A YET Mn:
THE HARM BRYAN
T
GOULD D0 IF ELECTED
Would Ride His Hobbies Despite
a Republican Senate and House.
PLAUSIBLE ARGUMENT REFUTED
Substantially the Only Plea Offered
in Behalf of the Democratic
£ Candidate Shown to Be as False
as It is Shameless—At Once an
Apology and an Indictment.
One of the ost frequent and
seemingly plausibie arguments in be-
half of Bryan's candidacy is that as
President of the United States he
gould do no harm, because the Sen-
ate and the House also, if Republi-
can, would prevent him from having
his own way. Would any sane busi-
ness man in the United States enter-
tain such a suggestion? He would
reject it indignantly and rebuke the
person making it. “What!” he would
exclaim. “Place an untrustworthy
person in charge of my affairs and
trust to others to see that he is not
gllowed to injure me? The very
fdea is an insult to my common
sense!”
Yet day in and day out, in news-
paper articles, speeches and talk be-
tween man and man, the argument
we have quoted is applied to the
greatest office in the United States,
the office the holder of.which pos-
sesses more power, for good or ill,
than any king or emperor, and who
‘ean, even by a mere utterance, effect
fncalculable evil to business interests
throughout the United States. It is
substantially the only plea offered in
behalf of Bryan to the business men
of the country, and the persistence
with which it is repeated suggests
that those who present it think it is
having some effect, or perhaps—
which is more likely—it is the only
plea they dare to present, conscious
as they are of the utter unfitness of
their candidate and of the futility of
seeking to gain support for him on
his merits as a public man.
It is a false plea, as false as it is
ghameless. Bryan in the White
House could be and would be for
four long years the most dangerous
pest and plague the business inter-
ests of this nation have ever encoun-
tered. The lack of ballast in his po-
litical career up to date, his weather
vane veering to this or that point of
the compass to catch a promising
breeze, his lightning somersaults
from one political hobby to another,
hig plagiarism of any novelty that he
thinks may attract the thoughtless—
all these foreshadow the instability
of his course should he achieve the
aim of his ambition and prove the
menace that his very presence in the
White House would be to business
interests.
Neither Senate nor House could
prevent him from doing irremediable
harm, and business men who had
been deceived into accepting him as
harmless would have abundant time
and leisure to repent.
What a contrast between the can-
didate whose strongest plea is that,
if elected, he would be unable to do
anything very bad because Congress
would not let him, and William H.
Taft, of whom President McKinley
said, “I am sending Taft to the Phil-
fppines because he is the broadest
and most unselfishly brave man I
know, and because he will carry the
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—From Cincinnati Times-Star.
AKA ARK A kK AKA KIA
* MR. TAFT ON BANK GUAR-
ANTY
* % OF %
Explodes Bryan's Pet Proposi-
tion in Speech at Minneap-
olis, September 26.
Xo % Xt
My information with respect
% to the Oklahoma system is that
% it is developing as might be ex-
* pected. I have a correspondent
* who is intimately acquainted
* with the conditions in Okla-
% homa. In a letter of Septem-
% ber 22, 1908, in speaking of the
* effect of the guaranty of deposit
% law, he uses the following lan-
% guage:
“Conditions in Oklahoma are
%* growing worse than was ex-
* pected on account of the recent
% decision there whereby it was
* decided that the Bank Commis-
% sioner had no right tc refuse to
%* grant a charter to parties pro-
% prosing to organize a bank. As
% an instance, in a town of less
* than 500 people as many as four
%* banks have been organized. Ap-
% plication is now in for the or-
* ganization of a fourth bank in
% one town of only 470 population.
* “Men whose past record
% proved them to be incompetent
* are engaged in the banking
spirit of the Constitution of the Uni-
ted States in his very blood”’—Taft,
the statesman, held in esteem
throughout the civilized world; the
just judge and modest, sincere gen-
tleman, “full,” as one writer de-
scribes him, “of the knighthood un-
der which the honor and strength of
a great nation must be shielded in
insidious peace as in open war.”” No-
body suggests that William H. Taft
would need a Congress to watch him,
or that any act of his would be a
wrong or a menace to the business
interests of law abiding citizens. No-
body has any doubt that Taft as Pres-
ident would be guided solely by his
gense of duty, without regard to the
bearing of his acts on his political or
personal fortunes. In brief, nohody
would dare to present in behalf of
Taft the plea which is at once an
apology for and an indictment of
Bryan.
SECRETARY ROOT ON FREEDOM
OF SPEECH.
Our people are keenly alive to the
public interest and competent for the
discussion of public guestions. Ix-
pression of opinion is free as the air
we breathe. Respect for law is gen-
eral; disregard of it is the rare ex-
ception.
Bryan saving banks
handed out at the Democratic na-
tional headquarters. Does a guaran-
tee on deposits go with them?
are being
A CHANGE IN STYLES.
(From Judge.)
When William Taft is President, heigho, in
ud,
How styles will change. No one of us will
then train down too fine.
Horse foctars will begin to stuff, and ere
they go their rounds
Each one will have to tip the scales at full
two hundred pounds.
May Irwin will not have to bant in one
continuous Lent,
But she can amble out and sing, when Taft
is President.
Thin men of every shape and size will hide
themselves away,
All hollow cheeks will be tabooed, all diets
be passe,
All hatchet faces will be mobbed. Each
ir] we love must be
So fat she’ll quiver in our arms in rotund
ecstacy.
Round-bellied aeronauts must steer bal-
loons they represent.
‘All cooks must sleep in double beds, when
: Taft is President.
The corporations will not be confined to
ip a few,
But all the common people will have cor-
vly smile,
t lose flesh by worry, and we
dn’t be in style.
1 d. tin
* business and getting in control
%* of banking institutions. I have
* knowledge of one instance
* where a man was engaged in
%* business some years ago and
* failed. He went to another town
* and engaged in the same line
* of business in his wife's name,
% but conducted her affairs in such
%* an unbusinesslike way tuat she
* failed. Some time afterward he
%* went to Oklahoma Territory and
* started a small State bank, but
* found he could not.succeed and
% sold to other parties and left the
%* Territory. A few months ago,
* however, he returned and start-
* ed another State bank, advertis-
* ing that the depositors are se-
* cured under the State guaranty
* law, and after sixty days’ opera-
% tion he now has over $100,000
* deposits. 1 have it from the
% best authority that he now pro-
* poses to start fifteen new State
% banks throughout the State, two
* of which have already been or-
* ganized, and one now doing
* business.”
AA AAA AAA A kk AAA kkk
PRESIDENT GOMPERS AND THE
DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
(From the Wage Earner.)
President Samuel Gompers has al-
lied himself with Bryan and the Dem-
ocratic party.
Has he acted wisely?
The majority of the Democrats in
the National House of Representa-
tives come from the South.
The South is an enemy of union la-
bor and believes in child labor.
Some Southern States have no laws
regulating the hours of labor for
women and children, and some have
regulations that are not enforced.
What does Gompers expect from a
party dominated by the South?
What benefit can the rank and file
of labor receive by following Presi-
dent Gompers politically?
ee e———————————————————————————————t
3h oo 3 oO 2 2 Ob 3b 2 2 bX 2 dO 0 3b 3b 2% 0 2 2 ob 0b Xb 2 3b Ob 0b 3b 3 ok
PROSPERITY AND COPPER.
(From the Springfield Republican.)
One large copper preducer is re-
ported as saying: “If Bryan is elect-
ed copper will sell at eleven cents;
if Taft is elected it will sell at fifteen
cents.” He does not know, of course,
whether it will or not, and must be
talking for political effect. “But it
may be observed that copper at one
time sold as high as twenty-five cents
under Mr. Roosevelt's “business-de-
stroying -administration.”e
expect as much prosperity from a
Taft as from a Roosevelt administra-
tion?
, Democratic orators are
Sd twat tf} cople want B
S 1 we hear someth
896 and 1900?
30k 2b 2b 4 2% 0 0 3 3b 3 6k Ebb bk
Can’t we
CONTINUE THE PARTY IN
POWER THAT DOES THINGS
This would seem to be an unpro-
pitious occasion for the appeal to the
spirit of unrest and dissatisfaction
which certain political elements are
making. “Turn out the party in
power” is the burden of their demand,
yet never was there a time when the
party in power had such a magnificent
record to its credit—a record of
things accomplished as well as prom-
ised. Against this record the appel-
lants have only promises.
For eleven years the Republican
party has been establishing this rec-
ord, year after year in administra-
tion, Congress after Congress in en-
actment. There is no reason to ap-
prehend that there will be either fal-
tering or failure as long as the party
is kept in full power. But it must
have all branches of the Government.
It will not do to give the Republicans
the Senate and the Presidency and
deny them the House.
The election of a DemocraticHouse of
Renresentatives this fall would mean
depriving the Republicans of power
of action without vesting it at the
same time in any other party. Fur-
thermore, it would relieve both par-
ties of responsibility to the people,
so that when the next general elec-
tion came around, the Presidential
| GERMAN:-AMERICANS TRUE
TO THEIR PRINCIPLES
Their Vote Assured to Taft and Sher-
man, Who Stand For National
Honor, Credit and Progress.
The German is, as a rule, a good
i business man. He believes in the
‘gold standard — which Bryan does
not; he believes in protection for
American industry — which Bryan
does not—he believes in expending
: the money of the Government for the
i benefit of all the people, in the rural
free delivery, the irrigation of arid
lands,, the preservation and utiliza-
tion of our forests, the improvement
of agriculture aad other great public
services, which Bryan, according to
the political platform to which he
has subscribed, regards as ‘‘unneces-
sary and wasteful.”
The prospect that Bryan would be
nominated drew bitter protests from
leading Germans and German news-
| papers, including the newspaper con-
trolled by Ridder, the present Demo-
cratic campaign treasurer, who de-
clared that he would never support
the advocate of free silver and repu-
| diatlon, and other vagaries offensive
|to the sound judgment and honest
| character of German-Americans. The
| fact that Mr. Ridder has seen fit to
change his attitutde toward the can-
060060 9000699090900060006660
statesmen, without statesmansh
heroes without heroism. Their
farming, laborers without labor,
148, and if it redecmed a single
0000000000000 00606
retire from the canvass.”
* *® *
Kioley law.
the Republican $1,000,000,0060
The Democratic Party.
Senator T. P. Gore, Democrat, of Oklahoma, now a Bryan
spellbinder, in a speech delivered at Dallas, Texas, in 1896, said:
“The trouble with the Democratic party is it is a party of
» ® ® # 5
“The Fifty-second Congress had a Democratic majority of
ise, kept a single command or discharged a
made to the people of the United States I will quit the stump and
“The Fifty-second Congress was elected on retrenchment
and economy, the free coinage of siiver and the repeal of the Mc-
In the matter of economy that Congress exceeded
ip, patriots without patriotism,
policy begets farmers without
freemen without freedom.
pledge, observed a single prom-
single obligation
® *
Congress by $40,000,000.”
900600006000 0065009
9006000606 6000800008600 6060
election, there would be on one in
| authority upon whom to vent resent-
| ment for failures. Rach party would
| blame the other and the voter would
not know which way to turn.
The sensible thing would seem to
be to continue in power the party that
| can do things. The Republicans have
| shown themselves able and willing
| to do things, and the things they have
done are written broad upon the
statute books for all men to read. It
is not in evidence that the people are
dissatisfied with what the Republi-
cans have done. Even the Democrats
admit the wisdum of both legislation
and administrstion of their op-
ponents.
All that the Democrats can do is to
demand “a change,” something dif-
ferent. Upon analysis their demands
resolve into this one proposition:
“Purn them out and turn us in.”
This is very nice for the Democratic
politicians, but what is there in it
for the people at large?
A GOOD EMPLOYER.
(From the St. Louis Globe-Demo-
crat.)
For four years Mr. Taft had
charge of 30,000 workingmen at Pan-
ama, and they unite in saying that
he is a good boss, as well as efficient
in carrying forward the business in
| hand.
| Mr. Bryan has been exhorting Mr.
Taft to utter some “plain, simple
ances.” Here are two: “I stand
-d. Can my opponent say
QTY 2} »
| as much?
| didate whose nomination he regarded
as equivalent to defeat does not mean
that there has been any general de-
sertion on the part of German-Ameri-
cans from the principles of sound
money and of protection for Ameri-
can industry. Citizens of German
origin, Democrats as well as Repub-
licans throughout the United States,
are for Taft and the policies which
Taft represents.
The German’s common sense tells
him that Bryan is a menace to busi-
ness, that his political schemes are
visionary and impracticable, and that
he depends for his only substantial
support upon a form of class hatred
tending to undermine and break
down American institutions. -Ger-
man-Americans believe in the past
and future of the United States, in
the establishment of which men of
German blood took a most honorable
part, and which Germans of a later
generation fought bravely to defend.
It is not remarkable, therefore, that
the German-American cannot now be
persuaded to take sides with a candi-
date whose platform is an indictment
of national progress.
The German-American vote will be
for Taft and Sherman, because Will-
iam H. Taft is recognized by Ger-
mans everywhere as better equipped
for the Presideney than any previous
President before entering upon office,
and because Germans, like all others
who have studied Mr. Taft i
convinced that
nu
career, are
Kinley would carry to
ili » spirit of the Con-
United States i
MR. TAFT AND REVISION ~~
~. OF TEE TARIFF
Declares American Wage-Earners
Should Not be Compelled to Com-
pete With Free Trade Labor,
In the course of his speech in Sioux
City September 29 Mr. Taft defined
his attitude on the question of tariff
revision with characteristic frank-
ness. He said:
“My own impression, without be-
ing familiar with the schedules as an
expert, is that in most cases the opera~
tion of the protective tariff has been
normal, the cost of production has
been reduced, and therefore the re-
vision with respect to those schedules
should be downward. There are a
few, pottery is one, in which no such
change has taken place. Indeed the
change in that case has been the other
way and in that respect probably the
tariff ought to be raised.”
In that utterance Mr. Taft explains
the difference between the tariff pol-
icies of the opposing parties so clear-
ly that no intelligent voter can mis-
understand it. Mr. Taft and the Re-
publican party recognize that the
tariff should be revised, and are
pledged to call an extra session of
Congress to undertake the work im-
mediately after the inauguration of
the next President. They insist, how-
ever, that the revision shall be made
along lines that will maintain the
protective prineiple instead of de-
stroying it; that the schedules shall
be so adjusted as to guard American
labor against the unrestricted com-
petition of the free trade labor of
Europe, and that there shall be no
legislation calculated to force a lower-
ing of the American standard of liv-
ing. In a word, Mr. Taft favors tariff
revision in the interest of tariff pro-
tection.
Mr. Bryan, on the other hand, is
pledged to tariff revision in the in-
terest of free trade. He has openly
declared for a tariff for revenue only,
and that means the absolute descruc-
tion of the protective principle. He
holds that the American wage-earner
is entitled to no protection from the
‘competition of the cheap labor of free
trade .countries, but that wages and
the manner of living in the United
States should be equalized with those
of European workmen.
Mr. Bryan's position is entirely con-
sistent with his record. It is in per-
fect accord with his attitude in Con-
gress in 1894 when he helped to pre-
pare the Wilson-Gorman tariff act,
which a Democratic President de-
nounced as “a creature of perfidy and
dishonor.” That measure struck ruin
to American industry and labor. It
closed hundreds of mills and fac-
tories, forced tens of thousands of
wage-earners into idleness, caused a
ruinous decline in the prices of all
staple commodities and created a de-
ficit in the Treasury which compelled
the Government to sell bonds for
money to meet its running expenses.
in that wicked measure, brought upon
American. industry and American
workingmen the most dreadful hard-
ships they have ever suffered in time
of peace. Under- its baleful opera-
tion hope gave way to despair, want
took the place of plenty and prosper-
ity was succeeded by bankruptey.
The history of the three years covered |
by the Wilson-Gorman-Bryan act is
written in the single word: Ruin.
The tariff issue is immediately in-
volved in the present campaign and it
may be accurately stated as follows:
Taft, Republicanism and tariff re-
vision based on protection, versus
based on free trade. Mr. Taft and
Mr. Bryah have both declared them-
selves beyond all doubt or question,
and neither seeks to conceal his at-
titude. The case is fully before the
people and they will vote upon it
with their eyes wide open. Shall it
be protection or free trade?
Mr. Bryan says he notices that the
carry into the White House, as Me- |
said he
the |
temper of the people
ifferent from what it was in his
s campaigns. His o
] have demonstra
ng to pl b public
he tail end of ralilr
pre-
rasses
Mr. Bryan's tariff pclicy, as embodied |
Bryan, Democracy and tariff revision
MR. TAFT AND THE
¥ RIGHTS OF LABOR
His Friendly Views Accepted as a
Classic Interpretation of Law.
WAGE-EARNER'S MAGNA CHARTA
Republican Candidate's Judicial De»
crees Acknowledged to Be This
by the Ablest Leaders of the La-
bor Movement—Bryan Voted For
Bill Which Shut Factories: 3
Thanks to the stupidity of Mr.
Bryan and his campaign managers in
attacking. Mr. Taft’s record on labor
questions, the_leaders of the great
labor organizations have made a
subject, oniy to be convinced more
instead of being hostile to the inter-
ests of wage-earners, has been their
steadfast and one of their most pow-
erful friends. Mr. Bryan's record on
the labor issue is merely an un-
broken story of unfulfilled promises
and false prophecies. He never did
a thing directly affecting the welfare
of the workingman except to help en-
act the iniquitous Wilson-Gorman
tariff of 1894, which paralyzed Amer-
ican industry, forced the closing of
hundreds of mills and factories, drove
tens of thousands ‘of wage-earners
into idleness and brought want and
misery to their families.
° That is absolutely all that Mr.
Bryan ever did for American: labor.
The memory of the ruinous law which
he helped to enact is a nightmare to
American workingmen. The record
is a reproach to Mr. Bryan. He is
not saying a word about it in this
campaign, because he dare not. Chal-
lenge him to defend it and he will
Suit like an angleworm impaled on
a pin. : : : :
Mr. Taft's record on the labor
question is a record of practical, posi~
tive results. As a judge on the bench
he gave decisions which for the first,
time clearly defined the rights and
privileges of labor organizations” un-’
der the law. He made it clear that
workingmen may legally form unions;
that these unions may combine with
one another; that they have the right
to’ maintain funds for those of their
members whose pay is considered in-
adequate; and that they may appoint
officers to advise them as to the
course to be taken in relations with
their employers. ts
Thus, while administering the law
with jealous regard for the inter
of justice, Mr. Taft rendered a service
to the cause of labor surpassing that
of any of his contemporaries on the
bench. He set forth the rights and
prerogatives of organized labor: so
distinctly that his views have been
accepted by all our courts as a classic
interpretation of the law on "those
subjects. In some quarters Mr. Taft's
rulings on labor questions have been
honestly misunderstood, but in oth-
ers they have been deliberately mis-
represented. For that reason the
careful examination of the entire mat-
ter which has followed the Demo-
cratic attack upon Mr. Taft's labor
record is a most fortunate circum-
stance. The more thoroughly it is
scrutinized the better for the Re-
publican candidate.
The great value to labor interests
of Mr. Taft's judicial decrees was
long ago recognized by the ablest
leaders of the labor movement. As
illustrating this, the head of one of
the great organizations of railway
men said to Mr. Taft a few days ago:
“When you made your labor de-
cision we all thought it was an out-
rage until we got down to St. Louis
and had to fight Gould, and then we
read through your decision and to
our great surprise found that you had
laid down there the Magna. Charta
upon which we could depend for the
protection of our rights.”
Mr. Bryan has nothing for the
workingmen but an offering of simply
promises and a prophecy of disaster.
His record is a blank except that in
one instance he helped to enact a law
which struck a deadly blow to labor
interests and drove an army of wage-
earners into want and despair. .
Mr, Taft, on the other hand, pre-
sents a record of honorable service in
behalf of labor. He has helped to
establish the rights of labor under the
law. He has pointed out how the
wage-earners of the country may law-
fully unite for their protection and
how they may work together, one
tradesman with another, to promote
their common interests. The story of
his splendid efforts in behalf of the
wage-earner will be read with grati-
tude long after the name of Bryanism
has faded from the memory of man.
TAFT TO LOVERS’ RESCUE.
~
Romance is quite as important to
Judge Taft as becoming President of
the United States, for in the stress of
the campaign he finds time to become
first aid to Dan Cupid. To the Re-
publican candidate’s kindly interven-
tion with prosaic officials in the War
Department Lieutenant Eben Clayton
Hill, of the Marine Corps, U. S. A,,
and Miss Lucy Lovell Atwater, of
Poughkeepsie, were married on the
day set for their wedding.
Lieutenant Hill was stationed at
Columbus, Ohio, and actuated by a
desire to attend his own wedding
sought through the meshes of red
tape at the department in Washing-
ton to obtain leave of absence to per-
mit him to do so without avail, Miss
Atwater is the daughter of Edward S.
Atwater, a cousin to Mr. Taft. The
latter was appealed to, and: not in
vain. With the much desired leave
of absence the wedding preparations
were hurried forward and everybody
was happy.
J 3% kkk kk ok kk kkk kkk kk
* Y*
| x SENATOR BEVERIDGE ON
i x TAFT'S TRAINING.
“Jt is William H. Taft more
i than any man ever called to the
leadership of the American peo-
ple who has had the best train-
ing, the widest experience and
the wisest teaching to fit him for %
that glorious but serious task.” %
* 0% XX ok 4 Xt
XX 2 6% 0b 4 oF 4
*
HRA EAA XX AN ARNAARKRAAK
searching investigation of the whole.
thoroughly than ever that Mr. Taft,
come
Cl
this s
FULI
as we
right
produ