Jfr vreeks]mo , th\md'thUnd th year 1 Sauare I,oo' U2a 2 2 00! 2,50, 3,25 3.50 4 50; 6,00 \I ' 3 00, 4,75/ 5,50 7.t-0 9,00 iCo hi inn 400 4 50' 6,50' P.OO, 1 JOB WOBIi Mankinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit he times. All TRANSIENT ADVERTISEMENTS and JOB WORK u:ust be paid for, when ordered. ftosiiuss Jtotirs. TV o L\\ E IjITTIjK, attorneys at K LA*W Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannocki' a rT 8. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON Ll Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. /-lEO 8. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW \J Tunkhonnock, Pa. Office n Stark * Brick ock, Ttoga stieet. \t7 M. i*l. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 0 \\ fice in Stark's Brick Block Tioga St., Tank hannnek. Pa giir sUfliTrr f^oitSL IIA R KISHinUi I*KN NA • The undersigned having lately purchased the BUEHLER HOUSE " property, has already com mence 1 each alterations and improvements as will render this old and popular House equal, it not supe rior to any Hotel in the City of Harrisburg. a'continuance of the public patruuugs is refpeet fully solicited. QEo j BOLTOJf . WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE, Til N K.H AN N OCK, W YOMING CO., I*A. rHIS establishment has recently heen refitted an furnished in the latest style Every attention will be given to the comfort and convenience of those who patronize the Hou*e. T b WALL, Owner and Proprietor . Tunkhannock, September 11, IS6I. NORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESHOPPEN, WYOMING CO! NIY, PA Win. U. CORTRIGHT, Frop'r HAVING resumed tbe proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to reader the bouse an agreeable place ot sojourn for all who may favor it with their custom. * 3 Win. H CORTRIGHT. June, 3rd, 1863 fjjfaits lotfl, towanba, P-A-- n. B. BART LET, /Lata of i . "BRAINARD HOUSE, ELMIHA, N. Y. PROPRIETOR. The MEANS HOTEL, i one of the LARGEST nd BEST ARR ANGED Houses in the country—lt is fitted up in the most modem and unproved style, and no pains are spared to make it a pleasant and agreeable stopping-place for all, v 3. n2l. 'y CLARKE, KEENER* 'cO., M ANCEACTCRERS AND WHOLESALE DEALERS IN LADIES', MISSES' & GENTS' § ilk anil £ assiiiifrf flats AND JOBBERS IN HATS. CAPS, FURS, STRAW GOODS, :PARASOL.S AND UMBRELLAS. BUFFALO AND FANCY ROBES, . 849 BROADWAY, CORNER OF LEONARD STREET, HUSW . B V CLARK, J A • KEENKV, £ S. LKKENKY 3 M. GILMAN, DENTIST, T GTLMAN, has permanently located in Tunk I L hannock Borough, and respectfully ter.derhi professional services to the citizens of this placeand anrrounding country. ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIT I ION. Office over Tutton's Law Office near the Post Office NEW TAILORING SHOE The Subscriber having had a sixteen years prac tical experience in cutting and making clothing, now offers his services in this liue to the citizens of NICHOLSON and vicinity. Those wishing to get Fits will find his shop the place to get them. Je*L, R, SMITH. W-a6O-imo ADDRESS OF TUE NATIONAL vONVEfITIOW. I TO THE FEOPLE OF THE WHOLE UNION, Tlie Hon. HENRY J. RAYMOND, Chair man of the Committee on Resolutions and an Address, at the late National Convert vention at Philadelphia, read the following address which had received the unanimous approval of the Cominitt e and which was adopted by the Convention without a dis senting voice. ADUnESS To tin' People of the Putted State*: Having met in Convention at the city of Philadelphia, in the Slate of Pen-ylvania, this 16 11 day of August, 1866, as the rep resentatives of the people in all sections aid all the States and Territories of the Union, to consult np-u the condition and t! e wants •'• r "common c untry, we address t< yon this d< claraiion <>f our prin cip-es and of the p litical purposes we se> k to promote. Sine ■ the meeting of th • last National Convention, in ihe year 1860, events have occurted which have changed the character of our internal policy, and given tin- Unit d States a taw place among the nations of the earth. Our 'Government has pasred through the vicissitudes and the ! perils of civil war-a war which, though mainlv sectional in it- character, has never theless decid d poliii al differences that from tlx- very b. ginning of the Govern ment had threatened the unity of our na tional exis ence, and ha* ieft its impress, deep and imfaceable, upon all the interests, the sentiments, and the de-tiny of the Re public- While it has inflicted upon tin whole country severe losses in iile and in property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations tocome.it has developed a degree of noble courage in the presence of national dangers a capacity for military organizations and achievements, and devotion on the part of the people to the form ofgovernment which tbev have ordained, and to tf e principles of liberty which that Government was de signed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in tlie perpetuity of its republican institutions, and command the respect of the civilized world Like all great contests which rouse th" passions and test the endurance of nations, ti is war has rviven new scope to tlw ambition of p-diti— eal parties, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chorus of conflicting sentiments, inseparable from such an era. while the public heart is keen ly alive to all the passions that can swav the public judgment and affect the public action, while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears fo" the future tak* injust proportions from the memories and resentments of the past, it is a difficult, but an imperative duty which, in your behalf.we who are here as sembled lave undertaken to p"rform.— For the fir*t time after six long years of alienation and of conflict,we have come to '"•ther from ever-. B'at" and evCry section of our land, a* citizens ot a coiuui >n coun try, tind. r that flag, the symbol aga'r. of a common glorv. to consult together bow best to secure and perpetuate -that 1 nion which is ami in the object of our common love,and thus secure the blessing* ot lib rty to our selves and our posterity. In the fir*t place, w<- invoke you to re member alwavs and everywhere that the war is ended, and the nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms n<\ longer assails the shudderi g heart of th" Republic. The insurrection against tlie supreme aiithoritv ot the nation has been =uppreed, and that author tv lias been again acknowledged by w<_>rd „ud act in I evrv State and by every citizen within its Jurisdiction. We are n.. longer teqiiired or permitted to regard or treat each other as etn-mies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued and the weapons of war laid aside, but the >tate of war no longer oxi*ts. and the sentiments the passions. the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad dominion. We are again people of the United Siate*. fellow-citizens of one country, bound by the duties and obliga tion- of'a common nation, a"d having neith er tights nor intere-t apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again the <1 ities of peace, and no longer the dntie- of war. We h .ve assem bled here to tak<- counsel concerning the interests of peace, to ilcide how we mav nn>st wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpet uate the benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, sprung up in its fiery track This is the work not of passion, but of calm and sober judgment ; not of res< ntineut for past offences pro'onged beyond the lim its which justice and reascn prescribe, but ofalibeial statesmanship which tolerates w hat it cannot prevent and builds its plan and its hopes for the future rather upon a community of interest and ambition than upon distrust and the weapons of force. In the n-xt place we call upon you to recognize, in tfeir full significance, and to accept, with all their legitimate conse quences, the political results of the war just closed. In two most important particulars the victory achieved by the National Gov ernment, has been final and decisive, first : it has established beyond all further oontro- "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT. "—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 1866. versy. and by the highest of all human sanction, absolute supremacy >f tlie Na tional Government, as defim d and dire<-ted by the Constitution of th - United States, and the permanent integrity and indissolu bility of the Federal Union is a necessary consequence ; and secondly, it has put an end, finally and forever, to the existence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdic tion ot the United States, Both these points became directly involved in the con test, and controversy upon both has ended absolutely and finally by the result. In the third place, wt deem it of the ut rao-t importance that the real character of the war, and the victory by which it was closed, should be accurately understood. The war wa* carried on by tlie Govern ment of the United States in maintaiiunce ol its own authority ami in defence of its own existence, both of which were men aced by the insurrection which it sought to sutipress. The suppression of that insur rection accomplished that result. The Gov ernment of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territory and over all t> e States ami people, within its jurisdiction which the Constitution confers upon it, but it acquir ed thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights.either of territorial possesion or of civil authority, which it did not possess before the rebellion b.oke out Ail tlie rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it in express temi*, or by fair and ne-essarv iin plica ion, by the Constitution of the United States. If was that power and that an thoiity which the rebellion sought to over throw, and the victory of the Federal arms was sirnplv the defi at of that aitenipt. The Government of the United Mates acted throughout the war on the defensive It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war nor the victory by which it was ended changed in any way the Constitution of the Unite! States. The war was carried on by virtue of it* provisions and under the limitations which they prescribed,aridthe lesuli of the war lid not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it con fins upon the Federal Government, or re lease that Government from the restrictions which it has imposed. The Constitution of the United States is to-day precisely a* it was before the w t r— the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contra y not viihstauding. And to-day al : so, precisely as before the war, all tin powers; not conferred by the Constitution 1 upon the General Government, nor prohib ■ ite.' bv it to the States, are reserved to the Several States or to tlie people thereof. This pos tion is vindicated not only by tlie essential nature of "Ur Government and j the language and spirit of the Constitution, but bv all the acts and the language of our ' Government, in all its departments and at all times, from the outbreak ot the rebell j ion to its final overthrow. In the messa ! ges and proclamations of the Extcutive it was explicitly declared that the sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain j the authoiity of the Constitution and to Feserve the integrity of the Union, and i • it. : Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and aided the a**n r . ance, that whenever this object should be attempted the war should cease, arid all the States should retain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war has closed that other l ights have been asserted on behalf ot one department of tlie General Government. It has been D>O , claimed by Congress that in addition to the i powers conferred upon it by the Constitu : tion, the Federal Government may now claim over the States an i the territory, and th" people involvt d in the insurrec tion, the rights of war —rights of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all "xisting governments, institutions, and laws, and to subject the territory conquer ed and its inhabitants to sncli terms and regulations as the legislative department of the Government may see fit to impose, tin der the broad ami sweeping claim that t, : ,e clause of the Constitution whicii provides that no Stat" shall without its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Sen ate of the United States has been annull ed ; and States have been refused, and are still refused, representation altogether in both branches of tlie Federal Congress ; and the Congress in which only a pait of the States ami of the people of the Union are represented has asserted tlie right to exclude others from representation ami from all share in making their own laws and choosing their own rulers, unless they shall comp.y with such conditions and per forin such acts as this Congress, thus com posed, may itself prescribe. That right has not only been asserted, but it has been exercised, anil is practically enforced at the present time.— Nor does it find any support in the cry that the States thus excluded are in re bellion against he Government, and are therefore precluded from sharing its author ity. They are not thus in rebellion. They are one and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Government, and of sworn al legiance to the Constitution of tlie United States. In none of them is there the slight est indication of the resistance to this au thority, or the slightest protest against its just and binding obligations. This condi tio iof renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn proclama'ion of the Executive Department. Tlie hws of the United Statss have been extended by Con gress over all these Stales, and the people thereof. Federal Courts have been re opened, and Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except they 'are denied representation in Congress and I the Electoral Collage, the States once in i rebellion are recognized as holding tlie same obligations and subject to the same duties as the other Slates of our common Union It seems to us, in the ex'-rcise of the calmest and mo*t candid judgment we can bring to the subject, such a claim *o enforc ed involves as fatal an overthrow of the authority of the Constitution, and as com plete a desti notion of the Government and Union, as that which wa* sought to be ef fecled by the States and people in armed insurrection against them. It cannot es cape observation, that the power thus asser ted to exclude certain Mates from repre sentation i* made to ie*t wholly ir. the will and disci et ion of the- Congress that asserts it. It i* not tnade to depend upon speci fied conditions or circumstances, not to be subject to any rules or regulations whatev er. The right asserted and exercised is absolute, without qualification or restric i tion, not confined o St 'te* in rebellion nor jto States that have rebelled. It is the i right of any Co gress, in formal possession i ot legislative authority, to exclude any | State or States, an I any portion of the peo | pie thereof, at any time from represents— | tion in Congress, ami in the Elecioral ( al lege, at its own discretion, a d until they j shall perforin >uch acts and comply with ! such conditions a* it .nay dictate Obvi ously. the reasons for such exclusion being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congress it-eit shall change. One Congress may exclude a State fiom all share in the Government for one rea son, and that reason r moved the next Congress may exclude it tor another. One State mav he excluded on one ground to day. and another may be excluded on the ! opposite ground to morrow Northern as- I cemlency in iv exclude Southern States I from one Cotigrass —the ascendency ot j We stern oi South rn interests, or ot both I combined, my exclude the Northern or ' th' Fa*t' rn Mates from the next. Improbable a* sueii usurpation may seem the establishment of the principle now as serted and acted upon by Congtess will tender tiiera by no means impossible. Tlie character, indeed, the very existence of Congress and the Union, is thus made dependent *°L '. v }, n>l entirely upon tlie party ami sectional exigencies or forbear aticeof th-* hour. \\ e need not stop to show that such action not only finds no wairant in the Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our Government and with the \er\ existence of free insti tutions. It is, indeed, the identical prac tice wh eh lias widen d fruitless all attempts hitherto to est ibli*li and maintain free gov. i rnments in Mexico and tlie States of South America. Part) necessities asscr themselve*- as superior to futnlam ntal lay. which is set aside in tickles* obedience of behests. Stability, whether in the exert cise of power in the admi istralion of gov ernment oi in the enjoyment ot rights, be comes impossible, and tlie conflicts of party, which under constitutional governments are tne conditions and means <>f political progress, aie merged in the conflicts of arms, to which they directly ami inevit ably tend. It was against this peril, so conspicuous, and so fatal to all tree governments, that our Constitution was intended especially to provide. Not only the stability, but the verv existence of the Government is mad" bv its provisions to depend upon the right and the tact of representation. The Con gress, upon which is conferred all the leg islation power of the National Government, consists of two branches—the Senate and House of Representatives—whose joint concurrence or assent is essential to the validity of any law. Of these, the House <>f Representatives, savs the Constitution, ( Article Ist., section 2d,)shall be compos-d of members chosen every second \ ear by the j> opleof the several States. Not only the right of representation thus recogniz d as possessed bv all the States and by every State, without restriction, qualification, or condition of any kind, but the duty of choosing Representatives is imposed upon the people of each and every Stat • alike, without distinction among them for anv reason or upon any grounds whatever.— And in the Senate, *o c ireful is tlie Con stitution to secure to every Srate ilii* riglt of representation, it t* expressly provided th it no State shall without its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in that body, even by ah amendmentto tlie Constitution itsi If. When, therefore, any State is ex eluded from such repr< sentation, not only is the right of the State denied, but the const itutional integrity of tlie Senate is im paired, and the valid ty of the Government itself is brought in question. But Con gress at the present moment tints excludes from representation in both branch<-s?of Congress ten States of the Union, denying them all share in the enactment of 1 tws bv which they are to be governed, and all par ticipation in the election of the rulers by which those laws are to be enforced. In other ▼'ords, a Congress in which only twentv-six Slates are repr sented asserts the right to govern, absolutely and in its own discretion, all the thirty six States which compose the Union; to make their laws and choose their rulets, and to exclude the other ten from all share in their own government, nutil it sees lit to admit them tlier to. What is there to distinguish the power thus asserted arid exercised from the most absolute and intolerable tyranny ? Nor do these extravagant and unju*t claims on the part of Congress to powers and au thority fi"Ver conferred upon the Govern ment by the Constitution, tind any war- raut in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf. It is alleged— b ir*t. That these States, by the act of rebellion and by voluntarily withdrawing their members from Congress, forfeited their right of icpresentation, and that they can only receive it again at the hands of the supreme legislative authority of the Governm nt, on its own terms and at its <>wn discretion. If representation in Con gress and participation in the Government were sirnplv privileges conferred and held bv favor, his statement might have tlie merit of plausibility. Hut representation is, under the Constitution, not only ex pressly recognized as a right, but it is im posed as a duty, ami it is ess--ntial in both aspects to the existence ot tlie Govern ment and to the maintenance of its au thority. In free governments fundamen tal and essential rights cannot be forfeited, except against individuals by due process of law, nor can constitutional unties and obligations be discard-d or laid aside.— The enjoyment of rights may be for a time suspended by the failure to claim them, and duties may be evaded by the refusal to perform them. The withdrawal of their members from Congress by the State* which resisted tlie General Govern ment was among their acts of insurrec _ tj o!l —was one of the means and agencies by w h eh they sought to impair the author ity and defeat the action of the Govern ment ; ami that act was annulled and ren dered void when the insurrection itself was suppressed. Neither the right of rep seutatii n nor the duty to be lepresented was in tlie least impaired by the fact of in surrection, but it may have been that, by n ason ot'lh" insurrection, the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for the time de pended. could not be fulfilled. Hiis was, in fact, the case. An insurgent power, in the exeteise of usurped aud unlawful au thority in the territory under its control, had prohibit! d that allegience to the Con stitution and laws of the United States wh-ch is made by that fundamental law the essential condition of representation in Government. No man within the insur g nt-Mates was allowed to take the oath to support tlie Constitution of the I nited States, and a* a necessary consequence no man couUfclawlully represent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the enjoyment of tiie right and to the discharge of'a duty ; it did not annul the one nor abrogate the other, and it ceased to exist when the usurpation bv which it was created had been overthrown and tlie States had again resumed their allegiance to the Constitu tion and laws of tlie United States. Second. But it is assertedjn support of tlie authority claimed by the Congress now in possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war; that it is amo-g the rights which victorious war al ways confers upon the conquerors, and which the conqueror, may exercise or waive, in Ids own discretion. To this we r> plv, that the law* in question relate sole ly, so far as the rights they confer are con j cerncf, to wars waged between alien and i,.dependent nations, and can have no place or force in this regard tu a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection of its own people upon its own soil agaiast j its authority. If we had carried on suc cessful war against any foreign nation, we might thereby have acquired possession and jurisdiction of their soil, with the right to enforce our laws upon their peo ple, and to impose upon them such laws and snob obligations as we might choose. But we had. before the war, complete ju ri-diction over tlie soil ot the Southern State 3, limited only by our own Constitu tion. Our laws were the only national laws in force upon it. The Government of the United States was the enly Govern m nt through which those States and t icir people had relations with foreign nations, and its flag was the only flag by which tliev were recognized oi known anywhere on the face of the earth. In all these re spects, and in all other respects involving national interests and rights, our possession was perfect ami cotiipL te. It did not need to be acquired, but only to be maintained; and victoiious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it.— It C'uld onlv vind cite and re-establish the disputed supremacy of the Coiistitu tion. It could neither enlarge nor di minish the authority which that Constitu tion confers upon the Government by which it was achieved. Such ail enlarge ment or abridgement of constitutional power can be effected only by amendment of the Constitution itself, and such amend ment can be made only in the modes which the Constitution itself pi escribes. Tlie claim that the suppression of an insurrection against the Government gives additional authority and power to that Government, especially that it enlarges the jurisdieti m ol Congress and gives that bo l\ the right to exclude States trom rep resentation m the National Councils, with out which the nation itself can have no au thority and no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitution and with the public safety. Tliiid. But it is alleged that in certain particulars the Constitution of the United United States fails to secure the absolute justiceahd impartial equality which the piinciples of our Government require; that it was in these respects the result of com promises and concessions to which, howev er necessaiy when the Constitu ion was formed, we aie no longer compelled to submit; and that now, having the power through successful war, a.id just, warrant for its exercise in the bostiU conduct of the TEXTIVr®, 02.00 PEn AN-Ivn &£ VOL. 6 NO. 4. insurgent section, the actual Government of the United States may impose its own conditions and make the Constitution con form in all its provisions to its own ideas of equality and the rights of war. Con gress, at its last session, proposed amend ments to the Constitution, enlarging, in some very important particulars, the au thority of the General Government over that of the several States, and reducing, by indirect disfranchisement, the representa tive power of the States in which slavery formerly existed; and it is claimed that these amendments may be made valid as parts of the original Constitution without the concurrence,of the States to be most seriously affected by tliem; or may be im posed upon those States by three fourths of the remaining States, as conditions of their readmission to representation in Con gress and in the Electoral College. It is the unquestionable right of the people of the United Stats to make such changes in the Constitution as they upon due deliberation may deem expedient.— Cut we insist that they shall be made in the mode which the constitution itself points out, in conformity with the letter and spirit of that instrument, and with the principles of self government and of equal rights which lie at the basis of our repub lican institutions. We deny the right of congress to make these changes in the fun daniental law without the concurrence of three-fourths of all the States, including es pecially those to be most seriously affected by tln m, or to impose them upon States or people as conditions of representation or of admission to any of the rights, duties, or obligations which belong, under the consti iUtion, to all the States alike; and with still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any portion of the States from any share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the constitution which are to affect permanently their political relations, and control or coerce the legitimate action < f the several members of the common Union. Such an exercise of power is sim ply a usurpation, just as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern States as it would be if exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in the past history either of those by whom it atompted or of those upon whose rights and liberties it i<- to take effect. It finds no warrant in the constitution. It is at war with the fundamental principles of our form of go/eriiment. If tolerated in one in stance it becomes the precedent for future invasions of lib< rtyand constitutional right, dependent solely upon the will of the party in possession of power, and thus leads by direct and necessary sequence to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies, the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible politi cal factions. It is against this, the most for midable of all the dangers which menace the stability of free government, that tb constitution of the United States was in tended most carefully to provide. We de maud a strict and steadfast adherence to it. In this, and in this alone, can we find a ba sis of permanent union and peace. Fourth. But it is alleged in justification of the usurpation which we condemn, that the condition of the Southern States and ppople is not such as render safe their re admission to a share in the government of the country ; that they are still disloyal in sentiment and purpose, and that neither the honor, the credit, nor the interests of I lie nation would be safe if they were re admitted a share in its councils. Wo might reply to this— First That we have no right for snch reasons to deny to any portion of tho States or people rights expressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of the Uni ted States. Second, That so long as their acts are t'Tse of loyalty ; so long as they conform in all their public conduct to the require ments of the Constitution and laws, we have no right to exact from them conform ity in their sentiments and opinions to our own. Third. That we have no right to dis trust the purpose or the ability^of the peo ple of the Union to protect and defend un der all contingencies, and by whatever means may be required, its honor and its welfare. These would in our judgment, be full ond conclusive answers to the plea thus advanced for the exclusion of these States from the Union, But we say, further, that this plea rests upon a complete misappre hension, or an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm that there is no section of the country where the Constitution and laws of the United States find a more prompt and entire obe dience than in those States and among those people who were lately in arm 9 against them, or where there is less pur pose or danger of any future attempt to overthrow their authority. It would sepm to be rational and inevita ble that in States and sections so recently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all the ordinary modes and methods of organ ized industry have been broken up, and the bond*: and influences that guarantee so cial order have been destroyed ; where thousands and tens of thousands, of turbu lent spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline of war, and thrown without resources or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeat is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a time the imperfect disci pline of law and excite anew the feara and forhodings of the patriotic and well dis posed. It is unquestionably true that lo cal disturbances of this kind, accompanied bv more or less of violence do still occur. But they are confined entirely to the citi