congress of tbe 8tates in session in
New York, (.Virginia. Georgia and Penn
sylvania being represented therein,) on the
ISth July. 1787, passed an ordinance with
grant unanimity, that Slavery, or involun
tary servitude should never be established,
exees4aar crime, within the then territo
ries of tbe confedrraicd States. There is
I.EWISBUKG CHRONICLE AND WEST BRANCH FARMER
no excepting, or saving clause ; no line of
compromise, or designation of degrees of
latitude, to limit tbe area or freedom ; but
an entire, absolute, and unconditional pro
hibition of the institution in all tbe territo
ries then under the jurisdiction of tbe Con
gress.
The act of 1780 had given notice to
the other States, of the views entertained
by Pennsylvania, on thia important sub
ject. The ordinance of the 13tn July, 17-
87, was conceived in the same spirit, and
gave an assurance that the evila of human
bondage should never be extended, and
would eventually cease to exist among a
free people. It waa in this belief that the
citizens of Pennsylvania consented to a
Constitution, which recognized to some
extent the Institution of slavery.
The Constitution being adopted went in
to operation on the 3d April, 1789. It
contains the following provisions, directly
or indirectly connected with the servitude
of the colored race :
First, as regards representation, it pro
vides "That representatives and direct
taxes shall be apportioned among the sev-
era! States which may be included in this
Union according to their respective num
hers, which shall be determined by adding
to the whole number of free persons, (in
eluding those bound to service for a term
ol years, and excluding Indians not taxed,)
three-fifths of all other persons.
Stcond. "The migration or importation
of such persons as any of the States now
existing shall think proper to admit, shall
not be prohibited by Congress prior to the
year 1808 ; but a tax or duty may be im
posed on such importation, not exceeding
ten dollars on each person."
Third, " No person held to service or
labor in one State, under tbe laws thereof.
escaping into another, shall, in consequence
of any law or regulation therein, be du
charged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on the claim of the
party to whom sucb service or labor may
be due.
The provision in the Constitution limit
ing the slave traffic, and the act of the Na
tiooal Congress, immediately preceding its
adop tioo, in relation lo its non-extension
to the territories of the Union, would seem
to leave no doubt upon the mind, that
was tbe intention and meaoing of the Ira
mera of the Constitution, to prevent the
extension and increase of human alavery
and, at an early period, to secure its entire
abolition in tbe several States. The
qualified representation ol the servile race,
and the delivery of fugitives, were eonccs
sions made to the people of the slave-hold
ing States.
To this organie law, containing these
provisions, Pennsylvania gave her assent
and it is therefore a duty on her part to
respect, with religious fidelity, the rights
therein guarantied to other States.
That thia Commonwealth has been faith
ful ia tbe discharge of all her federal obli-
gations.it is believed csn be made manifest
It is true, that her business pursuits have
been frequently interrupted ; it is true.that
her just weight in the national councils hss
been lessened by the representation of the
vrvrie race ; n is true, that the represents
tion of property instead of people, has been
felt by her citizens as anti-republican and
wrong nevertbeless,she has always felt it
a duty faithfully todischarge her obligation
as a member of the National Union.
The institution of Slavery baa assumed
a new position and importance, by the
successful attempt to extend it beyond its
original limits. In every instance of the
kind, thia Commonwealth has raised her
voice in earnest protest. In the written
Constitution, to the observance of whose
provisions her faith bad been pledged.there
waa found no authority for its introduction
into new and after-acquired territory.
With the knowledge that the (ranters of
the Constitution had taken a part in the
deliberations of tbe Congress of 1787, and
that the intention of their Ordinance was
the preservation, from the malign influences
ef Slavery, of all tbe territory then belong
ing totheUnion,tt'was reasonable to suppose
thai any acquiescence, en her part, in the
acquisition of immense regions to be
covered with slavery, would be given with
great reluctance. The same liberality of
sentiment that breathed in the Declaration
of the National Independence the same
ardent love of human freedom that concei
ted the Ordinance of 1797 tbe same
hatred of human bondage that induced the
abolition of the slave-trade, it was believed
would influence and direct the opinions and
actiona of those illustrious fathers who
placed these proud memorials among the
venerated archives of the Republic.
At the time of the admission of Missouri,
it is well known with what unanimity this
Government protested against the introduc-
lion of servile labor into that fertile region.
The language of her protest is clear and
strong ; it breathes tbe true feeling of her
patriotic children. To the compromise line
at that time adopted, it ia presumed, no
assent was given on her part To have
dona so, would have done violence to her
principles, end would have been an aband
onment of her early and cherished policy.
It was an infraction of the spirit of the
Ordinance of 1787, and was a doubtful
exercise of constitutional power, as well as
a species of infidelity lo the Naiioaafraioo.
The act of 1780 abolished Slavery, and
alleged there was no human right lo exact
human bondage. . The Ordinance of 1787 j
prohibited Slavery in the territories of the
then confederation, and the reasons for its
enactment applied aa forcibly to the West
bank of the Mississippi, as they did to tbe
North bank of the Ohio. The National
Constitution contained nothing to authorize
the acquisition of new territory, nnd the
.t;n nf further slave institutions. On
the contrary, by its provisions in reference
to the slave-traffic, and the oencurrent
events attending its formation, it appeared
to mark limits to the extent and duration
of the institution : hence, any action enlar
ging its boundaries, was an unwarrantable
assumption of power. The Union of the
States was endangered by tbe erection of
imaginary lines, tending to engender and
keep alive sectional jealousies and prejudi
ces. Pennsylvania desired no new Mason
and Dixon's line to mark distinctive char
acters and tastes among a homogeneous
people.
In tbe powers of the National Congress
is found no authority to create Slavery,
unless its introduction formed n portion of
a treaty acquiring territory, or was the
condition of a grant of lands. The spirit of
universal liberty guarded, all soil blessed
by the institutions of freedom ; and to esta
blish bondage, positive enactments were
necessarily required. These sentiments of
Pennsylvania remain unchanged, and if
their expression, with a perfect willingness
to submit their accuracy to the supreme
judicial tribunals of the country, were
aggressions on the rights of the citizens of
Virginia and Georgia if they were an
infraction of tbe National Constitution, or
tended to the dissolution of tbe Union tbe
demonstration thereof baa not been made
manifest to our citizens.
Tbe National Government is admitted to
be a government of limited powers.and that
no authority can be exercised by it unless
conferred bv the Constitution. In the
Constitution is found no express authority
for the acquisition of territory by purchase
no express authority to admit new States
into the Confederacy, formed, from the
acquired territory no expressed or written
power to absorb and annex another and a
distinct sovereignty ; to assume Us debts.
finish its unsettled warfare, or to take
ehsrge of its public domain no express
authority ia given to plant the institution of
Slavery where it does not exist, and cer
tainly none to guarantee to it, io its new
home, the unequal and anti-republican
representation te which it is entitled in the
original States. The practical nnd common
sense exposition of the Constitution, it is
freely conceded, would invest a government
of limited powers, with all the authority
necessary to carry into effect ita expressly
granted powers.
The powers of Congress over the Terri
tories of the Union, and the District of
Columbia, are embraced in the following
provisions :
First New States may be admitted by
Congress into the Union. Congress shall
have power to dispose of, and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting tbe
territory or other property belonging to the
United States ; and nothing in thia Consti
tution shall be construed as to prejudice
any claims of the United States, or any
particular State.
Second Congress has the right to ex
ercise exclusive legislation in all cases
whatsover over auch district, (not exceed
ing ten miles square,) aa may, by cession
of particular States, and the acceptance of
Congress, become the seat of Government
of the United States.
The pans of the Constitution hereinbe
fore detailed and mentioned below, embrace
all the provisions necessary or essential
for our present purpose.
1. The slave representation in the Na
tional Congress.
2. Tbe non-importation of slaves after
1608.
3. The extradition of fugitives from labor.
4- The authority of Congress over the
District of Columbia.
Which of these provisions of tbe Nation
al Constitution, has been encroached upon
by Pennsylvania ? There is no part of her
history, legislative, executive, or judicial,
that shows any interference with the rights
of representation belonging to Virginia or
Georgia. No charge has been made against
her faithful observance of that portion of
the Constitution in relation to the importa
tion, or non-importation of slaves. The au
thority of Congress to establish slavery in
territories wherein it does not exist, this
State hasdenied,iu mild and Iriendly terms;
and in submitting heretofore lo the exercise
of tbe power when new Slave-holding States
have been admitted.no bitterness has mark
ea ner complaints ana protests, i ne au
thority of Congress to abolish alavery in
a a a eve.
the District of Columbia, ia apparent, un
less tbe words employed conferring it, gives
less and a different power when inserted in
Constitutions, than when used in other por
tions of the written and spoken language
of the country.
The complaint in relation to the non-de
livery of fugitives from labor will be best
answered by a review of the laws enacted
on the subject.
Tbe act of 1780, although it denied the
use of slave property lo her own citizens,
with a careful regard for the rights ol the
Slave-holding Slates, permitted sojourners
to retain tbe ownership of auch property
for six consecutive months within the State.
The frequent evaaiona of this part of the
statute, and the effort made toex'ead sls
very to ihe ohSpriog of slave mothers
caused the act of 39th of March, 1788
The constitutional provision before men
tiined for reclamation of fugitives followed
soon after, and was supposed to place all
power over the subject in the National Leg
islature. The act of Congress of 13th Feb
ruary, 1793, entitled an act "respecting
fuiritivfcs from justice and persons escaping
from the service of their masters" appeared
to confirm this opinion. It waa believed.
however, that a concurrent jurisdiction ves
ted in the National and State Legislatures.
At the request of n number of gentlemen
of the neighboring State of Maryland, aa
;. .iQtad in the argument in the ease oi
Prigg vs. Commonwealth, the act of 35th
March. 1 828. was passed. I hree objects
were intended to be secured by this legisla
tion, to wit, the delivery of fugitives from
labor, the protection of free colored people,
and the prevention of kidnapping.
The 1st and 3d sections describe the of
fence of kidnapping, and prescribe its p'uu
ishment. The propriety and justice of its
enactments can not be questioned. The
other sections of this statute, relative to the
reclamation of fugitives from labor and ihe
powers given to the owner to re laze nia
property, and the obligations to aid and co
operate with him imposed upon the officers
of this Commonwealth, was of such char
acter as ouht to have satisfied all reason
able and fair-dealing men of the disposition
nt this Commonwealth and the acta of
Congress completely carried into effect
Wbile the law provided ample security Tor
the safe keeping of the alleged fugitive,
until the owner might have an opportunity
to obtain the proof of his former condition,
it required other prool of this fact than the
oath of the interested claimant o r hie agent
or attorney. Tbe provisione of this law
were fair and equitable, and well ealcula
ted to aid the owner in the recovery of bis
property ; and it is deemed a matter of sur
prise that it was contested and annulled.
through the aeencv of the same State
whose citizens had procured its enactment
The guards, in the statute, intended to pre
serve the liberty of the free man, would by
the investigation it demanded, cause some
trouble in procuring tbe final extradition
of the fugitive slave. Tbe proof of proper
ty, by other evidence than the oath of the
claimant, was certainly demanding aa lit
tle as our Southern friends in justice ahould
have desired, whin they asked the aid of
official power of the Cmnionwalih to
send from her jurisdiction anJ territory
humnn beings invoking the protection and
guardianship of her laws. The Supreme
Court, however.decided, that the provisions
of said law. imposing restraints upon the
claimant's power lo remove the alleged
fugitive, were unconstitutional. If the
restrictions imposed by the statute were
intended to aid the escape, or to prevent the
extradition of the fugitive, the accn
racy of the decision can not tie doubted,
but if these guards were inserted aa W
sary to protect the liberty nf the freeman
the decision was wrong, unless it was ad
judged that the sule authority to tlaim aa
provided in 'ho Constitution, and also au
thorize! him In aiza and remove the indi
vidiiil whom he n'lig'd was bin property
and to us foi that purpose the oflicia
power of the Stato, without permitting to
her the right to control and regulate the
manner of '.he procedure or to determine
tho truth and justice of the alleged claim.
It established the principle that a stranger
to tho soil of Pennsylvania, might enter
upon it, and by possibility inflict the deep
est injustice upon her sovereignty by tbe
abduction of her citizens on false pretences
the supreme judicature having so decided the
question, our law-abiding citizens submit
ted, but with the determination, that in tbe
spirit of that decision the officers of this
Commonwealth should not be made the
instruments, even by possibility, on such
slight foundation as a claimant's interested
demand, of enslaving free men. To pre
vent this great possible wrong, tbe act of
3d March, 1847, repealing all legislation
on the subject, and forbidding the officers
of the State to take any part in the recap
lure of such alleged fugitives, was enacted
The coMtituiional provision, and the act
ol Congress, our Slate has endeavored to
carry into full effect. She has denied, and
is hoped, ever will deny, the power nf
Congress to impose tbe performance of
duties upon her municipal and judicial offi
cers, without her consent.
An act of Congress, providing a mode
of procuring due proof of the correctness
of the claim of the reputed owoer of a fu
gitive from labor, and requiring satisfac
tory evidence from disinterested parties ef
the former condition of the person claimed,
would receive the sanction of our citizens.
and their co-operation in carrying it into
effect. No enactment would satisfy tbe
citizens of Pennsylvania, that failed to re
quire strict proof of the right of the master.
In this recital of her Legislative history,
it is impossible to discover wherein this
Commonwealth has been unfaithful to the
National Constitution.
If the obligations impossed upon us by
ihe Constitution, hsve been thus faithfully
discharged ; and if every page of our his
tory, every volume of our la wa, demon
strate, that our federal relatione have bean
honestly regarded ; is it not an act of in
justice, on the part of Virginia and Georgia,
lo charge us with a wilful neglect and in
fraction of our duties lo the National com
pact 7 It it n aggress-orn 'or our awonle.
the exercise of ike liberty of
in
to proclaim that sivery si an evil, and a
wrong, and that al the adept io. of the Con
stitution these principles were avowed nnd
maintained I Is it a wrong in J hem to
say that power ie vested in Conglesl lo
prohibit the introduction of alavery into
the Territories, nnd to abolish H in the Die-
Irict of Columbia 1 Tbe federal Constitu
tion deniee to them no right te speak freely
on these subjects. If it did, thia Govern
mm Mr would have existed clothed
with power so despotic nnd unjust,-'"1
Whether it ia expedient 16 legislate upon
the subject of the exclusion of slavery from
the Territories, aa d of iu abolition ia the
District of Columbia, at the present time
by tbe National Coegrsss. er to permit
the people of the respective Terriforrs?,
and the District of Columbia, to act for
their own best interest and according to
their own views of policy nnd right, is no
part of our present duly to determine.
These question!) may well be left la tbe
Representatives in Congress, under the in
structions of the people, to decide aa may
seem most conductive to the welfare of al!
sections of our common country ; but it ia.
nevertheless, right nnd proper, nnd a duty
we owe to the people of Pennsylvania to
tbe memory of her early and patriotic
statesmen to the reputation of the public
men of the naat veneration, and to those
now entrusted with her destinies, lo deny,
ia dignified and decided terms, Ihe iasinu
ationa and charges made against her fsith
and integrity,
The allegation of infidelity to the Natio
nal Union, ia best answered by the history
of her devotion nnd attachment to this pal
ladium of our civil and religious freedom.
The alien nnd sedition laws of the
national Concraas. while they found no
sympathy in the hearts of her citizens, but
roused their deepest and deadliest opposition,
failed lo provoke her people lo enter into
any arrangements for their resistance by
force, even to the destruction of the Union
The extension of slavery over portions of the
vest domains of the Lousiana purchase,
although in direct opposition to her united
and solemn protest, and calculated to out
rage the feelings of her people, produced
no threats of dissolution.
The prostration of her industrial pursuits.
caused by the influence of the augmented
slave representation ia the natioaal Con
gress by the ndmission of Texas, while it
deeply wounded, could not destroy her
confidence and love for the national com
pact. ' '
11m compromise of the revenue laws
made to win an erring sister lo the duly of
obedience to the Constitution and laws, by
which wide-spread ruin a wept ever her
borders, wrung from tier eitiaens no de
nunciations of ihe federal Union.
The refusal on the part of certain Slave
holding Stales to deliver up, although re
quired so to do by express provision of the
Constitution, kidnappers, whose wrong-do
ing waa against the very sovereignty of
the Commonwealth, furnished, in her
opinion, no valid reason for assembling
conventions lo disrupt the confederation of
the States.
All these acts, so injurious to her peo
ple, might have authori zed deep end loud
complaints, but her love for the Union ren
dered her silent, and induced the hopes thai
different and more friendly counsels would
prevail. Her voice waa beard only in
kind reasoastranee. No harsh complaints
of a violated Constitution and invaded rights
were uttered, to wound a brother's ear, and
interrupt tbe social and kindred friendships
of n united people. She remembered that
we were a common people that a com
mon purpose, for Ihe advancement of hu
man rights, had produced our conn ection
that a commnff danger had united us in
fraternal bonds and that a common desti -
ny awaited us She reflected that the same
soil bad been red with the blood of a com
mon ancestry, and that the same religion,
laws, institutions, habits and pursuits, gov
erned and guided and marked our common
pathway. Relying on the justice and fra
ternal feelings of n common eountry, she
believed that ner rights and interests would
be, in proper lime, admitted, recognized
and protected. The attachment of Penn
sylvania to the Union during her entire
career, has been as pure and ardent aa it
was in tbe first hours of its existence, and
her faith ia ita stability and permanent pre
servation bus never changed. She feels
that the cement of the Union is the heart-
blood of the entire people ; and that in the
hands of the masses the fabric of liberty ia
placed beyond the reach of ita secret fees.
She confidently believes, that to prevent its
uisnipuuB anu overinrow, in me common
danger, would be found side by sides of old.
tbe sons ef Virgioia.Georgia, and Pennsyl
vania, patriotically and nobly striving, in a
common purpose, to plant on a higher, sa
fer, holier, and more stable basis the Na
tiooal banner, and united therewith, for ev-
er and indestructible, the Virtue, Liberty,
and Independence, of Pennsylvania the
Sie semper Tyrann s, of Virginia and
the -Wisdom, Justice, end Moderation" of
Georgia. " I
la obedience to the constitutional duty.
requiring ma to transmit suck information
to ike Legislature as may be deemed perti
nent io tbe welfare of the people, I beg
wave to submit these resolves of Virginia
and Georgia, with this rnessage; and to
request Ihe passage ef such resolutions, to
he forwarded to the Bxeeutiveof Georgia
and Virginia, as mag indicntejhe injustice
done to tbia Commonwealiayin the declar
uoae made by their legislatures, while at
tbe same time we offer aaeoraoces ol our
cordial respect for, and leitWul support ef.
tbe National Constitution and Union ; sad
of our sincere, and fraternal- fsrSags to
wards their people aa citizens of a common
country. WM. F. JOHNSTON.
! Harrisburg. March 23. 1880.
I Qim niinniTifli it
Til IK: I III I. 111 liV
iuiuii uuitumujujui
. O. HICKOX. Editor.
, 9. WOR0EBT, FuBUshsr.
At riM In Mtraam. U.TS la ttuw smith
nth, $2 pa!4
. wilKin Um nu. mmI sua ftt tb. end uj
A(nU Is rbttadrlrbfe T a rtmn saa w cur.
iLetrisburff, Pa.
Wednesday Morning, March 27
C7Aa part of the history of the times.
we lay before our readers the Message of
Gov. Johnston on the complaints made b)
the Slates of Georgia and Virginia, against
Pennsylvaaia, of encroachments upon the
Federal Constitution and the rights of the
South. Our Democratic readers may dis
sent from the drift of some portion of it.
but aa an important Executive dccuiutui it
ia worthy an attentive perusal
Letter from tb Editor.
Nzw Bkblib, March 88
The Special Court called for tbe trial of
the case of Hajea va. Gudjkunst. is in
session. The trial of that cause will prob
ably occupy the whole of thia week.
Tbe Democratic Couuty Convention met
veaterdav. and appointed -Unas K. Davie,
jr., ol Sehasgrovej Representative Delegate
to the Y illiamsport Slate Convention, with
instructions to support Edwabo B. Hcblkt,
of Schuylkill county, for Canal Commis
sioner. They also concurred in the ap
pointment of Win. P. Cooper, of Junists
county, (Editor of the Juniata Ragister.)
as Senatorial delegate.
The lOmocratic County Meeting called
in reference to the slavery agitation, aad
the tariff, assembled in the Court House
this afternoon. I will send ou the pro
ceedings in extenso for publication, an J
therefore content myself now with a brief
sketch ol the sayings and doings upou this
occasion.
Maj. C. H. Shrintr first took the floor,
and advocated, in bold aud animated sty Ie,
the orthodoxy of tbe Jeflersonisu ordinance
of V7, and the Resolutions of the Puts
burg Convention of July hut opposed the
extension of slaver commented in strung
terms upon the exiieeue Southern tenden
cies of the meeting in tbe Chinese Muse
um, I'hilad., on the ?2d February and, io
a warm and pointed manner, contrasted
the prtstnt puaitiun of Mr. Caey on I'm
Slavery question, with the professions he
made iu the campaign of 1848.
Inute SJttdktr, q., followed with a
statement ot the origin of the Baltimore
platform in 1840, and its aubsequt-ni histo--ry,
and proved by a clar and conclusive
arguim nt that the Baltimore resolution cu
Slaver) did not, aitd could not from its
phraseology, fully lure I the exigencies ol
the tiiiM s, and Ihe isKiies which have since
been raised upon this subject, and he tbo't
a democratic National Convention if one
were now assembled would not adopt it
without essential modification. He tho'i
the resolution of the Pittsburg Convention
in July laat, embodied sound and reliable
principles very happily expressed that it
had carried the party saiely through lo a
triumphant victory at the laat election, and
said that be would stand firmly by the fu
ture platforms of the democratic party
when established by its authorized delegates
in State and National Conventions, yet
until other and better standards of political
faith were thus laid down, he would adhere
lo the doctrines of the Pittsburg convention
as right in principle, and an authorized
rac, of pen.,Tlvania. He next referred
1 to the extradition of fusitive alaves. and
said that under the decision of the Supreme
Court of the United Stales, he thought the
Pa. act of 184? waa right, and that slave
owners could properly invoke only tbe aid
ol the U. S. Courts and the assistance of
the U. S. Marshals and their deputies tc
recapture fugitives from service' but he
was of opinion that laws imposing severe
penalties should be passed by Congress,
and enforced, to punish all persons who in
terfere with the proper efficers or their ss
sistants in the recapture of runaway a- Hs
also said lhat Mr. Casey had abandoned
tbe ground be stood on in '48, and had
come over a great ways onto the democrat
ic platform, in opposition to which he had
been elected.
ILn. John Snyder made a few remarks
denying the power of Congress over Slave
ry in the territories, and vindicating Mr
Calhoun. - a , ..
II. C. Hiclcok replied briefly, dissenting
from the novel doctrines on the SUverv
question broached latelv bv Mr. Calhoun.
and senctioned in whole or in nert he other
Southern gentlemen, and endorsed by some
small portion of the North. '
j R-B. bmrher Eeq. denounced ia severe
terms tbe abolitionists of New York and
New Englaad and their coadjutors io Phil
adelphia who were petitioning for n disso
lution of the Union.
i All ihe speakers advocated aa unyield
ing adherence to tbe compromises of the
Constitution, and urged the immediate as
mission ol California into the Union.
Ma. 8LIFER. This Sontb-m.n Am uImmJ
sad amiable Representative from ITainn cauoIV.
ho has brea eVteineil b front lbs
Hooss for asarl twe weeks, we am hsonv to ew
again al hi seat; and we aadentood iaasoa
versanen with him thai ha has pretty bbcd r
severed from bis illness, uteagh Ihe Sect
pretty plainly visible US his sotmlsneoee. Hi
eonethwsnta wtH ha etaa la km me es.
fast he has recovered, sad is again al his poet a
faithful and able sentinel rH.rriskars Trfs-
erSTh. Mifrti M let -