%\t pnnotral.
| HARVEY Sit KLER, Editor.
TitJNKHANNOCK, PA.
Wednesday. 3lay 29, 1867.
LATEST FROM MEXICO. —The papers of
yesterday publish official dcspaches of the
capture by the Liberals, ofQucretaro, Mex
ico, on the 15th inst. The Emperor, Max
imilian, and several prominent Imperialist
officers are prisoners of war. It is thought
that the temper of the victor is such, that
the prisoners will be executed.
The Fourth of July.
As intimated last week we are now pre
pared to speak more definitely in Tegard to
the laying of the CornerStone of the Pres
byterian church now in process of erec
tion in this Borough.
The Corner Stone will be laid with Ma
sonic ceremonies, an address suitable to
the solemnities of the occasion, will be de
livered by a distinguished speaker, and
the Tunkhannock Brass Band have kindly
consented to afford their aid to the cere
monies, and thus to enchance the pleasure
and satisfaction of all who attend,
Immediately after these services are con
cluded, a dinner will be served ; and in
the evening ice cream and straw-berries
will be furnished.
The ceremonies on this occasion will be
such as have never yet been witnessed in
thi9 country, and the members of the Ma
sonic Fraternity in adjoining Lodges, and
Ladies and Gentlemen genrally are invited
to attend.
The procoeds of the celebration will be
applied to iurnishing the new Church.
NEW BRIDGE
The Bridge Meeting, held at the Court,
House, Saturday the 2.5 th, although but
poorly attended, was certainly a very en
couraging one to all who feel the necessity
of a bridge at this place.
Messrs. Stark, Miller and Day,the owners
of the-piers, abutments, aud what remains
of the old bridge, made to the friends of a
new bridge, the offer of their franchise, toll
house, piers, abutments, and what remains
of the superstructure —the pre Sen t value of
which is estimated at from *22 to $24000
at *6.000 ; which amount, is to be treated
as so much paid up stock in the new com
pany about to be organized. This very liber
al proposition was cheerfully occupied bv
those present, and stock to the amount of
upwards of S,BOOO has already been 6ub
scribed.
• With so much already done towards a
bridge, the value of which is so great,
compared to its costs, and with the pros
pective increased travel of our County,
and trade of ou* town, we feel warranted
in the prediction that stock taken under
the new arrangement, will pay a better in
terest than any other legitimate invest
ment,
By the most liheral estimates, the cost
of a permanent, double track bridge, com
plete in every particular*, will not exceed
$•24,000. This added to SO,OO0 —cost of
tbe old bridge—would make the entire
cost $30,000.
Dui t rng' t thc.last year or two before its
destruction, the net receipts from the old
bridge, was about $3,000. With the in
crease of travel and trade which must in
evitably result from the completion of the
"Rail Road, along the line of the river, these
tolls will in a short time, certainly be in.
creased in amount, 50 per cent. It would
be no wild conjecture to presume that
they would be doubled. With the cost of
the bridge at $30,000, with even the old
rate of receipts, the stock would pay ten
per cent, ou the cost. But, the incidental
advantages resulting from the facilities for
crossing at this point, the increased Value
of real estate on both sides of the river,
and the largely increased trade that would
be brought to our town, outweighs all of
those "ahent per shent" considerations.
The public necessities, the growing in
terests and trade of the connty, demand a
new bridge at this place. There never
was a more favorable time for its building
than the present. Monied men were nev
er offered a more certain and paying in
vestment. There is no good reason why
at the beginning of the new year, or at
the the time of the completion of our Rail
Road, the bridge, too, should not be fin
ished and fit for crossing.
The people, everywhere, and especially
ttoose most directly interested in it, have
now an opportunity to secure this most
desirable improvement.
It is to be hoped that enough stock for.
the purpose will be subscribed without de
lay.
"OLIXAGE i coming on me rapidly,"
* boy said when he wasste*ling ap
ples from an old man's garden, and saw the
owner coming furiously with a cowhide in
his hand.
A LOYAL LEAGUE EAID OUT.
IMPORTANT LETTER FROM HORACE GREE
LEY —G. W. BLUTT, J. A. KENNDY, J.
O. STONE, "T. HYATT, AND THIRTY OTH
ER LOYAL LEAGUE PAUL PRYS, PRO
NOUNCED "NARROW MINDED BLOCK
HEADS'—THE BLOCKHEADS WHITTLED
'INTO FINE SHAVINGS —THE LITTLENESS
OF THE LOYAL LEAGUE CLUB DEFIED —
THE EFFECT OF WAKING UP THE WRONG
JFCZ *& EYE E—WHAT MR. GREELEY
MEANS TO DO, AC. AC.
BY THESE PRESENTS, GREETING •'
To Messrs. George W, Blunt, John A;
Kennedy, John 0. Stone, Stephen Hy
att, and thirty others, members of the
Union League Club.
GENTLEMEN : I was favored, on the 16th
inst., by an official note from onr ever-cour
teous President, John Jay, notifying me
that a requisition had been presented to
him for "a special meeting of the club at
an early day for the purpose of taking into
consideration the conduct of Horace Gree
ley, a member of the Club, who has be
come a bondsman for Jefferson Davis, late
chief officer of the rebel government."—
Mr. Jay continues :
"As I have reason to believe that the
signers, or some of them, disapprove of
the conduct which they propose the Club
shall consider, it is clearly one, both to the
Club and to yoursslf, that yon should have
the opportunity of being heard on the
subject; I beg, therefore, to ask on what
evening it will be convenient for you that
I call the meeting," Ac., A.
MR GREELEY WANT 3 NO TIME FOR RE
FLECTION.
In my prompt reply, I requested the
President to give you time tor reflection
but assured him that I wanted none ; since
1 should not attend the meeting, nor ask
anv friend to do so, and should make no
defence, nor offer aught in the way of self
vindication. lam sure my friends in the
Club will not construe this as implying dis
respect; but it is not my habit to take
part in any discussions which may arise
among other gentlemen as to my fitness to
enjoy their society. That, is their affair
altogether, and to them I leave it.
HE REFERS TO HIS RECORD,
The single point whereon I have any
occasion or wish to address you is your
virtual irrplication that there is something
novel, unexpected, astounding, in my con
duct in the matter suggested by them as
the basis of their action. I choose not to
rest under this assumption, but to prove
that you, being persons of ordinary intel
ligence, must know better, On this point,
1 cite you to a scrutiny of the record.
The surrender cf General Lee was
made known in this city at 11 p. r. of
Sunday, April 9, 186-3, and fitly announc
ed in the Tribune of next morning printed
in these columns, a letter entitled "Mag
nanimity in Triumph," wherein I said :
We hear men say: "Yes, forive the great mas?
of those who have been misled into rebellion, but
punish the leaders as they deserve" But who
can accurately draw the lino between leaders and
followers in the premises 1 By what test shall
they be discriminated 7 * * # Where is your
touchstone ot leadership I We know of none.
jyXor can we agree with those win would punish
the original plotters of secession, yet spare their
ultimate and scarcely willing comerts. On the
contrary, while we world revive or inflame resent
ment against none of them, we feel far less antipa
thy to the original upholders of "the resolutions of
'98," to the disciples of Calhoun and AlcDufTu, to
the Xullifiers of 1862. and the "Sta'e-flight's men
of 1850—than to the John Bells, Humphrey Mar
shall*, and Alex 11. 11. Stuarts, who were schooled
in the national faith, and who, in becotniug disun
ionists and rebels trampled on the professions of a
file-time, and spurred the logic wherewith they
bad so often unanswerably demonstrated that seces
sion was treason. * * * We consider Jefferson
Davis this day a ICES calculated traitor than John
Bell-
But wo cuinot beliero it wise or well to take the
life ol any man who sbaLl have submitted io the
national nu:hority The execution of even one such
wouM be felt as a petsonai signui by one who had
ever aided tbe rebel cause. Each would say to
himself, 'T fim as eulpablo as he ; we differ only in
that lam detmcd of comparatively little conse
quence." A single confederate led out to execu
tion would be evermore eiishrir.ed in a million
hearts as a ronspicuous hero and a ninrtyr. Wc
cannot realize that it would be wholesome or safe—
we arc Fure it would not be magnanimous—to gire
the overpowered disloyaltj- of the South such a
shrine. Would the throne of the House of Hanover
stand more firmly had Charles Edward been caught
and executed after Culloden 1 Is Austrian domina
tion in UuDgary more stable to-day for the bang
ing of Nugy Sander and his twelve compatriots after
the surrender of Vilagos 1
We plead against passions certain to be at this
moment fierce and insolvent : but on our side are
tbe Ages and the voice of History . Wo plead for a
restoration ef the Union, against a policy which
would afford a momentary gratification at the cost
of years of perilous hate andjbitterness. * * *
Those who invoke military execution for the van
quished, or even for their leaders, we suspect will
not generally be found among the few who have
long been exjiosed to unjust odium as haters of the
?oulh because they anhored slavery. And, as to
the long-oppressdd and degraded blacks—so lately
the slaves, destined still to bo the neighbors, anil
(wo trust) at no distant day, the fellow-citizens ol
the Southern whites—wo are sure that their voice,
could it bo authentiealfy uttered, would ring out
decidedly, sonorously on the side of clemency, of
humanity.
On the next day, I had some more in
this spirit, and on the 13th, an elaborate
leader entitled "Peace—Punishment," in
the conrse of which I said :
The New York times, doing injustice to its own
sagacity in a characteristic attempt to sail between
wind .and water, says: "Let rs hang Jeff. Davis
and spare the rest " * * * We do not concur
in the advice. Davis did not devise nor instigate
the rebellion ; on the contrary, he was one cf the
latest and most reluctant cf the notables of the cot
ton States to renounce definitively the Union
ilia prominence is purely official and representative ;
the only reason for hanging him is that you therein
condemn and stigmatize more person*, than in hang
ing any one elac. There is not an ex-rebel in the
world—no matter how penitent—who will not have
unpleasant sensations about the neck on the day
when the confederate President is to be'hung. And
to what good end 1
We insist that this matter must not be regarded
in any narrow aspect. *We are most anxious to se
cure the assent of the South to emancipation ; not
that assent which the condemned gives to being
hung when he .shake hands with bis jailor and
thanks him for past acts of kindness ; but that
h'-arty assent which can only be worn by magnan
imity. Perhaps the rebels, as a body, would have
given, even one year ago, as large and as hearty a
rote for hanging the writer of this article as any
other man living; hence, it more especially seems
to him important to prove that the civilization
based on free labor is of a higher and hnmaner type
than thatiiased on slavery. We cannot realize that
the gratification to enure to our friends from the
hanging o! any one man, or fifty men, should be al
lowed to outweigh this consideration.
On the following day I wrote again:
* * * Ws entreat the President promptly to
d* and dare in the cause of magnanimity The
Southern mind is now open to kindness, and may be
magnetically affected by generosity. Let assurance
at once be given that there is to be a general ani
mosity and no general confiscation. This is none
the less the dictate of wisdom because it is also the
dietat* of mercy. What we ask, does the President
say in effect: "Slavery hating, through rebellion
committed suicide, let the North and the South
unite to bury the carcass, aad then clasp hands
aoross the grave.
HIS SUBSEQUENT RECEPTION BT THE LOTAL
LEAGUERS.
The evening of that day witnessed that
most appalling calamity, the murder of
President Lincoln, winch seemed in a in
stant to curdle all the milk of human kind
ness in twenty millions of American breasts.
At once, insidious efforts were set on foot
to turn the fory thus engendered against
me, because of of my pertinacious advoca
cy of mercy to the vanquished. Chancing
to enter the club-house the next (Saturday)
evening, I received a full broadside of your
scowls, ere we listened to to a clerical ha
rangue intended to prove that Mr. Lincoln
had been providentially removed because
of his notorious leanings toward clemen.cy,
in oider to make way for a successor who
would give the rebels a full measure of
stern justice. I was soon made to compre
hend that I had no sympathizers—or none
who dared seem such—in yeur crowded
assemblage,
THE CLUB REFUSES TO RECEIVE BIS POR
TRAIT.
And some maladroit admirer having, a
few days afterward, made the club a pres
of my portrait, its bare reception was re
sisted in a speech from the chair by your
president—a speech whose vigorous
invective was justified solely by uiy plead
ings for lenity to the rebels.
HIS OPINION OF MINOR RADICAL EDITORS.
At once a concerted howl of denuncia
tion and rage was sent up from every side
against me by the little creatures whom
God, for some inscrutable purpose, permits
to edit a majority of our minor journals ;
echoed by a yell of "Stop my paper!" from
thousands of imperfectly instructed readers
of the Tribune. One impudent puppy
wrote me to answer categorically whether
I was or was not in favor of hanging Jeff.
Davis, adding that I must stop his paper if
I were not!
THE VULGAR 4 *CONCEPTION OF THE EDITORIAL
VOCATION.
Scores volunteered assurances that I was
defying public opinion—that most of my
readers were against me—as if I eould be
induced to write what they wished said
rather than what they needed to be told, —
I never before realized so vividly the base
ness of the editorial vocation according to
the vulgar conception of it. The din raised
about my ears now is nothing to that I
then endured and despised. lam humilia
ted by the reflection that it is (or was) in
the power of such insects to annoy me,even
by pretending to discover with surprise
something that I have for years been pub
licly, emphatically proclaiming.
HOW HE LOST THE SENATORSHIP.
Upon the Republicans having, by des
perate effort, handsomely carried our State
against a formidable-looking combination
of recent and venomous apostates with our
natural adversaries, a crv arose from sev
eral quarters that I ought to bo chosen
United States Senator. At once,kind, dis
creet friends swarmed about me, whisper
ing "Only keep still about Universal Am
nesty, and your election is certain. Just
be quiet a few weeks, and yon can say
what ynu please thereafter. You have no
occasion to speak now," I slept on the
well-meant suggestion, and deliberately
concluded that 1 eould not, injustice to my
self, defer to it. I could not purchase office
bv even passive, negative dissimution.—
No man should be enabled to say to me, in
truth, "If 1 had suppose! you would per-
in your rejected, condemned Am
nesty hol>b)\ I would not have given you
my vote." So I w rote and published, on
the ?7th of that month, my manifesto en
titled "The True Basis of Reconstruction,"
wherein, repelling the idea that I proposed
a dicker with the ex rebels, I explicitly
said : ' v
:i,I am for universal amnesty—so far as inynunity
from fear of jiunishineut or confiscation is concerned
•—even though impartial suffrage should, for the
present, he defeated. I nin think if desirable that
Jefferson Davis should bo arranged and tried for
treason ; and it still seems to me that this might
properly have been done many months ago. But
it was not done then ; and now 1 believe it would
result in far more c/il than good. It worrld re
kindle passions that hare nearly burned out or been
hnshed to sleep ; it would fearfully convulse and
agitate the South ; it would arrest tho progress of
reconciliation and kindly feeling there, it would
cost a large sum directly and a fai larger sum indi
rectly : at-I—unless the jury were scandalously
packed—it would result in a nen-sgreement or no
verdict. I can imagine no good end to be subserved
by such a trial ; and—holding Davis neither bet
ter nor worso than several others—weuld have him
treated as they are.
HE CALLS G- G. BLUNT, PROSPER M. WET
MORE, JOHN A. KEnNEDY AND "THIRTY
OTHERS," NARROW MINDED BLOCK
BEADS.''
Gentlemen, I shall not attend your
meeting this evening. I have an engage
ment out of town, and shall keep it. Ido
not recognize you as capable of judging or
even fullv apprehending rte. Yon evident
ly regard me as a weak Fontiraentalit misled
by a maudlin philosophy. I arraign you
as narrow-minded blockheads, who would
like to be useful to a great and good cause,
but don't know how. Your attempt to
base a great, enduring party on the hate
and wrath nccessarially engendered 'by a
bloody civil war, is as though you should
plant a colony on an icebnrg which had
somehow drifted into a tropical ocean, I
tell you here that, out of a life earnestly
devot?d to the good of human kind, yonr
children will select my going to Richmond
and signing that bail-bond as the wisest
act. and will feel that it did more for free
dom and humanity f than all of you
were competent to do, though you bad lived
to the age of Methuselah.
COME ON ! THE WHOLE OF YOl'l
All I care for is. that you make this a
square, sland-up fight and record your judg
ment yeas and nays. I care not how few
vote with ine, nor how many vote against
me ; for I Know that the latter will repent
it in dust and ashes before three years hare
passed. Understand, once for all, that I
dare you and defv you, and that I propose
to fight it out on the line that I have held
from the day of Lee's surrender. So long
as any man was seeking to overthrow our
government, he was my enemy ; from the
hour in which he laid down his- arms, he
was formerly erring countryman. So long
as any is at hearbopposed to the nations 1
unity, the federal authority,or to that asser
tion of the equal rights of all men which
has become practically identified with loyal
ty and nationality, I shall do my best to de
prive him of power ; but,whenever he ceas
es to do thus, I demand his restoration to
all the priveleges of American citizenship.
MR. OREELET'S FUTURE PLATFORM.
1 give jou fair notice that I shall urge
the reenfranchisement of those now pro
scribed for rebellion so soon as I shall feel
confident that this eourse is consistent with
the freedom ot the blacks and the unitj of
the republic, and that I shall demand a re
call of all now in exile only for participa
ting in the rebellion, whenever the country
shall have been so thoroughly pacified that
its safety will not thereby be endangered.
And so, gentlemen, hoping that you wilL
henceforth comprehend me somewhat bet
ter than you have done, 1 remain. Yours,
HOKACE GREKLET.
NEW-YORK, May 23, 1867.
SOMETHING ABOUT NATIONAL BANKS.—
Various questions of great interest to
shareholders in National Banks are at the
present Mine under discussion,and we have
received many inquiries for information
upon certain points. And first, as to the
liabilities ot stockholders in national bank
ing institutions, we reply that section 12th
of the bank act declares that shareholders
are liable to the extent of the amount of
their stock, at par value thereof, in addi
tion to the amount invested in such shares.
A national hank may reduce its crpital by
a vote of shareholders owning two-thirds
of its capital stock. A reduction cannot,
of course, be made to a point below fifty
thousand dollars in capital of banks in
places containing not over six thousand in
habitants, nor to less than two hundred
thousand dollars in capital of banks loca
ted in cities whose population exceeds fifty
thousand, and uo chaDge whatever
can be made without the approval of the
Comptroller of the Currency.
Our national banks are constantly called
upon to redeem and retire worn and mu
tillatcd notes. The b<ak act provides for
the replacing of these by new issues,
National batik charters run twenty
years, but they can be given up at any
time by a vote of the shareholders. * Na
tional banks mry receive from the Comp
troller circulating notes to the amount of
ninety per cent, of the bonds deposited
with the Comptroller, and not exceeding
capital paid in.— Peterson's Bank Xote
List.
Model Temperance Missionary.
Mr. AZ. Bates, v. ho was brought be
fore the Public Court, at Chicago, a few
days since, charged with having drugged
and robbed some one, thus addresssd the
magistrate in his defence :
At this moment, sir, you may despise
me but before I finish you will pity me.—
I am a Christian —one of the Lord's gtier
rillos. They fight for the Christian faith
on their own hook, lam also a mission
ary. I try to make people sigh the tem
perence pledge.
I don't belong to the regular society for
that purpose. Our ways of doing the
thing differ. Mine is the best. I don't
have to beg for money as they do. My
system is self-supporting.
I often say jokingly of myself and fam
ily that we are Bates for intemperate peo
ple, The joke is original with me, and I
don't want any of the reporters to pass it
off* as their own.
The way I convert people to the temper
ence cause is this : When I see a man
about to drink I drug the liquor. When
he sleeps, I take all the money and valua
bles he has. I spoil his clothes, and some
times beat liira.
Then I put him in the gutter, wheie a
policeman can find him. But first I fill
liis pockets full of tracts showing the evils
of intemperance. What is the result ?
That man is brought here and. fined $5
for drunkenness lie finds all his money
gone, and his; clothes spoiled. Thus does
he see and feel the effects of intemperance.
It is better than a thousand tracts.
Then he reads a few of the tracts in his
pocket, and they complete the good work,
lie goes and signs the pledge. I have
thus saved that man from a drunkard's
grave. All honor to me.
The money and valuables which I get
from him are enough to support me until I
find another man to convert. I know that
the world may mistake my motives, but
you, Judge, will not. You will say at
once: •
' Let the missionary go. He is one
among many."
And so I am. Once I converted an
aunt of mine in this way. It costlier $250
but she does not drink any more. It is
sweet to me to think how many souls 1
have saved, and how much it cost them to
be saved.
Mr. Bates was required to appear be
fore the Recorder's Court.
Pireuts aud Children.
There is nothing better, nothing safer,
nothing so sure of bringing forth the right
fruit in the end, than truth. Tell your
child the truth. Tell him that obedience
requires unpaid sacrifices. Tell him that
he need not expect that a purse of gold
will drop into his baud the moment he de
nies himself of a coveted pleasure. Tell
him that the path of duty is often terribly
hard, and seldom leads to an oil well, or a
seat in Congress, or to a brown stone front
house Tell him that virtue sometimes
brings thorns, enemies, neglect. But tell
him that it is virtue nevertheless; tie bright
est, the noblest, and the best of gifts, and
whatever comes of goodness it is the one
thing desirable, itself above all price.—
Make him feel that obedience is pleasure,
that goodnesk is delight, that love is alto
gether lovely, and he will not expect to be
paid for the smallest service and be tempt
ed to withhold a kindness when he is not
sure of a reward. Parents must cease ap
pealing to and the averice of
their children if they would have them any
thing but selfish and sensual.
The great impeacher, Ashley, is having
daily interviews in the Washington jail
with the perjurer Conover who have not
been removed to a penitentiary. The
jailor should send for Holt and Stanton and
then lock the whole of them up together
They are so near alike in crime that they
are entitled to the same rooms, at least, if
not to the same pains and penalties.
Greeley on Reconstruction,
The following extract from the Speech
of Horace Greely, on Reconstruction, de
livered at Richmond, Va., May 4th, 18G7,
is certainly refreshing when compared
with the ranting of Sumner, Stevens, Kel
ley & Co., and proves that the success of
the Democratic party is having a whole
some effect in tempering Radicalism, aud
that the bubble of negro equality, will be
the rock on which their party must even
tually split.
'then as to the question of Confiscation,
what is to be said ? What is the truth
about Confiscation ? I have been told,
since I came here, that the colored people
of this city and the State were refusing to
buy for themselves homes, because they
were imbued with the belief that Con
gress would very soon confiscate and dis
tribute the lands of the Rebels of this
Btate, and give each of them a share. If
this be so, I beg you to believe that you
are more likely to earn a home than to
get one by any form of confiscation.
I do not approve of appeals to any par
ticular class, and I make no claim to be a
special friend of the colored people : but
this I say, friends and countrymen, since
I have been here I have been more than
ever belpre impressed with the exceeding
cheapness of Virginia lands, I believe
there are lands selling to-day near this
city at ten dollars per acre which will be
worth in a tew years ten times that price ;
and I say to all, If you can buy lands in
Virginia and pay for them, buy them ;
for they are certain to be dearer in the
early future, I amconfident buying lands
is the cheapest way of getting them. I
am confident that buying these lands is
the cheapest possible mode of securing a
homestead. Carlyle says that the great
mistake ot Bob Roy was his failure to rea
lize that he oould obtain his beef cheaper
in the grass market cf Glasgow than by
harrying the lowlands ; and he will re
peat that imstake who fails to secure a
farm by purchase to day in Virginia be
cause lie hopes to obtain any under some
future act of confiscation. I urge you*
poor men of Virginia, whether white or
black, to secure yourselves homes of your
own forthwith. If you can buy them
here, do so, before the coming influx of im
igration shall have rendered lands too
dear. If not, strike off to the Public
lands, South, North and West, and hew
out for yourselves homes as ray ancestors
did in New Hampshire, and become laud
owners, all of you, so soon as you may. —
Own something which you can call a
home. It will give yon a deeper feeling
of independence and of self-respect, and do
not wait to obtain a home by confiscation.
[Applause.]
A BRILLIANT SXD PATRIOTIC SCHEME.-
The project lately started by a number of
prominent and patriotic gentleman to erect
or. the battle-field of Gettysburg a perma
nent borne for crippled Union
soldiers of the rebellion, is destined to
prove a complete success The scheme,
which is a very feasible one, and which will
be carried out strictly and faithfully, is sim
ply this :-Althongh the erection of a home
for invalid soldiers meets with the cordial
approbation of every one, the State Legis
lature did not feel itself in a position to
make the necessary appropriation to estab
lish such an institution, but in lieu thereof
passed a bill on the Gth of March last,
granting power to the corporators named
therein to raise the required amount]? by
means of a grand gift distribution.
It becoming known that certain parties
in New York had, during the Rebellion,
purchased a large number of diamonds and
precious stones, measures were taken to se
cure tliem, and certain parties advanced
the money for their purchase. Certificates
valued at five dollars each will be issued
and the holder will not only contribute to a
national and commendable enterprise, but
will also have a direct interest in the distri
bution of these magnificent jewels. The
princely gifts are now on exhibiion at
No. 1126 Chesntt street, and daily
viewed by hundreds of our citizens.
The management of the great enterprise
has been confided to able and experienced
hands, and there is not the slightest doubt
that the entire scheme will be consumated
to the perfect satisfaction of everybody in
terested. The site selected for the erection
of the Home, and which consists of the
piece of ground used as General Meade's
headquarters during the battle of Gettys
burg, has already been burchajed' and it
now only remains for our citizens to come
forward en ?nas?e and purchase shares for
the grand distribution, to insure a comfort
able home for invalid soldiers, where they
will be cared for at no cost to themselves.
The project has met with some opposi
tion in certain quarters where its character
and provisions have not been thoroughly
understood ; but the projectors hold them
selves responsible for the faithful perform
ance of everything they guarantee in the
published prospectus.
The sale of certificates lias already com
menced, and the indications are that the
800,000 subscribers required to complete
the first distribution will be obtained in a
very short time. As the people throughout
the country went with great readiness into
the Crossby Opera House speculation, a
scheme solely for personal aggrandizement,
still greater inducements are presented to
subscribe to the Gettysburg Asylum, the
success of which will secure a happy home
for thousands of crippled soldiers.— Phila•
adelphia Evening Telegraph,
A CLEAR HEADED MAW. —An editor in
Alabama, having readjfan article in Hall's
Journal of Health advising that "husband
and wife should sleep in seperate rooms,
says Dr. Hall can sleep when and where be
choses, but, for himself, he intends to sleep
where he can defend his wife against the
rats and all other nocturnal foes as long as
he haa got one to defend.
Henceforth the Republican party
from St. John to the Pacific, is a unit for
universal liberty and impartial suffrage, re
gardless of caste, race, or color.—[Radical
exchange. Glad to hear it, We shall
now have a fair test on the issue, and no
"ahenanakin."
ROSS, MILLS, & GO.
Coiner Tlega and Warrgn Streets,
TUNKHANNOCK, PENN'A;
*
Are now opening a large stock of
Hardware,
such as
IRON, STEEL & NAILS,
Paints, Oils, Glass, Putty, Var
nishes, Turpentine, Benzine, Nail
Rods, Building Hardware, Mechan
ics Tools, Wooden Ware, Brushes of
all kinds, Cutlery, Shovels, Seives,
Lamps, Lanterns, Oil Cloth, Rosin,
Ropes, aiso Hatchets, wrenches &c.
HARNESS MAKERS HARDWARE,
Buckles, Japanned Buckles, Silver plated
Isitts of every kind, llames, Iron Pad
Trees, Saddle Trees, Gig Trees, Girth
Web, worsted and Cotton, Thread, Silk,
Awls, and needles, Halter Chains, Trace
Chains, &c. kc.
PAINTS AND OILS,
SPERM, AND LUBRICATING OILS,
ALSO
CROCKERY,
GLASS,
WOODEN AND
WILLOW WARE
WINDOW and PICTURE frames,
GLASS OF ALL KINDS.
Wails and Hand-Rakes at
wholesale and retail.
Alliof which have been
SELECTED WITH GREAT CARE,
and expressly for this market, and
all they ask is an examination of the
goods to satisfy all of the truth of
what we say. Remember the place.
ROSS, MILLS & Co.
Tunk. Pa. May 29th, 1867.
SHERMAN & LA THRO P,
(Successors to John Weil,)
AT THE OLD STAND, NEXT DOOR TO' THI
BANK, AT
TUrffKHAKTUOCK,
Take pleasure in announcing to tbejjeople of Wyo
ming County, that they are now recjiving from New
York one of the largest and most complete assort
ment of
DRY GOODS, DRESS GOODS
and
TRIMMINGS;
WOMEN'S AND CHILDKEVS SHOES J
CASSIMERES AND GENTLFMEN'S FURNISHING
and a large stock of
READY-MADE
Clothing
purchased from a first class New York House at pri
ces trom 10 to 20 per cent, lower than the u*ual
rates ; enabling th<;m to dispose of them at prices
IB 810 Wsi II COMPETITOR*
Haring had 20 year's experience in this business,
they ieel certain that they can secuie a trade at
I this point; and to do this,they only ask the people to
COMB AMD SEC THEIR GOODS AMD PRICES,
BUTTER,
EGGS,
and PRODUCE,
of ALL KINDS
tiken at the highest market rates in exchange for
Goods or Cash at the option of the seller,
H. N. SHERMAN,
I, B. LATUKOP,
Tunk. Pa. Apr. 16 1867.
WE KEEP
A LARGE STOCK OF CARPETS,
] AND PAY
Cash for Veal Skins and Hides.
SHERMAN & LATHIiOP.
ERRORS OF YOUTH.
A Gentleman who suffered for years from Neivous
Debility, Premature decay, and all the effects at
youthful indiscretion, will, for the sake of suffering
humanity, send free to all who need it the recipe
and directions for making the simple remedy jy
which he was cured. Sufferers wishing to prone j
the advertiser's experience, can do so by aidressi s,
in perfect confidence, .
JOIIN B. OGDO2J, 43 Cedar Street, New Yor*.
t6H4O.