- gem ocrat. HARVEY SICKLER, Editor. TUN KHAN NOCK, PA Wednesdy, July 18, 1866. " FOR GOVERNOR, 101. IEISTEII CLYHES. OF..BERKS. A SOLDIER'S CONVENTION. —On our first page will be found a call for a soldier's Con vention to be held at Harrisburg. This call, as will be seen, is signed by a large number of Generals, Colonels, Captains, and privates, representing almost or quite every Regiment that Pennsylvania sent to the field during the late war. The idea that the soldiers of this 6tate en dorse the disunion negro equality resolves, of that little knof of radical schemers, lately assembled at Pittsburg, is ridiculous. Read the call and the names of those who make it. -'Let the galled Jade wliiee," At the head of the editorial column of the last week's Republican we find the fol lowing startling announcement; and ac companying remarks which, in order that we may do no injustice to the writer we copy in full. "Removal* from office by the action of the Ad ministration have already commenced in this Dis trict. 0. H. Loomis, Postmaster of Sterlingville has been removed without any known cause turther than that his knees were not found to be pliant) enough to b ndto every truckling behest of the dupes of the Administration about him, and the name of the of fice wag changed to that of "Meshoppen." The original name of the office was Sterlingrille. a name to which it was honestly and justly entitled, but for partisan purposes during the reign of Bu chanan it was changed to "Meshoppen," and chang ed back to its original n.'une during the Administra tion of Lincoln. Now under an administration which Mr. Loomis aided to elect, a few interested partisans, attracting to them and their base purposes all the' Copperheads of that section who had com bined to thwart the government by resisting drafts and opposing the war. conspired to rob Mr. Loom s of his office aud the office of its just name without even the shnddow of a pretext for the movement, other than the hope of a very small amount of po litical capital. This is meanness and usurpation ■combined. If the Democracy, however, has really regained power and the control of the government the sooner we know it the better. We have aimed to treat the Administration with all possible courtesy that would not require a sac rifice of principle but we ask every true and loy; 1 citizen, every fellow soldier who went forth to bat lie for his country's rights and his country's free dom. if such ingenous(ungrn r>us)trratment >s not an outrage beyond the utmost rrach of charity. Wo forbear further comment at present, but mark the final issue, for the end hath not yet come. Wi lextn also that our friend Dr Paleinon John, our Revenue Assessor has been removed and that the nomination of Robert 1". Clark has been con firmed. This was somewhat unexpected, but crafty [oliticians with oily tongues and deceitful represen tations often manage to draw false issues and rob juctice of her dues." Lieut. Burr whose appointment as Post Master at Meshoppen, Billy Burgess denounces'as an act of "meanness and usur pation eouibined went into the army in 1801> as a private soldier. After the close of the war in 1865, he' returned home having in the meantime, by his bravery and good conduct, been promoted to the first Lieutenancy of his company. A large majority of those receiving mail matter at the Meshoppen office, asked his appointment to the position of Post Mas ter. O. 11. Loorais, an open and avowed er.emy of President Johnson's reconstruc ts policy and of thejUnion,for which Lieut Burr fought, and who, like P. M. Billy, at this place, managed to evade the draft, was removed and the appointment given I jeut. Burr. The name of the Post office, (which was not changed, under President Bachanan. as slated by this veracious (?) editor,) was changed back to MesboppeD—a name by which the village is almost exclusively known, being the name of the stream, at the mouth of which it stands; and of the Township of which it is theccentrae —a name given it by the red men of the for r sts, centuries before the Sterlings' the Localises or the Biliy Burgesses came here to speculate, give names to, and hold Post offices, evade drafts, print forged en rollnn nt lists, or rail at Presidents of their own choice. On the ground of priority of settlement, to fix a name, the Aldens' and the Mow rey's built their humble cabins at the mouth of the Meshoppen, long years before the Sterlings. These names are quite as respectable and as euphonious as that of Sterling. We are not aware, even under the administration of Buchan an , that they bad the vanity to ask that the office be called ALDKNSBURQ or MOWRET TOWS ; but, were content that it be known by the name of the place in which it was located. If'hen Capt. Burr—for we have been informed since the above was written that he held a Captain*s commission) when Capt. Burr was fighting the battles for these draft sneaks, none were more profuse of praises and promise* than they—but now that he has returned a wounded, bat tle scarred hero— What an outrage ! What Usurpation, what cruelty in the Pres ident to appoint him to a little village Post-mastership ! Those long continued and loud-mouthed laudations of "our brave defenders those promises of "undying gratitude those "enduring tokens of affed* tion those "honors and emoluments— which were to be lavished in such profu sion upon him at his return, it seems, were as empty as the beads that uttered them. This is the requittal the wounded soldier gets at the hands of these fat, sleek home guard office-holders, This "meanness and usurpation this "outrage beyond the re'ach of charity this "robbery of Mr. Loomis of hi* office," which the President has been guilty of for it was he, who did all these things—con sists in the removal from office of a man who vilifies and traduces him without stint, and who, during the war by the industrious circulation of a protest prevented his town ship from raising bounties to fill its quota of men; and the appointment by the Presi dent's, in his stead, of an ardent supporter, Mr. Burr, whose mangled arm at the bat tle of Fair Oaks and whose unflinching val or on many a bloody battle-field attest his devotion to the £7nion of these states, but not to the cause of negro equality, or black republican disunionism. Ah, there's the rub ! There's where the shoe pinches! Another act of infamy and outrage — " Our friend, Dr. Palemon John, our Rev enue Assessor," the very embodiment of "justice" has been "robbed oP' his or her (the creature's sex is left doubifu!) dues." Boo! hoo!! boo!!! "This was the unkindest eat of all." What a poisoned chalic is this to Bil ly's lips ? What bitter dregs for such len der palate ? His own dear God-father, upon whose paternal breast he had rested his in fant editorial numb-skull, upon whose words of political wisdom he has fed, and grown eloquent in the ue of terms in which to denounce "Copperheads/' and above all, the man under whose political coat-tail he shel tered himself when there was a reign of drafts. The man who writes such affection ate love letters for the President (see letter in another column) who p.. raises such faith ful support "if the offices are not taken from us," This man, this paragon of perfection and political integrity, he too has gone the way of all time serving mendicants and spoils hunters. Great God! Whose turn will come next ? Don't you begin to feel sick, Billy ? Old Thad. thinks there are earth-quakes about, 'Guess so too. WHO ARE THE DISUXIONI9TS I The Damning Record. On the 14th day of December, 1863, in the House of Representatives at Washing ton, Mr. llolraan, of Indiana, a Democrat, offered a series of resolutions declaring "THAT THE STATES IX RKBELLION ARK NOT "OUT OF THE UNION, AND SHOULD NOT BE "HELD AS TERRITORIES AND SUBJUGATED "'PROVINCES ; THAT THE ONLY CONDITION "TO PROPER RELATIONS SHOULD BE UNCON "DITIOXAL SUBMISSION TO THE CONSTITU TION AND LAWB OF THE UNITED STAI ES, "AND THAT WHEN THIS 13 ACCOMPLISHED, "THE "WAR OUGHT TO CEASE." Thaddeus Stevens(disunionists) moved to lay the resolutions on the table ; which motion was carried, by a vote of EIUHTT EIGHT disunionists -all Republicans—to SIXTY-SIX Unionists— NEAßLY ALL DEM OCRATS. [See House Journal, Ist Seraion 39th Congress. Pge 49.] The vote on this resolution establishes beyond all cavil and dispute, that the Democracy are not only the true ftiends of the Union, but that they endeavored to preserve inviolate, the faith of the nation as pledged by the Crittenden resolution ; while the Republicans are the bitter and unrelenting foes of the Union, who reck lessly violated a pledge, given with a unan imity that should have sanctified it against infringement. White men of Pennsylvania, remember this record; read it to your neighbors; post it, in printed placards, in public places where it can be seen and read by all men ! EIGHTY EIGHT PEPI BMCANS voted that the States in rebellion were out of the Un- SIXTT six DEMOCRATS voted that they wcrte not" k out of the Union. EIGHTT-EIGIIT REPUBLICANS voted that the rebellions States should be Territories or subjugated provinces. SIXTT-SIX DEMOCRATS voted that they should have all their rights, unimpaired, by unconditionally submitting to the Con stitution and laws of the United States. EIGHTY EIGHT PEPUBLICANS wanted the dismembered Union of Sumner, Stevens and Geary. SIXTY-SIX DEMOCRATS wanted the un broken Union of Washington, Johnson and Clymer. EIGHTY-EIGHT REPUBLICANS violated their oaths of office, by acknowledging se cession as a "fixed fact," and changing the war for the Union into a crusade for the subjugation and annihilation of the States. SIXTY-SIX DEMOCRATS preserved their oath 6 unbroken, by repudiating the here sy of secession, and demanding that the flag that "bore on its azure field a star for every State, should also have a State for every star." These eighty-eight Republicans are for GEARY AND DISUNION. These sixty six Democrats are for Ci r- MER AND THE ULUON. KEEP IT BEPOKE THE PEOPLE. Whi are tor the Union t On the 7th day of January, 1864, Mr. Rogers, Democrat, of New Jersey, in the House of Representatives of the United States, offered resolutions, declaring that a State or States, "WHENEVER THET SHALL "DESIRE TO RETURN TO THE UNION, AN "OBIT THE CONSTIIDTIOW OF THE UNITED "STATES AND LAWS MADE IN PURSUANCE "THEREOF, HAVE A RIHT TO COME BACK "THEIR LAWS AND 'ACTS OF SECESSION BE- 'INO UNCONSTITUTIONAL AND VOID; THAT "WE ARE FOR THE MOST UNITED,"DETER "MINED, AND VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF "THE WAR, FOR THE PURPOSE OF ENFORCING "THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED "STATES AND A RESTORATION *F THE "UNION UNDER THE CONSTITUTION." Mr. Stevens (disunionist) moved that the series of resolutions be laid upon the table; which motion was carried, by a vote of seventy-eight disunionists —all Re publican—to forty-two Unionists —all Democrats. [See House Journal, Ist Session 38th Cong ess, page 116.]. What does this vote mean ? What does it assert ? What does it defend f It means that the Republicans in Congress, and the radical portion of the constituency they rep resent. were in 1864. as they are in 1866, and will ever be, opposed to the return of the rebellious States to the Union, no mat ter how repentant and submissive they may be; it asserts, that they (the rebellious States) have no right to come back, altho' we lavished millions of treasure and piled np whole hetacombs of lives to compel them to come back ; it defends a war, which, by their votes, they declared should not be prosecuted for the enforcement of the Con stitution and the restoration of the Union. In a word, this vote of the Republican par ty in Congress, proves them to be secession ists and traitors. What else does this vote meafl, assert and defend? It means, that the Demo crats in Congress, and the conservative con stituencies they represent, were in 1864, as the) are in 1866, in favor of the retu-n to the Union ot all the States who obey the Constitution and the laws ; it asserts, that this submission being shown, they have a light to come back ; and it defends the war, as one which was carried on for the sole purpose of bringing these States back, un der the Constitution, the Union and the laws. The Republican disunionists say they shall not come back; the Democratic Un ionists say they, shall come ,ack. GEARY represents tbe Republican disunionists; — CLTMER represents the Democratic Union ists. GEARY Stevens, Sumner and the "boys in black CLYMER repre sents Johnson, Cowan and the " boys in blue." Stevens, Sumner, and the "boys in black" are disunionists —so is GEARY ; Johnson, Cowan and the "boys in blue" are Unionists—so is CLYMER. VOTE FOR CLYMER! • ♦That letter." BLOOMSBIRG, March, 2, 1866. Hon. H HTCulloch. See'y of the Treasury : SIR I inclose you a copy of tny issue this week. I have likewise addressed a copy to the President — You will see that the charge that I am opposing him is false. If I am sustained by yourself and the P:esident ;* if the patronage is not taken from u* and given to tboee who oppose us, we shall be able to make our vigorous Union organisation a unit and TBUH PHASTLT SUSTAIN TBE ADMINISTRATION. Respectfully, ' PALEMON JOHN. Assessor Thirteenth Distriot Pennsylvania. The Bloomsburg Columbian in commen ting on the above letter which appeared in the last number of the Republican says it was written, as the reader will observe by its date, to the Secretary of the Treasury long after the veto of the Freedman's Bu reau Bill, and subsequent to the twenty second of February speeeh The speech as well as the veto settled with great cer tainty the President's position, and his fix ed determination to maintain it. Yet with these facts staring the Assessor in the face he gets up a copy of his paper which by implication he admits was a cheat, and so intended, and forwarded the same to the Secretary and the President with the let ter above. It would no doubt gratify pub lic curiosity tokno# how much of the Pres ident's time was consumed in the reading of the Republican. We confess this letter took us by sur prise, and we are sorry that in this we were alone. We were a stranger in this com munity, and the character of tbe writer un known to use. We did not then for a mo ment suspect that the love of filthy lucre had eaten out and consumed whatever of manliness and decency nature bad origi- i nally bestowed upon him. The letter speaks for itself, and .the character of the writer is summed up and epitomized in his prayer to the Secretary that the patronage may not be taken from him. He says he he sent to Washington for a copy of this letter. But why ? Upon information're ceived by bim that it bad been generally read by Senators, and that every Senator looked upon the writer with the loathing and disgust which such a letter must in spire in the breast of every honorable man, be sent for a copy ; and we strongly sus pect thnt his moral sense has become so perverted and depraved by greed for gain that even now he cannot appreciate the baseness of his present position. Indeed, this may be clearly inferred from tbe pub lication of this letter iu his own paper. While bis friends blush for very shame at its perusal, he gives it to the public with a bravado becoming to bim alone. The un animous confirmation of Mr. Clark by the Senate, and the refusal of t hat body to re consider the same, was-no doubt in great part due to tbe contempt of Senators of Radical proclivities for the present incum bent. The "oertrtr Caae." We have heretofore referred to the de cision of the Supreme Court, at its last session, in this place, upon what is com monly known as the "Franklin County Deserter Case." The opinions of Justices Thompson and Woodward and the dis senting opinion of Justice Reed would doubtless be read with great interest, but their length precludes their publication in our columns at present. The Harrisburg Patriot and Union a ruccioct synopsis of the case, which we adopt: "A non-reporting drafted man, named Rcily, offered to vote at an election poll in Franklin county, but bis ballot was reject ed by an election officer, named Huber, on ' the ground that his name appeared on a provost marshal's list as a deserter. Beily thereupon entered suit in the Common Pleas of Franklin county against Huber, and recovered judgment. Iluber appealed to the Supreme Court, whose decision has now been rendered affirming the judgment of the Franklin county court—which is that, lleily " not having been convicted of desertion and failure to return to service, or to report to a provost marshal, and not having been sentenced to the penalties and forfeitures of the law, was entitled to vote" Chief Justice Woodward and Justices Strong and Thompson, constituting the majority of the Court, affirmed, whilst Justices liead and Agnew dissented. "The decision of the Court does not as sume the unconstitutionality of the act of Congress, under which the case arose, though it recites the grounds upon which its constitutionality has been assailed; — first, thet it is ex post facte ; second, that it is an attempt to regulate the right of suffrage in the States ; and third, that it proposes to inflict pains and penalties be fore and without trial and conviction by due process ot law. "Upon the first, it is stated that it may be insisted that the penalty is not pre scribed for the original desertion but for persistence in desertion. "Upon the second, it is stated that the act operates only upon the individual of fender, and does not overrule State law, but leaves each State to determine the qualifications of the voter. •'Upon the third, it is stated that the law does not presume to inflict the addi tional punishment of defranchisement upon deserters, except upon trial and conviction bj court martial according to the provis ions of previous acts to which the act in question is only supplemental. "According to this view a person who deserted from the military service previous or since the passage of the act of March 3, 1865. might be disfranchised, but enly after trial by regular court martial, con viction, sentence and approval of sentence, the same as in other cases in which deser tion is punished. According to this view, also, a record from a provost marshal's office, the War Department, or Adjutant General's office, charging a man with de sertion and classifying him as a deserter, is not sufficient to entail disfranchisement: and no election officer or board of election can assume authority to reject any man's vote upon such grounds. There is no au thority, therefore, under which an election board can assume to reject such vote ex cept through the regular record of an ap proval sentence of a court martial. Elec'ion officers cannot presume to try men for the crime of de e ertion, because, among other reasons, their decision woald not be a bar to subsequent trial for the same offence by a competent tribunal, and it is not lawful to have two courts to try one offence—each to administer a portion of the punishment. Besides this, it is held that it is not in the power of Congress to confer upon an election board, which is ex clusively of State creation, jurisdiction to try offences against the United States.— Congress cannot vest the judicial power of the United States in any State or sover eignty. Hence even the Legislature of Pennsylvania cannot prescribe penalties for •fences against the United States, nor au thorize either State courts or election boards to try or punish offenders against the Uni ted States , The State disfranchisement act, based as it is upon the act of Congress and intended to be co-operative with it, is therefore a hulity. Only through courts martial can deserters be punished, and as no State is authorized to constitute such courts, the legislation falls to the ground. Although the constitutionality of the act of Congress was not an issue in the case, and although the court does not con sider that subject in full in all its bearings, Chief Justice Woodward does not hesitate to say that he considers the act to be ex post facto in respect to all soldiers who de serted prior to March 3, 1865. This decision of the Supreme Court will enable every man in Pennsylvania, quali fied under the State election laws, to vote, unless he has been tried, convicted, and sentenced to disfranchisement for desertion by court martial, and unless the sentence has been approved by the Commander in Chief of the Federal array. Should any election officer or board refuse the vote of any man, above, he or they will be subject to severe punishment. Not withstanding these facts, however, there may be attempts made to intimidate per sons voting by threats of arrest and trial by court martial for desertion. It can be authoritatively declared that court-martials are ended. There will be no more trials for desertion. The armies are disbanded the Government has no use for their ser vices; and it is not so vindictive as to bunt np victims now to punish. Besides all this it cannot afford to send out guards to hunt up deserters and maintain courts martial for their trial Each trial would cost the Government many thousand dol lars—which is an expense which the President will not by any means sanction, merely to aid politicians in making or de stroying a few votes. — Luz. Union. When a lady once asked Turner, tbe celebrated English painter, what his secret was, be replied : "I have no secret,madam, but hard work. This is a secret that many never learned, and don't succeed because they don't learn it. Labor is the genius that changes the world from ugliness to beauty, and a great curse to a great bless ing." Read I Read I t Read the following article from the Eve ning Pott , a Republican paper, edited by WILLIAM CULLKN BRYANT, and until very recently a Radical and a firm supporter of the Rump Congress. Read what he says in this article, entitled : IMPRUDENCE OF THE PROHIBITIONISTS. The majority in Congress are, under the dictation of Messrs. Morrill and Stevens,en gaged in passing a tariff bill, which, by the acknowledgement of its most determined supporters, sacrifices the revenue of the United States for the sake of protecting a few wealthy manufacturing capitalists. The arguments used to justify this atro cious act are so weak that they move to laughter those who hear the speeches of Mr. Morrill and Mr. Stevens. Mr. Morrill's strong point is that this country is greatly deficient in laborers, and that therefore it is highly necessary to provide employment for American workingmen. Mr. Stevens's strongest point is that the proposed tariff is not nearly high enough, and is, in fact.a free-trade measure. We cannot doubt that the President will veto this oppressive bill. He is too en lightened statesman, and too impartial a lover of the whole country, to give his con sent to a scheme whose effects will be, a.s we have frequently shown, to cripple our foreign commerce ; to increase the present high prices of the necessaries of life; to retard the progress of the country ; to grant monopolies to a few manufacturing capitalists, and to seduce the scanty labor ing forct of the country from profitable in to unprofitable employments, What is needed is a vcventie tariff and we hope some members of Congress will take the trouble to frame a bill to that end and propose it. In the meantime we trust the members from southern states who can take the oath will be admitted to their seats. We warn the prohibitionists that they ride too high a horse for safety. They aie trying to force a most hateful and wick ed scheme upon the country. That is bad enough ; but they are at the same time keeping out the representatives of the southern states. Are they doing this in order to make sure of their own schemes ? Is it to secure the passage of this prohibi tive and destructive bill that tbey refuse to admit the southern members ? It would seem so, from their highhanded course. The country will believe it, and they will only ruin themselves by such a course, which heaps injustice on injustice, and com mits one wrong in order to facilitate the committal of another —just as a highway man maims his victims in order the more easily to plunder their persons. The American people will not tolerate such legislation ; they will sweep away, at the first opportunity, men so faithlesss to the general warfare ; there are already signs to show that the men who vote for this tariff, especially t.nder the aggravating circumstance of the exclusion from debate and vote, of the southern members, will be left in a small minority in the next Con gress. A FEW PLAIN TKCTHS, —We copy the followiog plain talk from the Quincy (Il linois) Herald: The taxes paid by the people of the United States to the Federal Government exceed those paid by Great Britain by about one hundred and seventy millions of dollars a year; and yet the British debt is the largest owed by any government in the world except our own. A few years ago our public speakers and newspaper editors used to point to the system of taxation pre vailing in England as the most burdensome and giindingtbat afflicts any people in the world ; and now we are more heavily tax ed than the English peop'e. Ours is now the most burdensome and exhausting sys tem of taxation endured by any people in Christendom. England was about two hundred years in accumulating a debt as large as our own ; but it took our "rulers," as they call themselves, under republican domination, only four years to contract a debt about as large as that of England. All this debt was contracted, as we were told, to restore the seceding States to the Union; and put the party who coutracted the debt for this pretended purpose, now refuse to restore these States, when every obstacle to reconstruction is removed. Does such a party deserve the countenance and support of the people ? Is it not time we made a change in the men who control the affairs of our government ? A change cannot make matters worse, and unless we have a change for the better, we shall rapidly de generate into a nation of tax-ridden white slaves with lordly non-tax paying bond-hold ers over us. PLAIN AND PERTINENT TO THE TIMES. — Does any one doubt that the people of each State are best able to regulate their local affairs? and this being so, is it not true that, if nothing else, self-interest is sure to lead the people of the Southern States to take good care of their laboring population. They must do so, or pensb. It is all that they have left on which to build any hope for the future, and this without any Wash ington Bureaox. The interest of the en tire country is involved in this subject,— The New York Journal of commtrce says : "The North needs Southern prosperity The North wants Union, and the Union is valuable because of the mutual dependence and assistance of all its parts. Unless the people of the South are soon placed in control of their local affairs, we may re gard the material prosperity of the South ern States as hopelessly destroyed, or postponed for un indefinite period. The Freedmen's Bureau is doing nothing to wards restoring local or national prosperi ty. It is a drain on the national purse for evil, and very little, if any, good. Gener al Howard is entitled to credit for the best intentions, and for a sincere desire to do good; but his work is utterly vain. It is becoming a curse to both black ai d white man, and the sooner it is brought to an end, the better for all. The Cause ef Hlfh Prices and Dlatrwa. There is to day in this brpad land maoy an earnest, honest, hopeful working num. breasting the waves of adversity, his stout heart clinging to the picture he sees away off in the far of a home of his own purchased with the savings of his weelfty toil. To be sure, to-day he has no sari nga; the great war debt, with its taxes upon him, eats up all his little suiplus. The' enhanced price of the necessaries of life be' has to stagger under. He has no surplus now ; but he hopes ever. He sees the lit- - tie home, and the school house, andth e church, and his weekly news journal, and a decent wardrobe, and three good meale a day for him and his— a beautiful dream, away off in the far distant future. For the present, all is dark and gloomy, and were it n