BLESIS OF ANERICK'S POPULATION
racteristics of Racial Elements in Melting
t of Nations That Go to Making of Resuitant
(By Charles P. Steinmetz.)
erative industrial organiza- | fore history, tradition tells of the
esupposes racial unity. There | creation of the Russian nation by the
no co-operation as long as triunion of tribes._even the name
s racia] strife and antagonism | “tribe” contains the root “three,” in
the nation. The American memory of this formation of the Ro-
rather, is being man nation from three branches.
eriod—iby the commingling of | not been for the mixture of the vari-
glo-Saxon, Teuton, Celt, Slav jous leading races of the world Amer-
editerranean. None of these lica would not be what i; is today. We
is in the majority or even in | can easily realize this by reviewing
large minority that it could the racial characteristics of the fore-
to have its character, its view- most races which contributed to .the
habits and temperament pre- | American union.
hte in the resultant race. | 8
white population of the Uni- | The characteristic of the Anglo-
htes today probably comprises Saxon is his great initiative. He fis
30 to 35 per cent. of Anglo- the empire builder. We need only to
origin (English, Scotch, etc.), think of names like Hastings, Wash-
20 per cent. of Teuton origin ington, Nelson, Gordon, Rhodes, Kit-
n, Dutch, Scandanavian, etc.) | chener, ete. To him thus fs due the
cent. Slav and Mediterranean. | push and the energy which have
latter, the latest immigrants, | opened up and conquered the New
hre not yet citizens. | World. We see it .in the rapid growth
Amenjcan race thus cannot be of the English colonies, compared
Saxon, or Teutonic, or Irish, or | with the slow growth of other na-
+ Latin, but must have charac- tions’ colonies.
s of all these races; and to| But characteristic of the Anglo-
bout “bloed is thicker than | Saxon also is the excessive findividual-
and apply this to ‘‘our Brit- ism which handicaps him in co-opera-
sins,” or speak of Germany as tion, and co-operation more and more
land,”’ or of our country as a | | becomes the essential of progress.
br Ireland;’’ this is not Ameri- | Thus the Anglo-Saxons are mnot
zenship but is racial sectarian- | prominent as organizers, but rather
d as such to be condemned as | are likely to be muddfers; the pres-
bnsible since it retards the | ent world’s war affords an excellent
g about of the racial unity |illusiration hereof. Thus the Anglo-
lis the first and fundamental | Saxon creates and originates, but
tment of a stable nation. | does not organize what he created.
he other hand, it must be rec-| The Teuton does not have the same
i that the Anglo-Saxon, or, initiative as the Anglo-Saxon he also
brrectly speaking, the English, is an individualist—especially those
n exceptional position in our of the Teuton races who emigrated
ks the original and oldest con- here because their individualistic
|ideas did not conform to the govern-
{ment under which they had lived in
e all races contributed in the | Europe._but the individualistic na-
olonization of the Atlantic | tur re of the Teuton is tempered and
nevertheless the British were | controlled to a considerable extent
h in the majority that in the | by a collective or /co- operative tem-
I days, and even still, in the | peramemnt.
rt of the nineceenth century, | As a result, the Tonutons, iby their
hited States were essentially | racial arin are the great
Baxon, that is, (he citizens of |organizers,/ We only need, in the
, f-ceat ei in ‘hel. IE Ory. of our nation, think of a few
P great German and insH im- names like Astor, Goethals, Guggen-
on in the middle of the nine- | heim, Harriman, Roosevelt, Schiff,
century and the tendency of | Schuster, Schwab, Straus, Vanderbilt,
endants of the eanly colonists | Vanderlip, Warburg, Weyerhausser,
race suicide changes this, and | ete.
h is not Anglo-Saxon any | x=. 2 3
Lut fs a mixed race in forma-| Characteristic of the Celtic race is
dpe strong collectivistic tempera-
English language has con- ‘iment, associated ‘with an individual-
and , through it the United | istic nature, which specially fits them
bre closely related to England |as administrators. It isthe Cely who
ommon (language, common | is most proficient to rule as boss by
f expression and intercommu- |the consent of the governed, not as
, and a common literature, so disciplinarian by orders which his
bh that with many writers it is subordinates have to obey, but by
to say ‘whether they are giving the conception of ‘“‘pimus inter
or American. In some re-|pares.” Thug he has been most suc-
must, therefore, be regretted ! cessful in politics, while the individ-
complete racial unity of the ualistic Anglo-Saxon necessarily is
blsh-speaking nationg has not much less successful in this activity.
bserved, that America has not | It is characteristic that America’s
completely of Anglo-Saxon |largest city hag been ruled almost
| uninterruptedly by the Celtic race,
1e other hand, however, it and that in the rare instances where
realized that it was thea “reform government’ succeeded in
‘aces which have done the carrying New York it was such a
work, which have led in all! failure that it always was wiped out
bdvance; and | was the vital- at the next election. Also, look
n by the mixture of races around especially among those cor-
as created all great nations. | poration which by their close rela-
hgland as a nation was tionship with large mumbers of the
by the mixture of the Norman public require a specially high grade
Anglo-Saxon; France by the of social sense in their management
nan and Frank: far back be- | —-public utility corporations—and
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ur TE
b, since it is still in the forma-| Thus there is no doubt that had @t |
And how about the contribution to|
America by other races, outside c:
these three leading civilized races of |
today? Do not let us forget tha; the |
greatest of all Americans was neither |
anian race—Abe Lincoln.
The three great races which con-
tributed to the American citizenship |
of today are supplementary, commen-
sal—originator, orgamizer, adminis-|
trator—jointly they have made our
commonwealth, and any split be-
tween them means disaster. The An-
glo-Saxon alone without the co-oper- |
originate, but probably would not ac- |
complish much more than a chaotic |
muddle—somewhat of this we have
seen in the last year in our country.
On the other hand, with the Teu-
glo-Saxon, progress would slow down
for lack of initiative.
There ‘really never was a serious |
racial antagonism in our country. It
is true, during the century of immi-
gration the “native’’ has Jooked down
the “Mick,” and again on the ‘“Da-
cial, the antagonism was mot racial,
but that of the previous immigrant
toward the lower standard of living
acquired by the former, and as quick-
ly as the new immigrant acquired the
American standard of living, and
thereby ceased to be a danger in
lowering the standard, the antagon-
ism disappeared.
* * =
Politica! racial hatred has found
an expression pnly once in our coun-
try, in the notorious Know-Nothing
party of a past generation; but, un-
fortunately, there is at present some
danger of a revival of racial antag-
onism, and this would be a national
calamity, as our nation needs the
friendly co-operation of all the races
which have contributed to the coming
American race.
All the nations which are involved
in the present world’s war have con-~
tributed to the immigration which
has formed the American citizenship
of today, and it is naturaj to expect,
however much the immigrants and
their descendants have become true
Americans, that they should have
fathers.
Indeed, a type of mind which in
is not the type of mind from which
to build a strong and enduring na-
tion, is no¢ the type of mind which
we wan; here in America; in Eng-
land, after nearly a thousand years,
the Norman and the Anglo-Saxon
type are still distinguishable.
Thus it is natural and proper that
American citizens of English origin
should largely sympathize with Eng-
land, American citizens of German
extraction with Germany, American
citizens of Irish descent with Eng-
land’s defeat, etc. This has nothing
to 40 with their duty as American
citizens, with their allegiance, first,
last and always, toward America.
Unfortunately, an American expa-
triate raised the cry of “hyphenate,”
and am influential’ press, misguided
by business interests, took it up, and,
Usts—among them, unfortunately,
some politically very prominent men
— it reached the ultra’ Know-Nothing
attitude that *“‘only a citizen of Brit-
ish descent can be a real, true Amer-
ican, and anybody not of Anglo-Sax-
on descent cannot have the type of
mind which is required for an Amer-
ican citizen.”
With this it became a national
menace, for it challenged the right
to citizenship of the majority of the
our nation, as the majority is not An-
glo-Saxon any more. Naturally, all
political difference, all issues between
the various political parties, became
the majority of our present citizens.
As seen, i; is a very dangerous and
very unfortunate political issue
which has been ralised thus inadvert-
ently by noliticians playing to tem-
porary excitement of racial prejudice.
" Such vicious attempts of making
political capital by creating racial
hatred within our mation should be
ed citizens.
It iis obvious that all Americans—
with the exception, perhaps, of the
red Indians—are hypenates; - that
there are undoubtedly a few— a
all the British-Americans, German-
Americans,
are American and nothing else.
{ceptions and forms of spee
¢ 3 wr
h. We
| have been talking of the native-born
Anglo-Saxon nor Teuton; nay was |
not even Aryan, but was of the Tur-|
ation of the Celt and German may |
ton and Celt alone, without the An-|
on the ‘“Dutchy,” he then in turn on |
go,” ete. but only the nameg were ra- |
some sentimental attachment of | different metals
sympathy for the nation of their fore- |any one of the
one or two gemerations caf’ lose all|melling pot of
attachment for his ancestors’ nation |in temperament
mt rT
you find an ebnormally large sumer POOR “ANTI-TRUST” Is DEAD. THE VAR
of Irish names among their leaders.
KILLED HIM
In halting the process of trial of ail the anti-trust suits now pending
the supreme court o the nation has done a most sensible thing. Certainly
there is nq need now to add to the multitude of ridiculous contradictions
pressing upon society. The reagon given, that the gavernment needs the
closest cooperation of the business interests, is a cogent one, but there are
| others, also.
In the first place, after abolishing competition on the railroads by
| putting them under state control, the government comld hardly with a
| straight face proceed against other industries on a charge of doing exactly
| the same thing. There always was an element of the farcial about anti-
| trusc suits, but in these days.they hecome screaming absurdities. Amd just
| now the public is in no mood for burlesques; it is no time to add fo the
| gaiety of nations in that way. :
It is said that the suits are halted until after the close of the war.
| Our prediction is that they will never come to trial. We have, only begun
the process of state controi and ownership and have yet a long way to
move in that direction. It is, in fact, quite possible that all these concerns
| before the close of the war will take the same course as the railroads, and
| in such case prosecution would be so utterly meaningless and absurd as to
he inconceivable,
We are passing now with ever-greater rapidity from the era of com-
petition to that of combination, and not alone the trust form of combina-
tion, but the ‘state socialism’ form. The government cannot get the co-
operation of the business interests by ‘restoring competition’ among them,
| even if iy could be done, which, of course, it cannot. Capitalist property
| 1s entering a new stage, the ‘state socialist’ stage or, if that term is objected
to, let us say the “state capitalist” stage. They mean the same thing at
| present.
The chances. ‘are a thcasamd to one that we shall have no more anti-
trust prosecutio; whatever. The war has rung down the curtain on the
verformance, and that farce is over. And it is about time, for certainly it
bas long “lagged superfluous on the stage.” This is not the end of the
act, but the end of the pay, Y. Call.
|
|
|
|
|
|
3 ? 1
Americans assimilating” the smi. |
| grants. There can be no such thing; |
assimilation implies two parties be- |
coming similar, J but implies ott |
changing. Thus the native does not | (Extract from “The Mysterious
assimilate the immigrant, but native |
and immigrant’ assimilate with each |
other, and the mative as well as the |
immigrant changes, fortunately, for Satan, one of the characters, speak-
it would be a sa@ Ar erica if we still ing of war:
purned witches ‘as the Puritan “na- | ———
tives” did, if we still had the Bite | There has never been a just one,
laws and the religious intolerance of | | never an honorable one on the part
the cld New E ¥ landers. {of the instigator of the war. I can
Or, we may say, “Aneries assimi- | 5€© a million years ahead and this
lates all the immigrants coming to its | | rule will never change in so many as
shores into a new American nation.” | |halt a dozen instances. The ond
Buy this natiom is not like the Puri- Lind handful—as usual—wil} shout
tan or the Dut ithan of New Amster- | for war. The pulpit will—warily and
dam or the Ger an of '98, but has, | cautiously—abject at first; the great,
more or less the characteristics of.all | bg, dull bulk of the nation will rub
of these. ’ | its sleepy eyes and try make out why
'Dhus, when speak of America | | there should be war, gna will say,
as the melting ® of the notions wel | earnestly and indignantly, “It is un-
mus, realize that in melting together | | fpst and Qighonotable; ong hers is
. | no necessity for it.” Then the hand-
the alloy is not like |.) iy spout Jouder. A few. fair
m efale put into the | | men on the other side will argue and
must nol gxpect | reason against the -war with speech
LCOmIng out 0 thei : and pen, and at first will have a hear-
aations will be {ing and be applauded; but it will not
a a last long; those and others will out-
like the British-American, will have {shout them, and presently the anti-
the British viewpoint-—or that of any | | war audience will thin out and lose
other constituent natfon—however | | popularity, before long ycu will see
much this may disappoint us. | this curious thing; the speakers
Inversely, however, we must real- | stoned from the platform and free
ize that the Anglo-Saxon strain is one speech strangled by hordes of furious
of the largest in the composition of | men who in their secret hearts are
the American race; that historically, | still at one with those stoned speak-
by the previous preponderance of the | ors-—ag earlier—but do not dare say
Stranger” by Mark Twain.)
Direct
An Efficiency Method
Anglo-Saxon, (it has exerted more in-
fluence on the molding of the new
nation than any other race, and that,
therefore, a; least for some time to
come, Anglo-Saxon «characteristics
should be more prominent than those |
of any other race; but they cannot |
be predominant.—From ‘America
and the New Epoch.”
iso. ‘And now the whole nation—pul-
' pit and all-—will take up the war cry
1
and shout itself hoarse, and mob any
honest man who ventures to open
| his mouth; and presently such
| mouths wil} cease to open. Next the
statesmen will] invent cheap lies, put-
ting the blame up upon the nation
i that is attacked, and every man will
| be glad of those comscience-soothing
|
secondary in “mportance before the |
defense of the right to citizenship of |
promptly squashed by al] fair-mind-:
very few— British-Americans who are |
more Englishmen than Americans, |
German-Americans, who are more |
Germans than Americans, etc., but]
that the overwhelming majority of |
Irish-Americans, ete.,
But some good features the rais-|
ling of this isue thas produced: It hag
|shown the anarchronism of our con-
You work for wages Your em- |falsities, and will diligently study
ployer gets the difference between !them, and refuse to examine any re-
finally, in the utterances of extrem-|the value of your product and the | futation of them; and thus he will
wages you get. That's capitalism. by and by convince himself that the
That’s why you are wearing shoddy. war is just, and will thank God for
Demand the full sodial value of your the better sleep he enjoys after this
labor, demand the end of private process of grotesque self-deception.
ownership and you will be poor no EE
longer—-and the capitalist will be |
just one of us, not Over us.
Carpenters of Fairmont, W. Va.,
| have a 100 per cent. organization.
JUST KIDS — Two Legged Mice.
4 1
MRS BROWN AH CANT
MAKE NO CHOCLATE CAKE
‘CAUSE All. DE SWEET
CHOCLATE Am GORED
By Ad Carter
tno SATS. A Toor
1T- X NEVER EVEN
WHEN DIDJA
TAKE \T TOMMY?
|
IF WAR
Draft ¢©
in Gro
Problem Without
it Government A
*“It is conceivable that our
our ingrained peace-time ideas,
And speaking of the desperate way
im which the various industries try
drained inte the National Army, Gen-
eral Crowder complains, in the
quaint language ‘of the bureaucrat:
“The direct draft on labor
supply is the draft of the Army.
Every other responsible activity
sees that draft in horrific per-
spective. Adjustments are ‘de-
manded and always at the ex-
pense of the Army. Acimated
by none but the most patriotic
impulses representatives of the
different interests . . have
come forward with arguments
for the absolute exemption of
their class from draft—argu-
menis which, in their respective
field, are almost unanswerable
but which, in the broad view of
the national necessity, would (if
all ‘were acceded to) result in a
Falstaffian army - comp sosed of
vagrants: and the song of the
idle rich, inadequate; in numbers
and wcomtemptible int personnel.
Against such blandishhments this
office must stand forth. without
compromise,”
llowever it is some comfort to re-
alize that, let Crowder’s views on |
industrial conscription be what they
may, the Secretary has come out em-
phatically against it.
* - *
LA FOLLETTE SLAPPED ON
: WRIST.
Senator La Follette has just re-
ceived a fearful slap on the wrist. He
has been expelled from the most
fashionable club in Madison, Wis-
congin, the social stronghold of the
banking and financial leadership of
the Wisconsin state capitol. Perhaps
the most interesting thing about it—
next to the generous publicity fur-
nished by the
ness of it and the story of what lay
behind.
The Senator's expulsion was ac-
complished December 28th at an
“emergency” meeting of the board of
directors of the club, called so hur-
riedly that several directors were un- |
able to attend. The by-laws of the
club provide that before a member
can be dropped he must be given ten
days in which to defend himself. But
the by-laws were promptly amended |
to permit the board instantly to ex-|
pel the senator.
Why the rush?
To Re-Open Fight to Tax War Profits |
Because La Follette’s Magazine |
had reached the streets of Madison |
the day before, Dec. 27th, with an |
an‘ citing ag a conspicuous—though
by no means exceptional-—beneficiary
of the present atrocious war revenue |
system, the war profits enjoyed by |
the Gisholt Machine Company of
Madison.
THAT was the intolerable offense
ator had committed — intolerable
pany and his colleagues, the direc-
torg of the club. To have the people
informed that the company had had
no net profits in 1913, none again in
1914, $1,130,000 in 1915 and $2,-
373.000 in 1916—that was to show
|
tween the conspicuous patriotism of
the president of the Gisholt Machine |
“The Gisholt Machine
ny is probably as patriotic
i
|
|
|
to save their labor supply from being |
editorial by ge senator serving not- |
ice that he intended to re-open the
fight for the taxation of war profits |
against ‘“‘patriotism” which the sen-|
up all too plainly the connection be-|
"INDUSTRIAL COSCRIPTIOON
CONTINUED
f Labor
wder’s Opinion
Thinks Nation will Solve Man Power
Great Controversy
dopts Measure.
BY ROBERT M. LaFOLLETTE, JR.
Washington, Jan. 11.—General Crowder suggests in his report to -Sec-
retary Baker that we may have to come to industrial:conscription in this
country if the war goes on. He'!doesn’'t think it is likely but it clearly is
possible and he thinks we ought to submit cheerfully if it comes:
national necessities may require *
a direct draft of labor. Repugnant as this may seem to some of
there can be little doubt of the
authority of the government to adopt such a nieasure
Unless we are to confess a nationa! inefficiency, shameful before
the nations of the world, we shall solve these pr oblems (of man
power) without great controversy.”
president is on the Dane County
Defense Council. He has been
active in raising funds to con-
duct the war by the sale of Lib-
erty Bonds, but he is opposed to
any increased tax on war profits
or excesg profits. He is severe-
Js. critical of anyone who differs
with him on war policies. And
yet while thousands upon thous-
ands of ‘his felow citizens are
I making extreme sacrifices, his
| sacrifice and that of his company
I are a tremendous net gain to
hoth him and his company as a
result of the war.
“The war demands sacrifice,
and sacrifice should be univer-
sal No one should escape. The
| poor can not escape and wealth
must not.”
Hail! The Gang’s All Here.
|
|
The president of the company was
not present at the meeting of the
board of directors of the Madison
{elu at whieh the by- “laws were
pansies = and the senator expelled
{With public “defamation of hig chars
| acter. He was not present, mo, but
juts banker was! So, also, were the
| president of the local street car com-
| pany, the head of the local trust
| company, a reactionary state politic-
lian and several lawyers identified
| with ithe vested interests of Wiscon-
isin. In motives and in manmners, gen-~
tlemen all!
/ s - =
HOUSE WORKERS NEAR CEME-
TERY?
This morning the report of the
United States Bureau of Labor Stat-
istics reached my desk and, turning
its leaves, I found myself absorbed
presently in a long account of a re-
cent conference in Chicago on ‘war
time housing of munition workers.”
It was all very sociological and use-
ful but my perverse memory lets go
mearly everything excep; the sugges-
tion of Richard Henry Dana, Jr. of
New York (City, an architect, who,
| speaking on the problem of erecting
| cheap homes for working people, says
| that *‘the land should be sought in an
| unfashionable part of town, next to
| the cemetery or the railway.”
“Next to the cemetery or the rail-
way!’’ Can you beat that for grim
unconscious humor? What do you
| suppose is the idea? Of course the
| mortality rate of munition workers
| has ‘been extremely high ag every-
| body knows, but this suggestion that
| their homes be built adjacent to the
| —.well, the idea is what you might
i call perfect—of its kind.
: *® ® ®
| SOCIALISTS MAKE BIG GAIN.
The newspapers are taking a lot of
| comfort this week out of the defeat
lof the socialist candidate for state
senator from a certain district in
| MiTwaukee at the special election
there. The democratic and republi-
| can parties combined behind one can-
|didate and “put him over’ with a
| majority of 212 over the socialist .
{who ran on the St. Liouis platform of
| the party. What the newspapers
: J ’ have carefully concealed, however, is
that is, to the president of the com-! y ) :
| the fact that while two years ago the
combined votes of the old parties ex-
| ceeded the socialis;y vote by 2,235,
this year on the issue of the war the
| socialist candidate cut the excess
‘down to 212. If the war profiteers
“ean find any particular comfort in
that, then my hat is off to their men-
tal dexterity!
i company and his purse. Said the| {Californfa state industrial acei-
| senator editorially: deat’ commission has ruled that
Profiteers Patriotic sual. “tips’’ are part of a waiter’s pay and
that compensation benefi
d on wages paid and ‘‘tips’’ re-
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