EC3.B.VEY SlCKljaß;Proprietor NEW SERIES, A weekly Democratic paper, devoted to Poll , ics, News, the Arts nfc '] and Sciences Ae. Pub- " g aL'etj** ishad every Wednes pay, at Tunkhannock ** [I Wyoming County,Pa \ ' V 'riff U 1' BY HARVEY SICKLERa Terms—l copy 1 year, (in advance) $2 00 et paid within six months, £2.50 will be charged NO paper will be DISCONTINI ID, until all ar rearages are paid; unless at the option of publisher. ADVERTISING. 10 tines or . | I . ; lest, make three fourl two < three six >, one ne square weeks iceek mo Uigno tli. inv'Ui year 1 Saua're I*oo I ! 2,25* 2,97 3,0(T 5,00 2 Jo 2'00! 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PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 0 fice in Stark's Brick Block Tioga St., Tun., hannock, P &ijf Bufhlu goim, HARRISDURG, HENNA- The undersigned having lately purchased the •' BUEHLER HOUSE " property, has already com menced such alterations and improvements as will loader this old and popular House equal, it not supe rior to any Hotel in the City of Ilarrisburg. A continuance of the public patronage is refpeet fully solicited. j BOLTON WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE, TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. THIS establishment has recently been refitted an famished in the latest stylo Every attention •rill he given to the comfort and convenience of those who patronize the House. T. B W ALL, Owner and Proprietor : Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861. I4ORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESIIOPPEN, MTYOMING COUNTY, PA Wm. 11. CORTRIGIIT, Prop'r HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to render the house an agreeable place ot sojourn for .11 .ho f.v.r it „lU> Cune, 3rd, 1863 TOWANDA, T'-A-- D- B. BART LET, {Late of t . n BRAINARP noes*, Elmira, N. Y. PROPRIETOR. The MEANS HOTEL, i one of the LARGEST and BEST ARRANGED Houses in the country-It is fitted up in the most modem and improved style, nod no pains are spared to make it a pleasant and agreeable stopping-place for all, v 3, n2l, ly. CLARKE,KEENER,St CO., MANUFACTURE Rd A. VI) WHOL' SALE DEALERS IN LADIES', MISSES' & GENTS' filfeattli£ ass imf treats AND JOBBERS IN HATS, CAPS, FURS, STRAW GOODS, PARAHOIiS AND (IMBKELLAS. BUFFALO AND FANCY ROftJiS, 040 BIIOADWAY, CORNER OF LEONARD STREET, WMW 0. r. CLARK, J A. O KEEN KY, > 1. lceehkv. y MT OILMAN, DENTIST. -jv AT OILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk I* L* hannock Borough, and respectfully ter.derhi professional services to the citiiens of this placeand surrounding country. ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIT IION. Office over Tutton's Law Offi.e near the Post Office NEW TAILORING SHOP The Subscriber having had a sixteen years prac tieal experience in cutting and making clothing, ■ow offers his services in this line to the citizens of NICHOLSON and vicinity. Those wishing to get Fits will find his shop the pteee to get them. r e..6.6„ J-s.as.mi. _ ,| POLITICAL PREACHING. Judge mack's Reply to the Rev. Doctor Nevlli. Influence of the Pulpit Upon the Commencement and Continu enceofthe War. THE TRUE PEACEMAKERS, To the Rev. Alfred Nevin D. D. MyDf.abSir: Your letter addressed to me through the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin disappoints me; because I did not expect it to come in that way, and be cause it does not cover the subject in is sue between us. Put if lam silent youf friends will say, with some show of reason, that you have vindicated " Political Preach ing" so triumphantly that all opposition is confounded. I must, therefore, speak free ly ir, reply. In doing so, I mean to say nothing inconsistent with my great respect for your high character in the church and in the world. The admirable style and temper of your own communication de serve to be imitated. I fully concede the right you claim for cleigymen to select their own themes and handle them as they please. You say tru ly that neither lawyers .tor physicians nor any other order of men have the least au thority to control you .iu these particulars But you will not deny that this is a priv ilege. which may he abused; you expressly admit that some clergymen have abused it "and bg doing so did more than any oth er class of men to commence and continue the late rebellion." While, therefore, we can assert no power to dictate your con duct, much less to force you, we are surely not wrong when we entreat you to impose up<>n yourselves those restrictions which reHsofi and revelation have shown to he necessary for the ±0 ! of the church and the safety ot civil .-oeiety, I acknowledge that your commission is a very broad one. You must "declare the whole counsel of Got]," to the end that sin ners niav he convinced and converts built t.p in their most holy faith. Truth, jus tice, temperance, humility, mercy, peace, hrpthorlv kindness, charity—the whole cir | clc of the Christian viitues—must be as siduously taught to your hearers; and if anv at" them he inclined to the opposite vices, you are to denounce them without fear, by private admonition, by open re buke, or by a general delivery of the law which condemtfs them. Y'ou are not hound to pause iii the performance of this dutv because it may offend a powerful ruler or a strong political party. Nor I -hou'd vou shrink from it when had men, for their own purposes, approve what you do. Elevate the inrral character.? enlight <-n ihe dark iu ss, and purify the hearts of thoi-e who are under your spiritual charge, at ail hazards; for this is the work whicfy your great Task-master has given you to do, and he will admit 110 excuse for neg lecting it. But this is precisely what the political preacher is not iu tlio habit of doing. He directs the attention of his hearers away from their own sins to the sins, real or ira putcd, other people. By teaching his con gregation that they are better than other men, he lill- their hearts with self-conceit, bigotry, spiritual pride, envy, hatred, mal ice and all uncharitahleness. Instead of the exhortation, which they need, to take the beam out of their own eye, he incites them to pluck the mote from their broth er's. He does not tell them what they shall do to he saved, hut he instructs them very carefully how they shall act for the destruction of others. lie rouses and en couragi s to the utmost of his ability, those brutal passions which result iu riot, blood shed, spoliation, civil war, and general corruption of morals. You commit a grievous eiror" in sup posing that politics and religion are so mingled together that you cannot preach one without introducing the other. Ciirist and his apostles kept them perfectly sepa rate. They announced the great facts of the Gospel to each individual whom they addressed. \Y hen these were accepted the believer was lod to repent and be bap tized for the remission of his sins, and aft erwards to regulate his own life by the rules of a pure and perfect morality. They expressed no preference for one form of government over another, they provoked no political revolutions, and they proposed no legal reforms. If they had done so, they would have finally contradicted the declaration that Christ's Kingdom was not of this world, and Christianity itself would have died out in half a century. But they accepted the relations which were created by human law and exhorted their disciples to discharge faithfully the duties which arose out of them. Though the laws which defined the authority of hus bands, parents, masters and magistrates were as bad as human perversity could make them, yet the early Christians con tented themselves with teaching modera tion in the exercise of legal power, and uniformly inculcat. d the virtues of obedi ence and fidelity upon wives, children, slaves and subjects. They joined in no clamors for or against any administration, but simply testified against sin before the j only tribunal which Christ ever erected on earth ; that is to say, the conscience of the sinner himself. The vice of political preaching was wholly unknown to the primitive cbutch. It is true that Paul counselled obedience to the government of Nero; and I am aware that modern clergymen interpret his worda as a justification of the doctrine that support of an existing administration "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERT FREEMAN'S RIGHT. " —Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1866. is "part of their allegiance to God." Sev eral Synods and other ecclesiastical bodies have solemnly resolved something to that effect But they forget that what Paul advised was simply submission, not active assistance,to Nero. The of that day did not endorse his atrocities was merely because he was "the adminis tration duly placed in power." They did not go with him to the theater, applaud his acting, or praise him in the churches when he kidnapped their brethren, set fire to a city, or desolated a province.— Nor did they assist at bis apotheosis after his death, or pronounce far.eral sermons to show that he was greater than Scipio, more virtuous than Cato, and more elo quent than Cicero. Political preachers would have done this, but Paul and Peter did no such thing. There is nothing in the Scriptures to justy the church in applying its discipline to any member for offenses purely political much less for his mere opinions or feelings on public affairs. The clergy arc without authority, as they are often without fitness, to decide for their congregations what is right or what is wrong in the legislation of the country. They are not called or sent to propagate any kind of political doctriue. The Church and the State are entirely separate and distinct in their ori gin, their object, and the sphere of their action ; insomuch that the organism of one can never be used for any purpose of the other without injury to both. Do I therefore say that the Christian re ligion is to have no influence on the polit ical destiuy of inan ? Far from it. Not withstanding the unfaithfulness of many professors, it has already changed the face of human society ; and it will yet ac complish its mission by spreading peace, independence, truth, justice, and liberty regulated by law, "from the sea to the uttermost ends of the earth." But this will be accomplished only by reforming and elevating the individuals o*' whom so ciety is composed; not by exasperating communities against each other; not by any alliance with the governments of the world; not by any vulgar partnership with politicians to kill and plunder their enemies. Every time you refoim a had man and bring his character up to the standard of Christian morality, you make an addition, greater or less, to that righ.eousness which exalteth a nation, and subtract an equal sum from the sin whichris a reproach to any people. Sometimes a single conver sion is extremely important in its immedi ate effect upon the public interest of a whole nation. No doubt the acceptance of the truth by Dionysius the Areopagite had much to do in moulding the subse quent laws and customs of Athens. The conversion of Constantine was followed by the instant abiogation of all laws which fettered the conscience. In the reign of Tbeodosins the people of Thessalonica rose against the Roman garrison and killed its commander. For this act of rebellion the Fimperer decreed against them the curse of an indiscriminate war, in which the guilty and the innocent were confounded together in one general slaughter. Bis spiritual "guide, philosopher, and friend" at the the time was Ambrose, Archbishop of Milan, who boldly denounced his cruel ty, refused to give him the sacrament, or even to administer it in his presence, com pelled him to take his seat among the pen itents on the portico of the church and in duced bun to humble his diadem in the dust for eight months in succession. The conscience of the Emperer was thoroughly awakened; his subsequent reign was dis tinguished by justice and mercy, the in tegrity of the empire was preserved in peace, and the great Theodosian code, the product of that bitter repentance, is still read and quoted for its admirable union of humanity and policy. Atnbrgse produced these consequences by acting in the true capacity of a Christian minister ; for he r.formed the criminal by a direct appeal to his own heai t. Apolitical preacher in the same circumstances would have in flamed the sanguinary passions of the monarch by exaggerating the treason of the Thessalonians and counselling the mil itary execution of all who presumed to sympathise in their sufferings. You will see, I think, the distinction I would make. A gospel preacher address es the conscience of his hearers for the honest purpose of converting them from the errors ol their ways; a political preach er 6peaks to one community, one party or one sect, and his theme is the wickedness of another. The latter effects no religious purpose whatever; but the chances are ninety nine in a hundred that he excites the bad passions of those who are present, while he slanders the absented undefend ed. Both classes of prefcehers frequently speak upon the same or similar subjects, hut they do so with different objects and aims. I will make ray meaning more clear by taking your own illustrations. You be lieve in the first day of the weA as the Sabbath, and so believing yonr duty un doubtedly is to exhort all persons under your charge to observe it strictly; but you have no right to preach a crusade against she jews anfl Seventh-day jjaptists, to get intolerant laws enacted" against them for keeping Saturday as a day of rest. If drunkenness be a 6in which easily besets your congregation, you may warn them against it, and inasmuch as abstinence is always easier than moderation, you should advise them to taste not, touch not, and handle not; but your position gives you no authority to provoke violent hostilities against tavern keepers, liquor dealers or distillers. If any of your hearers be ignor ant or coarse enough to desire more wives than one a piece, you should certainly teach them that polygamy is the worst fea ture of Asiatic manners, inconsistent with Christianity and dangerous to domestic hap piness ; bnt you cannot lawfully urge them to carry tire and sword into the Territory of the Mormons merely because some of the Mormons are in this respect less holy than you. If the holding of slavas, or bond-ser vants be a practical question among the members of your church,l know of nothing which forbids you to teach whatever you conscientiously believe to be true on that subject. But in a community where slav ery is not only unknown but impossible, why should any preacher make it the sub ject of his weekly vituperation! 1 You do not improve the religion of the slave-hold er by traducing his character, nor mend the spiritual condition of your own people by making them thirst for the blood of their fellow-men ? If any person, to whom the service oT another is due by the laws of the State in which he lives, shall need your instructions to regulate this personal conduct towards the slave, yon are bound in the first place to tell birn, that as long as that relaxation exists he should behave with the utmost humanity and kindness; for this you have the clear warrant of the Apostolic example and precept. In dealing with such a per son you may be as much further as your own conscientious interpretation of the Bi ble will carry you. If you are sure that the divine law does, under all circumstan ces, make* the mere existence of such a re lation sinful on the part ot the master, you should induce him to dissolve if by the im mediate emancipation of his slaves ; for this is truth to you, which you believe to he true. But where is the authority for preaching hatred of those who understand the scripture differently 1 What privilege can you show for exciting servile insurrec tion ? Who gave you the right to say that John Brown was better than any other thief or murderer, merely because his crimes were committed against pro-slavery men 1 I think the minister, in his pulpit dis courses, is forbidden to touch at all upon that class of subjects which are purely po litical, such for instance as the banking law, tariff, railroad charters, State rights, the naturalization laws, and negro suf frage. These are questions of mere politi expediency ; religion takes no cogniz ances of them ; they come within the sole jurisdiction of the statesman; and the church has no more right to take sides up on them than the civil government has to use" its legislative, judicial or executive power for the purpese of enforcing princi ples wholly religious. In short, if I am not entirely mistaken, a Christian minister has no authority to preach upon any subjects except those in which divine revelation has given him an infalli ble rule of faith and practice ; and, even upon them he must speak always for the edification of his own hearers, "rightly di viding the word of truth," so as to lead them in the way of all righteousness. — When he docs more than this he goes be yond his commission, lie becomes a scurvy politician, and his influence is altogether pernicious. T'Fie use of the clerical office for the pur pose'of propagating political doctrines un der any circumstances, or with any excuse, is in my judgment, not only without au thority, hut it is the highest crime that can be committed against the government of God or man. Perhaps I ought not to make this broad assertion without giving some additional reasons for it. In the first place it is grossly dishonest. I employ you asa minister, pay your salary, and build you a church because 1 have confidence in your theological doctrines, — Biit you may he at the same time w holly unfit tor my political leader. Now, you are guilty of a base fraud upon me, if, in stead of preaching religion, you take ad vantage of the position I have given you to ventilate your crude and ignorant notions on State affairs. I have asked for bread and you give me a stone; instead of the fish I bargained for, you put in my hand a serpent that stings and poisons me. It destroys the unity of the church. — There is no room for rational dispute about tho great truths of Christianity ; but men will never agree upon political subjects, for human government is at best hut a com promise of selfish interests and conflicting passions When you mix the two togeth er you break the church into fragments, and instead of" One Lord, one faith and one baptism," you create a thousand war ring sects, and substitute the proverbial bitterness of the odium theologicum for the "charity which thinketh no evil." No one will deny that a union of Church and State is always the cause of bad gov ernment, perverted religion and corrupt morals. Ido not mean merely that legal union which exists in European countries. That is bad enough ; but you have less common sense than I give you credit for, if you do not see, that this adulterous connex ion assumes its most polluting form when the church is voluntarily prostituted bv her own ministers to a political party in a pop ular government. The evil influence of such connexions upon Ohureh and State is easily accounted for. Both of them in combination will do what either would recoil from if standing alone. A politician backed by the prom ise of the clergy to sustain bim can safely defy honesty and trample upon law, for do what te may, he is assured of clerical sup port here and of heaven hereafter. The clergy, on the other hand, and those who are under their influence, easily acquire iue habit of praising indiscriminately what ever is done by their public men. Acting and reacting on one another, they go down together in the direction of the pit that is bottomless ; and both are found to have "a strange alacrity at sinking." NiTman can serve two masters faithfully ; for he must hate one if he lovi-s the other. A minister who admires and follows such men as those who have lately ruled and ruined this country, must necessarily de spise the character of Christ. If he glori fies the cruelty, rapacity and falsehood of his partv leaders, he is compelled by an in flexible law of human nature to " deny the Lord who bought him." The experience of fifteen centuries proves that political preachers are thegre.H curse of the world. More than half the bloody wars which at difierent periods have desolated Christendom, were produced by their direct instigation ; and wherever they have thrust themselves into a contest com menced by others, they always envenomed the strife and made it more cruel, savage and uncompromising. The religious wars, socalled, had nothing religions about them except that they were hissed up by the clergy. Look back and see if this be not true. The Arian controversy (the first great schism) was followed by wars in which mil lions of lives were lost. Do you suppose the real quarrel was for the insertion or omission of filioque in that part of the creed which describes the procession of the Holy Ghost? Did a homaousian slaughter his brother because he was hornoousiun ? No, it was not the difference of a dipthong, hut the plunder of an empire that they fought for. ll was the politics of the church, not her religion, that infuriated the parties and converted men into demons. The Thirty Years' T /Tar in Germany is often supposed to have been a fair stand up fight between the two leading forms of Christianitv. It was not so. The religious difference was a false pretense of the politi cal preachers for the promotion of their own schemes. There was not a sane man on all that continent who would have felt himself impelled by motives merely relig ious to murder his neighbors for believing or disbelieving in transubstantation. If proof of this were wanting, it might he found in the fact, that long before the war ended, the sectarian cries were abandoned, and Catholics, as well as protestants, were fighting 011 both sides. It is utterly impossible to believe that the cfergv of England and Scotland,if they had' not been politicians, would have thought of waging bloody wars to settle questions of election and reprobation, fate, fore-knowl edge, free-will, ar.d other points of meta physical theology. For would they, apart from their politics, have encouraged and committed the other horrid crimes of which they were guilty in the name of religion. Can you think that the Irish were inva ded, and conquered, and oppressed, and murdered, and robbed for centuries, merely because the English loved and believed in the Protestant religion ? I suppose you know that those brutal atrocities were car ried on for the purpose of giving to political preachers in England possession of the churches, cathedrals, glebe lands and tythes winch belonged to the Irish Catholics. The soldier was also rewarded by confiscations and plunder. The Church and the State hunted in couples, and Ireland was the prey which they ran down together. Coming to our own coutry you find Mas sachusetts and Connecticut in colonial times tinder the sole domination of political preachers. Their treacherous wars upon the Indians for purposes wholly mercenary ; their enslaving of white persons, as well as red ones, and selling them abroad,or "swap ping them for blackamoors;" their whip ping, imprisoning and killing Quakers and Baptists, for theii conscientious opinions ; and their base treatment of such men as Roger Williams and his friends, will mark their government through all time as one of the cruelest and meanest that ever ex isted. Political preachers have not behaved any better since the Revolution than before.— About the commencement of the present century they were busy in their vile voca tion all over New England and continued it for nianv years. The wilful and deliber ate slanders habitually uttered from the pulpit against Jefferson, Madison, and the friends who supported them, were a dis grace to human nature. The immediate effect of this was the Yankee plot to secede from the Union, followed by corrupt com binations with a foreign enemy to betrav the liberties of the country. Its remoter conse quences are seen in the shameless rapacity and bitter malignity which, even at this moment, are howling for the property and blood of an unarmed and defenseless people. You and I both remember the po'itical preaching which ushered in and supported reign of the Know-Nothings, Blood Tubs, and Plug-Uglics; when Maria Monk was a Saint and Joe Barker was Mayor of Pitts burgh: when pulpits resounded every Sun day with the most injurious falsehoods a gainst Catholics; when mind was debauched by the iriculation of hypocrisy and deception; when ministers met their po litical allies in sworn secresv to plot against the rights of their fellow-citizens. You can not forget what came of this—riot,murder, church-burning,lawless violence all over the land, and the subjugation of several groat States, to the political rule of a party des titute alike of principle and capacity. I could easily prove that those clerical politicians, pho have tied their churches to the tail of the Abolition party, are criminal on a grander scale than any of their prede cessors, But I forbear partly becaue I TIERMe, * 02,00 PER AHTNI3M have no time, and partly because it may, for aught I know, be a sore subject with you. I would not excite your wrath, but rather "provoke you to good works." Apart from the general subject there are two or three special ideas expressed in your letter from which I venture to dissent. You think that, though a minister may speak from the pulpit on politics he ought not to indicate what party he belongs to. It strikes me. that if he has a party, and wants to give it ecclesiastical aid or com fort, he shouli boldly avow himself to be what he is, so that all men may know bun. Sincerity is the first of virtues. It is bad to be a wolf, but a wolf in sheep's clithingis infinitely worse. You represent the Church as an unfinished structure and the State as its scaffoldings I think the church came perfect from the hand of its divine Architect—built upon a rock, established, finished, complete — and everv one who comes into it by the righf door will find a mansion prepared for him. It needs no scaffold. Its founder refused'alE connection with human governments for scaffolding or any other purpose. You say (in substance)that, without sometimes taking political subjects, a min ister is in danger of falling into a "vague, indefinite, and r.on-committal style," whicb will do no good and bring him no respect. The gospel is not vague, indefinite or non committal upon the subjects of which it takes jurisdiction, and upon then) you may preach as loudly as you please. But I ad mit that in times of great public excitement -an important election or a civil war— men listen impatiently to the teachings of faith and repentance. A sermon which tels them to do justice, love mercy and walk humbly before God, is not an entertain ment to whicb willingly invite them selves. At such a time a clergyman CAM vastly increase bis personal consequence, and win golden opinions from his audience, by pampering their passions with a highly seasoned discourse on politics. The temp tation .to gratify them often becomes too strong for the virtue of the preacher. I fear that you yourself are yielding to it. — As a naere layman I have 110 right to ad vise a Doctor of Divinity, but 1 hope 1 am not over presumptuous when I wain you against this spacious allurement of Satan.— All thoughts of putting the Gospel aside be cause it does not suit the depraved tastes of the day, and making political harangues to win popularity in a bad world, should be sternly trampled down as the suggestions of that Evil One, "who was a liar and & murderer from the beginning. Faithfully yours, Ac," J. S. BLACK. York, July 25, ISC6. A BIT OF a SlLVEß, —California has long b°en celebrated for "big things," animal and vegetable, and the following adds to the list:— Before Justice F , at San Juan, Ne vada County, was brought a Hibernian, charged with assault and battery upon a fel low-countryman. Manv witnesses were ex amined ; and, finally, Jimmy C -■■ -wa* called to the stand. "Mr C —, state what you know about tills case." "Well, your honor, Barney and Patrick had a bit of a (]uarrel about some wood they had been cutting. They were standing near the wood-pile in front of the house,and at ter jawing a little, Barney picked up a bit a silver, and give Patrick a little tap on the head, and he went over on to the wood pile—and that was all there was about it," f Justice F —"You say Barney hit Patrick 011 the head withabit of a rilver. — What kind of a silver was that ?" "We li, your honor, 'twas a small thing —a bit of a chip." "But we want to know how big was it; give usyour idea of about the size of it." "Well, your honor, (after some besita* tion,)l think it was about two feet long,and about as big round as my wrist!" WHO IS OLD. —A wise man will never rust out. As long as he can move and breathe, he will do something for himself, for his neighbor or for his posterity. Al most to the last hour of his life, Welling ton was at work. So were Newton.Bacon, Milton, and Franklin. The vigor of their lives never decayed. No rust marred their spirits. It is a foolish idea to suppose that we must lie down because we are old. Who is old ? Not the man of energy ; not the day laborer in science, art or benevolence ; but he only suffers bis energies to waste timc.ar.d the spring of life to become mo tionless, on whose hands the hours drag heavily. Mr. Jenkins was dining at a very hos pitable table table, but a piece of meat near iiim was so very small that the lady of the house said to him "Prav, Mr. Jenkins, help yourself to the meat. Don't be afraid of it!" "No, indeed, madam, 1 shall not be, Fve seen a piece twice as large, and it didn't scare inc a bit." At Adrian, Mich., a lady saw an en gine house with a steeple, and innocently asked a gentleman attendant, "What church is that?" The gentleman, after reading the sign, "Deluge No. 8„" replied, "I guess it must be the Third Baptist!" Why are seamstresses not admttted into so-called fashionable society ? Be cause the shoddy and codfish aristocracy think there is no gentility in them, what sew ever. VOL. 6 NO. U