TIME
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EE ER APR ob
(AL RESSAG
Mr. Roosevelt Makes Recommendctions to the
Senate and House
of Representatives
On Matters of Public Policy
SPER i
HH
Says That While Wise Laws Do Not Make This Fa-=
vorable Condition, Im
Do lluch to Retard It
prudent Legislation Would
-=-Recommendations That
Congress Will Consider.
INTRODUCTION.
To the Senate and House of Represen-
tatives:
We still continue in a period of un-
bounded prosperity. This prosperity 1s
not the creature of law, but undoubt-
edly the laws under which we work
have been instrumental in creating
the conditions which made it possible,
and by unwise legislation it would be
easy enough to destroy it. There will
undoubtedly be periods of depression.
The wave will recede; but the tide
will advance. This Nation is seated
on a continent flanked by two great
oceans. It is composed of men tie
descendants of picneers, or, in a
sense, pioneers themselves; of men
winnowed out from among the na-
tions of the Old World by the energy,
Yoldness, and love v1 adventure found
in (heir own eager lLiearts. Such a na-
tion, so placed, will surely wrest suc-
cess ‘rom fortune.
Ag a peopie we have played a large
part in the world, and we are bent
upon making cur future evea larger
than the past. In ticular, the eveats
of the last four years have defnitelv
decided that, for woe or for weal, our
place must be great among the na-
tions. We may either fail greatly or
succeed greatly; but we can not avoid
the endeavor from which either great
failure or great success must come.
Even if we would, we can not play a
small part. If we should try, all that
would follow would be that we should
play a large part ignobly and shame-
fully.
But our people, the sons of the men
of the Civil War, the sons of the men
who had iron in their blood, rejoice
in the present and face the future
high of heart and resolute of will
Ours is not the creed of the weakling
and the coward; ours is the gospel of
Lope and of trimmpnhant endeavor. We
ao not shrink from the struggle be-
fore us. There are many problems for
us tc face at the. outset of the twen-
tieth century-—grave problems abroad
and still graver at.home; but we
know that wz can solve them and
golve them well, provided only that
we bring to the solution the qualities
of head and heart which were shown
by the men who, in the days of Wash-
ington, founded this Government, and,
in the days of Lincoln, preserved it.
No country has ever occupied -a
higher plane of material well-being
than ours at the present moment. This
well-being is due to no sudden or ac-
cidental causes, but to the play of the
economic forces in this country for
aver a century; to our laws, our sus-
tained and continuous policies; atove
all, to the high individual average of
our citizenship. Great fortunes have
Leen won by those who have taken
the lead ip this phenomenal industrial
development, and most of these for:
tuncs have been won not by doing
evil, but as an incident to action which
has benefited the community as a
whole. Never hefore has material
well-being been so widely diffused
among our people. Great fortuncs
have been accumulated, and yet in
the aggrezate these fortunes are smali
indeed when compared to the wealth
oi the people as a whole. The plain
people are better off than they have
ever been before. The insurance co.sl-
panies, which are practically mutual §
benefit societies—especially helpful
to men of moderate means—represeil
accumulations of capital which are
among the largest in this country.
There are more deposits in the sav-
ings banks, more owners of farms,
more well-paid wage-workers in this
country now than ever before in our
history. Of course, when the condi-
tions have favored the growth of so
much that was good, they have also
favored somewhat the growth of what
was evil. It is eminently necessary
that we should endeavor to cut out this
evil, but let us keep a due sense of
proportion; let us not in fixing our
gaze upon the lesser evil forget the
greater good. The evils are real and
some of them are menacing, but they
are the outgrowth, not of misery or
decadence, but of prosperity—of the
progress of our gigantic industrial de-
velopment. This industrial develop-
ment must not be checked, but side
by side with it should go such pro-
gressive regulation as will diminisi
the evils. We should fail in our duty
if we did not try te remedy the evils,
but we shall succeed only if we pro-
ceed patiently, with practical common
sense as well as resolution, separating
the good from the bad and holding on |
to the former while endeavoring to |
get rid of the latter.
TRUSTS.
In my Message to the pres-
ent Congress at’ its first ses:
sion I discussed at lengtl
the question of the regulation of those
big corporations commonly doing an
interstate business, often with some
tendency to monopoly, which are
popularly known as trusts. The ex-
perience of the past year has em-
phasized, in my opinion, the desir-
ability of the steps I then proposed. A
fundamental requisite of social effi
ciency is a high standard of individual
energy and excellence; but this is in
no wise inconsistent with power to
act in combination for aims which can
not so well be achieved by the in-
dividual acting alone, A fundamental
en may
J base of civilization is the inviolability
of property; but this is in no wisc
inconsistent with the right of society
to regulate the exercise of the artifi-
cial powers which it confers upon tae
owners of property, under the name
of corporate franchises, in such a
way as to prevent the misuse of these
powers. Corporations, and especially
combinations of corporations, should
be managed under public regulation.
Experience has shown that under cur
system of government the necessary
supervision can not be obtained by
Stste action. It must therefore be
achieved by national action. Our aim
is not to do away with corporations;
on the contrary, these big aggrega-
tions are an inevitable development
of modern industrialism, and the ef-
fect to destroy them would be futile
unless accomplished in ways that
would work the utmost mischief to
the entire body politic. We can do
nothing of good in the way of regulat-
ing and supervising these corporations
until we fix clearly in our minds that
we are not attacking the corporations,
but endeavoring to do away with any
evil in them. We are not hostiic to
them; we are merely determined that
they shall be so handled as to sub-
serve ‘the public good. We draw the
line against misconduct, not agaiust
wealth. The capitalist who, alone or
in conjunction with the fellows, per-
forms scme great industrial feat by
which he wins money is a welldoer,
not a wrongdoer, provided only he
works in proper and legitimate lines.
We wish to favor such a man when he
does well. We wish to supervise aud
control his actions only to prevent
him from doing iil. Fublicity can do no
harm to the honest corporation; and
we nead not be overtender about
sparing the dishonest corporation.
In curbing and regulating the com-
binations of capital which are or may
become injurious to the public we
must be careful not to stop the great
enterprises which have legitimately
reduced the cost of production, nct
to abandon the place which our coun-
try has won in the leadership of the
international industrial world, not to
strike down wealth with the fesult of
closing factories and mines, of turn-
ing the wage-worker idle in the streets
and leaving the farmer without a
market for what he grows. Insistence
upon the impossible means delay in
achieving the possible, exactly as, on
the cther hand, the stubborn defense
alike of what is good and what is bad
in the existing system, the resoiute
effort to obstruct any attempt at bet
terment, betrays blindness to the his
toric truth that wise evolution is the
sure safeguard against revolution.
No niore important subject can
come before the Congress than this
of the regulation of interstate busi-
ness. This country can not afford tc
sit supine on the plea that under ous
peculiar sysiem of government we
are helpless in the presence of the new
conditions, and unable to grapple
with them or to cut out whatever of
evil has arisen in connection wita
them. The power of the Congress to
regulate interstate commerce is an
absolute and unqualified grant, and
without limitations other than those
prescribed by the Constitution. The
Congress has constitutional authority
to make all laws necessary and
proper for executing this power, and
I am satisfied that this power has not
heen exhausted by any legislation now
on the statute books. It is eviden,
therefore. that evils restrictive of coni-
mercial freedom and entailing re
straint upon national commerce fals
within the regulative power of the
Congzress, and that a wise and reasoil-
able law would ke a necessary and
proper exercise of Congressional au-
thority to the end that such evils
should be eradicated.
I believe that monopolies, unjust
discriminations, which prevent or
cripple competition, fraudulent ovei-
capitalization, and other evils in trust
organizations and practices which in-
juriously affect interstate trade can
be prevented under the power of the
Congress to “regulate commerce wite
foreign nations and among the sev-
eral States” through regulations and
requirements operating directly upoi
such commerce, the instrumentalities
thereof, and those engaged therein.
I earnestly recommend this subject
{o the consideration of the Congress
with a view to the passage of a_ law
reasonable in its provisions and ef
ffective in its operations, upon which
the questions can be finally adjudi
cated that now raise doubts as to the
necessity of constitutional amend
ment. If it prove impossible to ac
complish the purposes above se!
forth by such a law, then, assuredly
we should not shrink from amending
ihe Constitution so as to secure be
yond peradventure the power sought.
The Congress has not heretofore
made any appropriation for the bet
ter enforcement of the antitrust law
| ag it now stands. Very much has been
| done by the Department of Justice in
| securing the enforcement of this law,
| but much more could be done it Coil
| gress would make a special appro-
priation for this purpose, to be ex
| pended under the direction of the At-
| torney General.
One proposition
advocated has
heen the r
incticn of the tariff as a
means of ng the evils of tlhe
trusts whieh fall within the category
1 have described. Not merely would
this be wholly ineffective, but the
diversion of our efforts in such a
direction would mean the abandon-
ment of all intelligent attempt to do
away with these evils. Many of thc
largest corporations, many of those
which should certainly be included
in any proper scheme of reguiation,
would not be affected in the slightesc
degree by a change in the tariff, save
as such change interfered with the
general prosperity of the country. The
only relation of the tariff to big cor-
porations as a whole is that the tani
makes manufactures profitable, and
the tariff remedy proposed would be
in effect simply to make manufac-
tures unprofitable. To remove thc
tariff as a punitive measure directec
against trusts would inevitably resuit
in ruin to the weaker competitors who
are struggling against them. Our aim
shoyld be not by unwise tariff changes
to give forcign products the advan-
tage over domestic products, but by
proper regulation to give domestic
competition a fair chance; and this
end can not be reached by any tariff
changes which would affect unfavor-
ably all domestic competitors, good
and bad alike. The question of regula-
tion of the trusts stands apart from
the question of tariff revision.
Stability of economic policy must
always be the prime economic need of
this country. This stability should
not be fossilization. Tne country has
acquiesced in the wisdom of the pro-
tective-tariff principle. It is exceed-
ingly undesirable that this system
should be destroyed or that there,
should be violent and radical changes
therein. Our past experience shows
that great prosperity in this country
has always come under a protective
tariff, and that the country can noi
prosper under fitful tariff changes a‘
short intervals. Moreover, if the tariff
laws as a whole work well, and if
business has prospered under them
and is prospering, it is better to eon-
dure for a time slight inconveniences
and inequalities in some schedul:s
than to upset business by too quick
and too radical changes. It is most
earnestly to be wished that we could
treat the tariff from the standpoint
solely of our business needs. It ig, per-
haps, too much to hope that partizan-
ship may be entirely excluded from
consideration of the subject, but at
least it can be made secondary to the
business interests of the country—
that is, to the interests of our people
as a whole. Unquestionably these
business interests will best be served
if together with fixity of principle as
regards the tariff we combine a system
which will permit us from time to tile
to make the necessary reapplication
of the principle to the shifting national
needs. We must take scrupulous care
that the reapplication shall be made
in such a way that it will not amount
to a dislocation of our system, the
mere threat of which (not to speak of
the performance) would produce
paralysis in the business energies of
the community. The first considera-
tion in making these changes would,
of course, be to preserve the principle
which underlies our whole tariff sys-
tem—-that is, the principle of putting
American business interests at least
on a full equality with interests
abroad, and of always allowing a suffi-
cient rate of duty to more than cover
the difference between the labor cost
here and abroad. The well-being of
NATIONAL BANKS.
Interest rates are a potent factor in
business activity, and in order that
these rates may be’ equalized to meet
the varying needs of the seasons and
of widely separated communities,
and to prevent the recurrence of finan-
cial stringencies which injuriously
affect legitimate business, it is neces-
sary that there should be an element
of elasticity in our monetary system.
Banks are the natural servants of
commerce, and upon them shouid be
placed, as far as practicable, the bur-
den of furnishing and maintaining ~
circulation adequate to supply the
needs of our diversified industries and
of our domestic and foreign com-
merce; and the issue of this should
be so regulated that a sufficient sup
ply should be always available for the
business interests of the country.
It would be both unwise and un-
necessary at this time to attempt to
reconstruct our financial system,
which has been the growth of a cen-
tury; but some additional legislation
is, I think, desirable. The mere out-
line of any plan sufficiently compre-
hensive to meet these requirements
would transgress the appropriate limits
of this communication. It is suggested,
however, that all future legislation on
the subject should be with the view
of encouraging the use of such 1n-
strumentalities as will automatically
supply every .legitimate demand of
productive industries and of com-
merce, not only in the amount, but in
the character of circulation; and of
making all kinds of money inter-
changeable, and, at the will of the
holder, convertible into the estab-
lished gold standard.
I again call your attention to the
need of passing a proper immigration
law, covering the points outlined 1b
my Message to you at the first session
of the present Congress; substantiaily
such a bill has already passed the
House.
LLABOR AND CAPITAL.
How to secure fair treatment alike
for labor and for capital, how to hold
in check the unscrupulous man,
whether employer or employee, with-
out weakening individual initiative,
without hampering and cramping the
industrial development of the coun-
try. is a problem fraught with great
difiiculties and one which it is of the
highest importance to solve on lines
of sanity and far-sighted common
sense as well as of devotion to the
right. This is an era of federation and
combination. Exactly as business men
find they must often work through
corporations, and as it is a constant
Aendenlcy of these corporations to
grow larger, so it is often necessary
for laboring men to work in federa-
tions, and these have become im-
portant factors of modern industrial
life. Beth kinds of federation, capi-
talistic and labor, can do much good,
and as necessary corollary they can
both do evil. Opposition to each kind
of organization should take the form
of opposition to whatever is bad in
the conduct of any given corporation
or union—not of attacks upon cor-
porations as such nor upon unions as
such; for some of the most far-reach-
ing beneficent work for our people has
been accomplished through both cor-
porations and unions, Each must re-
frain from arbitrary or tyrannous in-
terference with the rights of others.
Organized capital and organized labor
alike should remember that in the
long run the interest of each must be
brought into harmony with the interest
the wage-worker, like the well-being
of the tiller of the soil, should be
treated as an essential in shaping our
whole economic policy. There must
never be any change which will
jeopardize the standard of comfort,
the standard of wages of the Ameri-
can wage-worker.
One way in which the readjustment
sought can be reached is by reciproci-
ty treaties. It is greatly to be desirea
that such treaties may be adoptea.
They can be used to widen our mar-
kets and to give a greater field for the
activities of our producers on the one
hand, and on the other hand to secure
in practical shape the lowering of
duties when they are no longer need-
ed for protection among our own peaG-
ple, or when the minimum of damage
done may be disregarded for Lae
sake of the maximum of good accom-
plished. If it prove impossible to rati-
fy the pending treaties, and if there
seem to be no. warrant for the en-
deavor to execute others, or to amend
the pending treaties so that they can
be ratified, then the same end—to
gecure reciprocity—should be met by
direct legislation.
Wherever the tariff conditions are
such that a needed change can not
with advantage be made by the ap-
plication of the reciprocity idea,
then it can be made outright by a
lowering of duties on a given product.
If possible, such change should be
made only after the fullest considera-
tion by practical experts, who should
approach the subject from a business
standpoint, having in view both the
particular interests ‘affected and the
commercial well-being of the people
as a whole. The machinery for pro-
viding such careful investigation can
readily be supplied. The executive de-
partment has already at its disposal
methods of collecting facts ana
figures; and if the Congress desires
additional consideration to that whica
will be given the subject by its own
committees, then a commission of busi-
ness experts can be appointed whose
duty it should be to recommend action
by the Congress afier a deliberate and
scientific examination of the various
schedules as they are affected by the
changed and changing conditions. The
unhurried and unbiased repori of this
commission would show what changecs
should be made in the various sched-
ules, and how far these changes could
ao %without also changing the great
prosperity which this country is now
enjoying, or upseiling iis fixed eco-
romic policy.
The cases in which the tariff can
produce a moncpoly are so few as to
constitute an inconsideraple factor in
the question; but of course if in any
case it be found that a given rate of
duty does promote a monopoly which
works ill, no protectionist would ob-
ject to such reduction of the duty on
would equalize competition.
In my judgment, the tariff on an-
thracite coal should be removed, and
anthracite put actually, where it now
is nominally, on the free list. This
would have no effect at all save in
crises: but in crises it might be of
service to the people.
of the general public; and the con-
duct of each must conform to the
fundamental rules of obedience to the
law, of individual freedom, and of
justice and fair dealing toward all.
Each should remember that in addi-
tion to power it must strive after the
realization of healthy, lofty, and gen-
erous ideals. Every employer, every
wage-worker, must be guaranteed his
liberty and his right to do as he likes
with his property or his labor so long
as he does not infringe upon the
rights of others. It is of the highest
importance that employer and em-
ployee alike should endeavor to ap-
preciate each the viewpoint of the
other and the sure disaster that will
come upon both in the long run if
either grows to take as habitual an at:
titude cof sour hostility and distrust
toward the other. Few people de-
serve better of the country than those
representatives both of capital and
labcr—and there are many such—
who work continually to bring about
a good understanding of this kind,
based upon wisdom and upon broai
and kindly sympathy between em-
ployers and employed. Above all, we
need to remember that any kind of
class animosity in the political world
is, if possible, even more wicked,
even more destructive to national wel-
fare, than sectional, race, or religious
animosity. We can get good govern
ment only upon condition that we.
keep true to the principles upon whici
this Nation was founded, and judge
each man not as a part of a class, but
upon his individual merits. All that
we have a right to ask of any man,
rich or poor, whatever his creed, his
occupation, his birthplace, or his
residence, is that he shall act weii
and honorably by his neighbor and by
his country. We are neither for the
rich man as such nor for the poor
man ag such; we are for the upright
man, rich or poor. So far as the con-
stitutional powers of the National
Government touch these matters of
general and vital moment to the Na-
tion, they should be exercised in con-
formity with the principles above set
forth.
NEW CABINET OFFICER.
It is earnestly hoped that a secre-
tary of commerce may be created,
with a seat in the Cabinet. The rapid
multiplication of questions aifecting
labor and capital, the growth and com-
plexity of the organizations through
which both labor and capital now find
expression, the steady tendency to-
ward the employment of capital in
huge corporations, and the wonderful
strides of this country toward leadei-
chip in the international business
world justify an urgent demand for
the creation of such a position. Sub-
stantially all the leading commercial
bodies in this country have united ia
requesting its creation. It is desirable
that some such measure as that which
has already passed the Senate be en-
acted into law. The creation of such
a department would in itself be an
advance toward dealing with and ex-
ercising supervision over the wholz
subject of the great corporations do-
ing an interstate business; and with
this end in view, the Congress shouid
1 endow the
ried out as a continuing policy with-
department with large
powers, which could be increased as
experience might show the need.
RECIPROCITY WITH CUBA.
1 hope soon to submit to the Senate
a reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On
May 20 last the United States kept its
promise to the island by formally va-
cating Cuban sou and turning Cuba
over to those whom her own people
had chosen as the first officials of the
new Republic.
Cuba lies at our doors, and what
ever affects her for good or for ill af-
fects us also. So much have our peo-
ple felt this that in the Platt amend-
ment we definitely took the ground
that Cuba must hereafter have closer
political relations with us than with:
any other power. Thus in a sensc
Cuba has become a part of our in-
ternational political system. This
makes it necessary that in return she
should be given some of the benefits
of becoming part of our economic
system. It is, from our own stand-
point, a short-sighted and mischievous
policy to fail to recognize this need.
Moreover, it is unworthy of a mighty
and generous nation, itself the great-
est and most successful republic in
history, to refuse ito stretch out a
helping hand to a young and weak
sister republic just entering upon its
career of independence. We should
always fearlessly insist* upon our
rights. in the face of the strong, and
we should with ungrudging hand do
our generous duty by the weak. I
urge the adoption of reciprocity with
Cuba not, only because it is eminently.
for our own interests to control the
Cuban market and by every means to
foster our supremacy in tae tropical
lands and waters south of us, but also
because we, of the giant republic of
the north, should make all our sister
nations of the American Continent
feel that whenever they will permit
it we desire to show ourselves disin-
terestedly and effectively their friend.
The message advocates reciprocal
trade relations between Great Britain
and the United States.
ISTHMIAN CANAL.
The Congress has wisely provided
that we shall build at once an isth-
mian canal, if possible at Panama.
The Attorney General reports that we
can undoubtedly acquire good title
from the French Panama canal com-
pany. Negotiations are now pending
with Colombia to secure her assent to
our building the canal. This canal will
be one of the greatest ecrngineering
feats of the twentieth century; a
greater engineering feat than has yet
been accomplished during the history
of mankind. The work should be car-
out regard to change of Administra-
tion; and it should be begun under
circumstances which will make it a
matter of pride for all Administra-
tions to continue the policy.
The canal will be of great benefil
to America, and of importance to all
the world. It will be of advantage to
us industrially and also as improving
our military position. It will be of ad-
vantage to the countries of tropical
America. It is earnestly to be hcped
that all of these countries will do as
some of them have already done wilh
signal success, and will invite to their
shores commerce and improve their
material conditions by he ers
that stability and order are the prere-
quisites of successful development. No
independent nation in America need
have the slighiest fear of aggression
from the United States. It behooves
each one to maintain order within its
cwn borders and to discharge its just
obligations to foreigners. When this
is done, they can rest assured that,
be they strong or weak, they have
ference. More and more the increasing
interdependence and c¢omplexity of
international political and economic
relations render it incumbent on ail |
civilized and orderly powers to in-
sist on the proper policing of the |
world. |
Arbitration between the
States and the foreign powers is re-
commended where possible.
The army has been reduced to the
minimum allowed by law. It is small
for so large a pation. We can take
pride in both our officers and enlisted
men,
It is urged that the necessary ap-
propriations be made for the cou-|
tinuance of the naval manoeuvres. |
Also, that the necessary officeis
should he provided for the proper
oversight of the enlisted men.
. PACIFIC CABLE.
During the fall of 1901 a communica-
tion was addressed to the Secretary
of State, asking whether permission
would he granted by the President to
a corporation to lay a cable from a
point on tke California coast to the
Philippine Islands by way of Hawaii.
A statement of conditions or terms
upon which such corporation would
undertake to lay and operate a cable
wags volunteered.
Speaking further the President says
his action in the Pacific Cable matter
has been deferred till the meeting of
Congress.
CIVIL SERVICE.
Gratifying progress has been made
during the year in the extension of the
merit system of making appointments
in the Government service. It should
be extended by law to the District of
Columbia. It is much to be desired
that our consular system be establish-
ed by law on a basis providing for ap-
pointment and promotion only in con-
sequence of proved fitness.
IRRIGATION.
The message suggests the reclama-
tion of the arid lands by irrigation and
also the protection of game.
PORTO RICO.
Of Porto Rico it is only necessary
to say that the prosperity of the island
and the wisdom with which it has
been governed have been such as to
make it serve as an example of ali
that is best in insular administration.
In dealing with the Indians cur aim
should be to absorb them into the
body politic. A large amount of educa-
tional work must be done among
them.
Continuing the President argues
that irrigated land should provide the
former with a never failing source
cf revenue.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
On July 4 last, on the one hundred
and twenty-sixth anniversary of the
declaration of our independence, peacc
and amnesty were promulgated in the
Philippine Islands. Some trouble has
since from time to time threatencd
with the Mohammedan Mo bul
government has now been intro-
duced. Not only does each Filipina
enjoy such rights to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of ‘happiness as he has
never before known during the re-
corded history of the islands, but tha
people taken as a whole now enjoy a
measure of self-government greater
than that granted to any other
Orientals by any foreign power and
greater than that enjoyed by any
other Orientals under their own gov-
ernments, save the Japanese alone.
We have not gone too far in granting
these rights of liberty and self-govern-
ment; but we have certainly gone to
the limit that in the interests of the
Philippine people themselves it was
wise or just to go. To hurry matters,
to go faster than we are now going,
would entail calamity on the peopie
of the islands. No policy. ever entered
into by the American pecple has vin-
dicated itself in more signal manner
than the policy of holding the Philip-
pines. The triumph of our arms, above
all the triumph of our laws and prin-
ciples, has come sooner than we had
any right to expect. Too much
praise can not be given to the
Army for what it has dcne in the
Philippines both in warfare and
from an administrative standpoint
in preparing the way for civil govern-
ment; and similar credit belongs to the
civil authorities for the way in which
they have planted the seeds of self-
government in the ground thus made
ready for them. The courage, the un-
flinching endurance, the high soldierly
efficiency, and .the general kind-heart-
edness and humanity of our troops
have been strikingly manifested, There
now remain only some fifteen thousand
troops in the islands. All told, over
one hundred thousand have been sent
there. Of course, there have been indi-
vidual instances of wrongdoing among
them. They warred under fearful diffi-
culties of climate and surroundings;
and under the strain of the terrible
provocations which they continually
received from their foes, occassional
instances of cruel retaliation occurred.
Every effort has been made to prevent
such cruelties, and finally these efforts
have been completely successful. Every
effort has also been made to detest and
punish the wrongdoers. After making
all allowance for these misdeeds, it
remains true that few indeed have
been the instances in which war has
been waged by a civilized power
against semicivilized or barbarous for-
ces where there has been so little
wrongdoing by the victors as , in the
Philippine Islands. On the other hand
the amount of difficult, important, and
beneficent work which has been done
is well-nigh incalculable.
Taking the work of the Army and
the civil authorities together, it may be
questioned whether anywhere else in
modern times the world has seen &
better example of real constructive
statesmanship than our pecple have
given in the Philippine Islands. High
praise should also be given those Fili-
pines, in the aggregate very numerous,
who have accepted the new conditions
and joined with our representatives to
work with haarty good will for the
well-fare of the islands.
The question of Alaska occupies a
well written paragraph of the mes-
sage, in which are a number of good
suggestions.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION.
The President recommends speci
care for the Smithsonian Institution,
and commends its good work.
DISTRICT OF COLOMBIA.
A number of recommendations fol4
low concerning the proper government
of the district.
RAILWAY EMPLOYES.
The recommendation for the ea-
nothing to dread from outside inter | actment of laws for the protection of
railway employes is concise and
pointed.
THE POSTAL DEPARTMENT.
The striking inCrease in the revenues
of the Post-Office Department shows
clearly the prosperity of our people and
the increasing activity of the business
United | of the country.
The receipts of the Post-Office De-
partment for the fiscal year ending
June 30 last amounted to $121,848,047.
26, an increase of $10,216,853.87 - over
the preceding year, the largest increase
known in the history of the postal ser-
{ vice. The magnitude of this increase
| will best appear from che fact that the
entire postal receipts for the year 1860
amounted to but $8,518,067.
Rural free-delivery service is no
longer in the experimental stage; it
has become a fixed policy. The results
following its introduction have fully
justified the Congress in the large ap-
propriations made for its establish-
ment and extension. ‘The average
yearly increase in post-office receipts
in the rural districts of the country is
about two per cent. We are now able,
by actual results, to show that where
rural free-delivery service has been ese
tablished to such an extent as to en-
able us to make comparisons the year-
ly increase has been upward of ten per
cent.
On November 1, 1902, 11,650 rural
free-delivery routes had been estab-
lished and were in operation, covering
about one-third of the territory oi the
United States available for rural free-
delivery service. There are now
awaiting the action of the Department
petitions and applications for the es-
tablishment of 10,748 additional routes.
This shows conclusively the want
which the establishment of the service
has met and the need of further ex-
tending it as rapidly as possible. It is
justified both by the financial results
and by the practical benefits to our
rural population; it brings the men
who live on the soil into close rela-
tions with the active business world;
it keeps the farmer in daily touch with
the markets; it is a potential educa-
tional force; it enhances the value of
farm property, makes farm life far
pleasanter and less isolated, and will
do much to check the undesirable cur-
rent from country to city.
It is to be hoped that the Congress
will make liberal appropriations for
the continuance of the service already
astablished and for its further exten-
1.
he President commends the action
of the last Congress on the great im-
provement made in the White House.
The message is urgent in encour-
ging scientific farming, and farmers
en every advantage to improved
methods of farming.
CONCLUSION,
The reports of the several Executive
Departments are submitted to the Con-
rvpes with this comm ication.
m
with the late imsurrectionary Filipincs
the war has entirely ceased. Civil
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
White House,
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